Tobacco Products Control Act Trial
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society.
And, My.Lord,..I~m going to come in a moment to_the.
evidence on that issue that we intend to call. But
before I do, I mentioned the object and purpose of the
law. And somewhat unusually, C-51 has a purpose clause
in it. If you look at Tab 3, you will see in Section 3,
that the purpose is expressly set out.
I just have one or two (2) comments on that before
I come to the evidence. I'm reading now from Section 3:
"The purpose of this Act is to provide a
legislative response to a national public
health problem of substantial and pressing
concern. And, in particular:"
And there is:
"A) To protect the health of Canadians..."
And so on, I won't read it all out.
"B) To protect young persons and others..."
And here's what I underline:
"...to the extent that is reasonable in a free
and democratic society, from inducements to
use tobacco products and consequent dependence
and to enhance public awareness of the
hazards..."
And so on.
My Lord, what is unusual in this case is that that

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clause was addedby amendment to the bill as you will
see, partly, at least,-for.the express purpose of
shielding the law from a constitutional challenge. That
this is so is evident from the language, because coming
back to the opening of Section 3, there is a reference
to a national public health problem of substantial and
pressing concern.
Now, that is the language of the case law dealing
with the legislative jurisdiction of Parliament to enact
laws for the peace, order and good government of Canada.
So Parliament has picked up here the language,
which if it was made good, would tend to show that the
Federal Parliament rather than the provinces had
jurisdiction. The language was chosen advisedly.
And then in sub-paragraph B, we find, "...to the
extent that is reasonable in a free and democratic
society." And they have picked up there the words of
Section 1 of the Canadian Charter.
There can be.no doubt that this was done with a
constitutional challenge in mind.- And were there any
doubt, it is entirely dissipated by a statement which
was made in the legislative, in the Committee studying
the Bill by Mr. Epp on the twenty-fifth (25th) of
January, nineteen eighty-eight (1988) and I'm reading
now from one of my friend's exhibits, the whole of the
AUDIOTRANSCRIPT, Division de Pi,rr, Vilaire & Associ4s U@e

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proceedings in the Parliamentary Commission have been
put before, the Court.
But this is a most remarkable statement. He said
this:
"But I think the Bill is important first to
have a purpose..."
I think there's a word or two (2) missing there.
"...and I think the amendment does that.
Second..."
And here I underline:
"...in respect to a possible Charter
challenge, it is our legal advice that if in
fact a Charte~ challenge were to be launched,
the purpose, as outlined specifically in
paragraph B, would help in terms of the
defence of the legislation."
Now, I leave that point, but say only, My Lord, it will
be for this Court to decide what the true purpose of the
legislation is. And it's so evident an attempt to
shield the law from a constitutional challenge, it
cannot avail my friends for the Attorney-General.
We will, moreover, be introducing evidence, all of
it emanating from the Government, indicating that the
true purpose of the law was quite different from that
set out in Section 3. The documentary evidence from the
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Government will show that the Government was repeatedly
advised and did itself_believe that an adver.tising ban
would be ineffective in reducing overall consumption.
I can do no better than to say that we would rely
on what the same Mr. Epp said in the House of Commons in
May of nineteen eighty-six (1986), and I am again
reading from my friend's exhibit. Mr. Epp here was
talking to Miss Lynn Macdonald, of whom there will be
more later, an NDP member, who was pressing him to ban
tobacco advertising. And here is what he said. I'm
quoting Mr. Epp.
"I am saying to her very directly, that if she
is an expert in this field at all, and if she
has looked at the effect that the banning of
advertising has on reducing the number of
smokers, then she will know that it is
painfully few. There are other steps which
one has to take.
It.might be good visuals, and she often
deals wi{h-.visuals rather than actualities, I
deal with realities."
That's Mr. Epp, My Lord, and that encapsulates the case
for the Plaintiffs. Mr. Epp later said that he had
changed his mind, perhaps he did. If he did, no doubt
the evidence on which he did so will be brought to Your
AUDIOTRANSCRIPT, Division ~le P;erre Vilaire & ,~,,,o~i~ L,~e

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Lordship's attention by my friends from the
Attorney-General.
But the second series of Government documents which
we will be introducing seem at least to indicate that
Bill C-51 was introduced by Mr. Epp in very great haste
and for the purpose of preempting a Private Member's
Bill banning tobacco advertising introduced by the same
Mrs. Macdonald, when, because of a change in
Parliamentary rules, it became apparent that Mrs.
Macdonald's Bill might pass.
Those documents indicate that the purpose of the
Government in introducing the Bill was to get the
political advantages they saw of having the Bill passed
by the Government and not by a member of the Opposition.
And we will also be introducing evidence to show
that even if the purpose of the law was that set out in
Section 3 and we say it was not, that the law
nevertheless does not meet the tests which were set out
in the Oakes case, and they've been repeated quite
frequently in different language since. But let
me just
deal briefly with that.
THE COURT:
And the latest Irwin Toy.
Me IRVING:
Irwin Toy, of course, is one of the key cases on which
AUDIOTRANSCRIPT. Oivls~on de Pi~rr~ Vil~ir~ ~ A~,so¢i~, Lt~e

