Women's Collection from Marketing to Counter-Marketing
Consumer Beliefs and Behavior with Respect to Cigarette Smoking: A Critical Analysis of the Public Literature
Annotations
- 1. Fishbein, M. Author
- Affiliation:
University Illinois
- Affiliation:
- 2. Federal Trade Commission Recipient
- Affiliation:
Federal Trade Commission
- Affiliation:
Document Images
CONSUMER BELIEFS AND BEHAVIOR
WITH RESPECT TO CIGARETTE SMOKING:
A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE PUBLIC LITERATURE
Mar£in Fishbein, Ph.D.
university of Illinois at Champaign-Urbana
A Report Prepared for the Staff of the Federal Trade Commission
May 1977
TIMN 0240072
I

Overview
The Federal Trade Commission has several responsibilities
with respect to the advertising and promotion of cigarettes.
It is directed %o pL'event deceptive and unfair acts and practices;
it has general authority to gather information and make reports;
it has the specific obligation to report to Congress annually
on current cigarette advertising and promotion; and it is empowered
to make legislative recommendations.
These various responsibilities all require consideration
of consumer beliefs and behavior=~ with respect to smoking. This
report is in response to a Commission staff request for a critical
and analytic examination of the social psychological literature
bearing on these subjects. Although well over i0,000 references
have been considered, this report is not a literature review.
Rather, it attempts to provide a critical analysis and synthesis
of what the literature presently reveals about the role of infor-
mation and beliefs in decisions to smoke or not to smoke.
More specifically, this report is directed at two funda-
mental questions: First, it attempts to determine whether,
at the present time, the ~merican public's decision to smoke
(or not to smoke) cigarettes is an informed one. Second, it
attempts to determine whether there is anything more that could
be done to insure that decisions to smoke are informed decisions.
The report provides a method for analyzing the decision
to smoke and actions to influence it, whether by government,
public education groups, or cigarette advertisers. It also
defines areas ~=here further research is needed, and it draws
some conclusions based upon the presently available literature.
It is hoped that_ ~h~e report will be useful to all interested~
parties~whe:~h-~.f~~'~6al:of action is to~ insure the sufficiency
oE consume~ belfefS or to" influence attitudes, intentiu~s,,
behavior with respect to smokinga
Generally speaking, the main findings of this report can
be summarized as follows:
i. Provicing a person with a given piece of information
may inform the person in at least three different ways: (1)
he may b~9~Q-~-~![~ that the information exists; (2) he may
acce~t t~~~&tion ~.~enera!~ and (3) he may ~e~,~the,~
[~f~~m~tion at a ~[~Qna[~z~d?~evel. These three ways of being
informed cor~~i~~'~three levels of belief which can be illu-
strated as fol],ows:
Level 1 (Awareness): A person may believe that "The Surgeon
General has determined that cigarette
smoking is dangerous to health."
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Level 2 (General acceptance): A person may believe that
"Cigarette smoking is dange~ous to
health."
Level 3 (Pe!:sonalized acceptance): A person may believe
that "My cigarette smoking is danger-
ous to my health."
Needless to say, a person may be informed on one Level but not
on another.
2. At the present time, we know relat'ively little about
the American public's Level 1 or Level 3 beliefs about smoking
(or not smoking). With respect to Level 2 however, there is
sufficient evidence to conclude that the American public is not
well informed at the present time.
For example, approximately 25% of the total population
and almost 50% of all current smokers have still not fully
accepted (at Level 2) the general, undifferentiated proposition
that "Smoking cigarettes is dangerous to health." Further,
although current data are not available, there is little question
that there is even less gene[al acceptance (Level 2) of propositions
linking smoking to specific health consequences such as heart
disease, emphysema, chronic bronchitus, and lowered birth weights.
Since all available evidence suggests that personalized
acceptance lags well behind general acceptance, the above data
suggest that the American public is even less well informed
at Level 3o Thcre is also evidence (although it is not current)
that people may be misinformed about the position of various
referents with ~.epect to smoking. Finally, it should be noted
that most Americans overestimate the number of current smokers
in the U.S. pop~lation.
3. In addition to beliefs about the health hazards of
smoking, there 6~re many other beliefs that are material to smok-
ing decisions. Although the literature has pointed out that
there are a mul~.itude of factors that may be related to a given
smoking decisio,-., there is no general consensus concerning what
these factors a~ie, or how they contribute to a smoking decision.