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we will be relying. .For several propositions, I say
immediately: First of all, for ,the proposition that
advertising is a provincial matter. Secondly, for the
proposition that commercial expression is fully
protected by Section 2.
The first requirement under the Oakes line of cases
is that if Parliament is going to limit rights which are
set out in the Canadian Charter, which after all is a
very extraordinary step, then there must first be a
legislative purpose which is sufficiently pressing and
substantial to justify interfering with rights which are
guaranteed to us all by law.
My client, and Imperial as well, have both taken
the position in the pleadings that if the purpose of the
law is that stated in section 3, if the purpose is to
reduce the incidence of smoking, it is not -- it is not
contended on our part that the purpose test would not be
met.
In short; legislation to reduce the incidence of
smoking would have sufficiently important purpose to
pass the first test set out. We did not put that in
issue.
However, even if the purpose is satisfactory, there
remain other tests and it is those tests which we say
Bill 51 fails.
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THE COURT:
I'm not.sure I:understand exactly what you,re saying.
You say that if the purpose of the Act is what?
Me IRVING:
The stated purpose of the Act, My Lord, is to reduce the
incidence of smoking, and in paragraph twenty-nine (29)
of our motion we said,
"For the purpose of this motion applicant has
not put in issue the legislative purpose of
the control~Act, as stated in section 3
thereof."
So what I am saying is, we're not inviting the Court to
say that Bill C-51 fails the legislative purpose test.
If, but only if, Your Lordship finds that the purpose
really is, as stated in section 3.
So, that would be one hurdle passed by my friends
on the other side. The attack under the Charter relates
to the other tests set out in Oakes. And the Chief
Justice of Canada~in that case said: well, if there is a
legislative purpose which is important.enough, then you
must turn your attention to the means which Parliament
has adopted to deal to attain that purpose.
He put it in 0akes that the means would have to be
carefully designed to achieve the objective and to be
rationally connected with that objective. And that test
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has been restated, with differences of language, quite
frequently since~
The objective, according to section 3, is to
suppress the use of tobacco products. The means is to
ban advertising on all tobacco products by Canadian
manufacturers in Canada. It will be our case that, far
from having been carefully designed to achieve that end,
the ban on Canadian advertising of Canadian tobacco
products was enacted with the full knowledge that it
would not achieve that end.
It will be our evidence that the government didn't
believe that it would achieve that purpose and it will
be our evidence that it will not achieve that purpose.
Now, the burden here, of course, falls on the
Attorney General, as was established in the Oakes case.
And it was in that case that the Chief Justice pointed
out that the burden is a heavier one than it is in an
ordinary civil case; the proof to a balance of
probabilities will not suffice. It,s something short of
proof beyon~-a reasonable-doubt, but it requires proof
to a high degree of probability, because...
THE COURT:
No, it's been watered down a bit.
Me IRVING:
Yes, but one must still remember, My Lord, we're dealing
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with protected rights which are being infringed,, and it
would only.be reasonable that the.burden of proof would
be substantial.
There is no burden on the applicant to show that a
ban on advertising is not justified. And as a matter of
law, it will be sufficient for us to simply put before
you brief evidence as to the advertising practices of
the company and sit down. However, we are going to go
beyond that limited objective.
We will first call Mr. Peter Hoult, who at the time
Bill C-51 was enacted was the President and the Chief
Executive Officer of RJR Macdonald. His background with
the company, prior to becoming President and Chief
Executive Officer, was in the marketing area. And he
will explain the nature and the purpose and the function
of advertising within the company as, in fact, it was
carried on in the years preceding the ban.
We will be filing, through Mr. Hoult, a rather
limited number-of documents, which are really all agreed
documents and I've put them in a book which I'll hand in
when Mr. Hoult takes the stand, My Lord, so that the
Court will be able to follow his evidence through the
document.
I'm sorry.
that I have a very bad cold.
My problem with my voice, My Lord, is
I apologize. It's an
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annual event and.it happened to fall on today.
Me BAKER:
This will not trigger an application for another
postponement.
Me IRVING:
No. Now, My Lord, not because there's any evidentiary
burden resting on the applicant, but just so that our
evidence can be represented as a coherent whole, we will
be calling, after Mr. Hoult has testified and his
opposite number or numbers at Imperial have testified, a
limited number of expert witnesses, really to confirm
much of what Mr. Hoult will have said, but to show
essentially that the purpose of brand advertising for
products, such as cigarettes, which are universally
known, is an attempt to keep the loyalty, the brand
loyalty of those who are already using a particular
brand and to try to persuade smokers of other brands to
switch. That expert evidence will indicate that
advertising for products in a. mature market, a market
for a product which is universally known and universally
available, doesn't affect overall consumption, but does
affect brand preference and brand share.
There will also be evidence through Mr. Hoult that
RJR Macdonald has never advertised to children, that it
doesn't advertise to anyone under the age of eighteen