The widely held view is that different factors underlie
different smokii~g decisions (e.g., to initiate, continue, or
stop smoking) a~Ld further, that different people may reach the
same smoking decision for different reasons. Thus, despite
the enormous am~unt of research on smoking, no systematic theory
of smoking beha~ior has been developed and there is general
agreement that no single explanation of smoking behavior is
possible.
ii

4. In marked contrast to this view, we have described
an empirically ~upported social-psychological theory of the
relationships a~ong beliefs, attitudes, intentions, and behavior
that is both consistent with, and capable of explaining, all
of the diverse Findings in the smoking literature. Perhaps
most important, this theory allows one to identify the determi-
nants of anygi~en smoking decision. More specifically, the
theory points out that:
A. A%y given smoking decision is ultimately determined
by the information the person has concerning each of the behavioral
alternatives am3ng which he or she must choose. More specifi-
cally, it is ba~ed on (a) the information (or Level 3 beliefs)
one holds concerning the positive or negative consequences that
will follow fro,n one's own performance of each of the available
alternatives (e.g., trying a cigarette and not trying a cigarette;
continuing to smoke and stopping smokin~-~-and/or (b) the beliefs
one holds about the views of various individual~, groups, or
institutions concerning one's performance of each alternative.
B. These two types of beliefs represent two major
factors underlying any given decision: (a) a personal or attitu-
dinal factor add (b) a social or normative factor. ,The relative
importance of these two .factors as determinants of any decision
varies (i) as a function of the particular decision one is con-
fronting (e.g., normative factors may be most important in the
initiation of :~moking while attitudinal factors may be most
important in i~s maintenance or cessation) and (ii) across
different individuals (e.g., attitudinal factors may be more
important in the decisions of adults while normative factors
may be more im~ortant in the decisions of teenagers).
5. The a~il.ity to identify the determinants of any given
smoking decisi,~n has many different impl~cations, including the'
following :
A. Awareness and general acceptance of information
linking smokin<; to various health hazards and/or not smoki~
to various hea~th benefits may be a necessary but not sufficient
condition for making an informed decision.
B. £n order to make a fully informed decision a person
should hava (a) ~ complete and accurate set of Level 3 beliefs
about the outcomes (both positive and negative, heal~h related
and nonhealth.related) that will follow from his or her perfor-
mance of each alternative from among which he or she must choose,
and (b) a complete and accurate set of beliefs about the normative
prescriptions of relevant referents, i'.e., beliefs that these
referents think one should (or should not) perform each available
alternative.
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C. At any Level of belief, a person may be informed
with respect to one smoking (or nonsmoking) alternative but
not with respect to another. For example, although a person
may be informed about the health hazards associated with continu-
ing to smoke, ~he may not be informed about the dangers of trying
a cigarette or o: starting to smoke. Similarly, although a
person may be informed about the advantages and disadvantages
of continuing to smoke, he may not be informed about the advan-
tages and disadvantages of continuing not to smoke or of stop-
ping smoking.
6. Given the fact that the American public is presently
uninformed (by almost any definition of informed), there is
unquestionably ~ great deal more that can be done to insure that
the public will make more informed smoking decisions. The smok-
ing literature, however, provides little insight into this pro-
blem. Indeed, ~he general consensus seems to be that because
of "the diversity of needs which impel different persons to smoke
• . . no gener_al rule concerning efforts to persuade people
not to smoke, oz to give up smoking, will be valid or effective
• . ., no singlc approach will be satisfactory for more than
a minority of i~dividuals . . ." (see Larson and Silvette, 1968,
p. 304 ).
7. In marked contrast to this position, the available
evidence indicates that it~ is possible to influen~ce~smokin~
dec isio~ns, by.~ pr,,viding~ t~e public, wi%h info~a~6~ ~ ~or example,
despite the often expressed position of the tobacco industry
that cigarette advertising does not influence the decision to
smoke but only -he brand choice of current smokers,
evid~.e~.~Suppor ~s the- conclusio.n~ that cigarette adver£~S-~
~i~{~{~ase o~eralll consum.p~i~h~:|~" ....
~
Perhaps mole important, there is
~icantly ~6ecf4as~d~~'~consufnp~£f6H and pr6du6ed large scale changes
in othe[ aspect~ of smoking behavior. ~This is not meant to imply
that most educational programs or informational campaigns have
been successful; indeed, the majority of such programs have
ended in apparent failure. However, there are enough reported
successes in the literature to warrant the conclusion that it
is possible to both inform the public and to influence their
smoking decisions.
8. There is lit{le basis for assuming that a message failed
to be persuasige because it "was avoided by people with contrary
positions or b<,cause it was fear arousing•
A. Oespite the long lasting assumption that people
avoid or fail ho.attend to information with which they disagree,
there is no ev~.dence to support this assumption• In fact, it
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appears that one's own beliefs and attitudes have little
influence on one's ability to ~ecognize or recall information
presented by an outside source.
B. De:3pite the long lasting argument that certain
types of appeals (e.g., fear appeals, rational appeals, one-
sided appeals, e~=c.) are more (or less) effective than other
types, there is ~o evidence to substantiate this argument.
In fact, it is not the type of appeal, but the content of the
appeal that determines its effectiveness.
9. Communication failures are primarily due to (a) the
selection of ina:.~propriate arguments and/or (b) a failure to
select a sufficient number of appropriate arguments.
For example, it must be recalled that beliefs about the
negative consequences of one's own smoking coexist with beliefs
about the benefits of one's smoking as well as beliefs about
the advantages a%d disadvantages of one's not smoking (or quit-
ting). Needless to say, pr~oviding information that may produce
changes in one o: two of these beliefs may not be sufficient
for either reinfDrcing or changing a smoking decision.
Further, if a person's smoking (or nonsmoking) behavior
is primarily und_~r normative control, changing beliefs about
the consequences of one's own engaging in various smoking
alternatives may have little or no influence on a person's
smoking decision. Similarly, if a person's smoking decision
is primarily under attitudinal control, providing him with
information abouh the positions of various referents with
respect to his performance of one or more alternatives may
have little or n~ influence in that decision.
Considerations such as these can account, at least in
part, for the reported failures of some antismoking educational
compaigns.
i~. It should be possible to influence a person's smoking
decision by providing information about the advantages or dis-
advantages of performing various smoking and nonsmoking alter-
natives and/or information about the views of relevant referents
with respect to the performance of those alternatives. The
exact content of the information, however, should be determined
by (a) the beliefs, attitudes, and in£entions already held by
the public with respect to different smoking and nonsmoking
alternatives; and (b) by the degree to which the decision one
wishes to affec~ is under attitudinal or normative control.
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At the pres~nt time however, we do not have enough infor-
mation about either (a) or (b) above to aid us in developing
communications that would contain the most appropriate argu-
ments for af~c%_ng a given smoking decisions Thus, although
there is much theft could be done immediately to inform the
public, much mor~ research is necessary if one wishes to max-
imize the likelihood that this information will also influence
a smoking decisic)n.
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Table of Contents
Page
Overview
i
~ntroduction 1
Section I: To What Extent Is the Decision to Smoke or Not
3
to S~oke an Informed Decision?
QI: To what ex-ent has the population of the United States
4
accepted the general, undifferentiated proposition that
smoking is dangerous?
Qla: To what ex=ent does the population of the U.S. appre-
5
ciate the gravity and import of the general proposition
that smoking is dangerous?
A. When does cigarette smoking become dangerous?
8
B. Are some cigarettes less hazardous (or safer) than
9
others?
Q2: Are there beliefs other than the one, general belief
ii
that "smoking is dangerous" that are material to the
smoking decision?
A. The relations among beliefs, ~ttitudes, intentions,
12
and behavior.
B. A review of the smoking literature: A brief, but
18
critical analysis.
I. Smoking decisions and the intention-behavior
19
rela~:ionship.
C. Beliefs ~ind attitudes as determinants of smoking
22
intentio~,s.
Q2A: Given that there are many potentially material
24
beliefs, ~:o what extent is the American public well
informed at the present time?
A. Beliefs about specific health ~consequences of smoking
25
and not smoking.
~. Beliefs ~bout the normative prescriptions of relevant
28
others.
C. Beliefs about smokers and nonsmokers.
29
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D. Beliefs about the percent of smokers in various 32
segments of the U.So population. ~
E. Beliefs about the number of cigarettes one can smoke 32
"before it becomes a habit."
Summary 33
Section II: Is There Anything That Can Be Done That Would 33
Affect the Decision to Smoke or Not to Smoke?
A. Factors influencing the smoking decision: A recon- 34
sideration.
QI: Does cigarette advertising affect the decision to 37
smoke?
A. Cigarette advertising as a cue for smoking behavior. 40
Q2: Can anti~moking information affect the decision not 42
to smokey
Q2a: To what ~Ixtent is there evidence of selective attention 42
and perc~!ption regarding information about the effects
or smoking?
Q2b: Are some types of appeals (e.g., fear appeals) more 48
(or less'l likely to be accepted by the general public?
A. Assessing the effects of persuasive communications - 52
a brief analysis.
I. Acceptance, yielding, and impact effects. 53
Q2c: To what ~xtent have various public education programs 56
and smoking clinics been successful?
A. Changes in U.S. smoking behavior. 56
I. Regional versus national samples. 59
2. Longitudinal analyses--inconsistencies between 60
cohorts.
3. Amcunt of smoking. 61
4. Per capita consumption. 63
5. In~.erpretation and conclusions about changes 65
in U..S. smoking behavior.
viii
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B. Antismok~.ng educational campaigns - a critical
69
analysis.
C. Smoking clinics and therapy programs.
88
Summary, Conclu~ions, and Recommendations for Research ~0
A. What is the current state of knowledge of the
90
America~L public?
B. Can anyLhing more be done to insure that decisions
91
to smok~.~ or not to smoke are informed ones?
C. What are the factors that influence a person's
92
decision, to smoke or not to smoke?
i. An ,~iternative view.
93
2. Recommendations for research- I.
96
D. What can be done to inform the public and affect
97
their decisions to smoke or not to smoke?
I. Possible effects of information on a decision
98
to s:noke.
2. Recommendations for research- II.
101
E. Concluding comment.
102
References 103
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