Tobacco Institute
Working Paper Series; the Social Security Cost of Smoking
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- 1. Shoven, J.B. Author
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WORKING PAPERSERIES
= THE SOCIAL SECURITY
COST OF SMOKING
John B. Shoven
Jeffrey 0. Sundberg
John-P. Bunker
Working Paper No..2234
J
NATIONAL BUREAU OF ECONOMIC RESEARCH, INC.
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The National Bureau of Economic Research is a private,
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NBER WORKING PAPER SERIES
THE SOCIAL SECURITY
COST OF SMOKING
John B. Shoven
Jeffrey 0. Sundberg
John P. Bunker
Working Paper No. 2234
NATIONAL BUREAU OF ECONOMIC RESEARCH
1050 Massachusetts Avenue
Cambridge, MA 02138
May 1987
Paper presented at the National Bureau of Economic Research Conference on the
Economics of Aging, March 19-22, 1987, New Orleans, LA. This work originated
when John Shoven and John Bunker were Fellows at the Center for Advanced Study
in the Behavioral Sciences in 1984-85. The research reported here is part
of the NBER's research program in Taxation. Any opinions expressed are those
of the authors and not those of the National Bureau of Economic Research.
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NBER Working Paper #2234
May 1987
The Social Security Cost of Smoking
ABSTRACT
Our paper is an examination of the Social Security cost of smoking from-an
individual point of view. It is well known that smokers have a shorter life
expectancy than nonsmokers. This meaas that by smoking they are giving up
potential Social Security benefits. We estimate this cost and consider the
effects on the system as a whole.
We use mortality ratios, which relate the annuall death probabilities of
smokers and nonsmokers, and the percentage of smokers in each age group to
break down the life tables for men and women born in 1920 into the approximate
life tables for smokers and nonsmokers. We then calculate expected Social
Security taxes and benefits for each group, using median earnings as a base.
We find that smoking costs men about $20,000 and women about $10,000 in
expected net benefits.
The implication of this for the system as a whole is that the prevalence
of smoking has a direct effect on the financial viability of the system; every
decrease in the number of smokers in society increases the system's liability.
Changes in smoking behavior should be recognized as affecting the system.
John B: Shoven Jeffrey 0. Sundberg John P. Bunker
Department of Economics Department of Economics Stanford University
Stanford University Stanford University School of Medicine
Encina Hall, 4th Floor Stanford, CA 94305 HRP Building Room #7
Stanford, CA 94305
(415) 723-3712
(415) 725-0959 Stanford, CA 94305
(415) 723-6426
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1. INTRODIICTION
Smoking in the United States is associated with enormous costs to society.
The Congressional Office of Technology Assessment has estimated the annual cost
of medical care for smoking related illness at $15 to $30 billion, and that
smoking relatad illness is responsible for an additional $49 to $70 billion in
lost productivity. There are also substantial costs to tha individual who
smokes in tarms of lost wages over a life time., primarily affecting those who
- -
die of smoking related disT -- --- -f
ease while still active wage earners in the work
force. Costs to tha individual also include approximately $500 to $1,000 per
annum for pack and two pack-a-day smokers to purchase cigarettes. An
additional cost to the individual is the loss of Social Security benefits as a
result of smoking-induced loss of life expectancy. The data presented herein
estimate the magnituda of this loss for single and married man and women born
in 1920 and 1923, respectively. .
Whila most of the previous literature on the costsof smoking and the
benefits of quitting has overlooked the implications of smoking behavior on
pension plans (see, for example, Oster, Colditz, and Kally (1984)), this is by
no means universal. Gori at al. (1983) estimated that the savings realized by
Ford Motor Company if the health of their employees improved (in terms of less
expensive medical insurance, disability insurance, and life insurance) would be
much smaller than the additional pension costs due to their increased
longevity. Atkinson and Townsend (1971) noted that the financial benefits the
British National Health Service would enjoy if there was a forty percent
reduction in smoking in Britain would be more than offset by the increased cost
of retirement pensions.
In this paper, we examine the Social Security consequences of smoking from
the individual or household perspective. From that vantage point, Social
Security can be thought of as a prepaid life annuity. Contributions or taxes
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are collected during one's work life which entitle on. to an indexed life
annuity beginning at age 65. The anauity can be commeaced at age 62 with a
roughly fair actuarial adjustment, and can be started at an age beyond 65 with
somewhat higher benefits reflecting the shorter expected remaining lifetime.
In general, the system is not actuarially fair (favoring some cohorts relative
to others, those with low incomes or short covered careers relative to others,
and aarrieds, especially ons.eaxn.r couples, relative to singles).
, . . _.._ ..._,~
. . . ... _ , _ . . . .. ..
Our point is that the system is unfair in a way very relevant to the
decision of whether or not to smoke. Social Security does not have separate
b.ae it structures for smakers aad nonsmokers even though sackers have a much
ry
lower chance of reaahing retirement age and a shorter expected length of
retirement conditional on reaching that age. The Office of Technology
Assessment (1985) estimated that 273,000 people died in the United States in
1982 of smoking related disease. Of those, 44 percent, or 121,000 died before
they reached their 65th birthday. They may have never collected anything from
Social Security. If they were married, their spouse may collect widov's
benefits, but it is clear that their premature deaths greatly reduce their
return on their participation in Social Security.
Smoking also affects the Medicare portion of the Social Security system.
While we concentrate on OASI, it is probably worth noting that the health
insurance component is similarly affected. Many estimates of the effect of
smoking on the total demand for health care services in the country find that
it is small in the long run. Smokers certainly experience more health problems
per year of life, but this is offset by the fact that they live fewer years.
With a lower incidence of smoking, there would be more elderly who require
additional health care services. The reduced demand caused by the improved
health status of the former smokers is offset by extra care needed by the
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additional elderly. There might be some initial reduction in the demand for
health care if smoking was reduced. The improvements in health status would
presumably occur before the age structure was significantly altered. However,
in the long run the two effects offset each other.
Despite the fact that total health care dsmand may be little affected by
smoking, Medicare's finances are almost certainly affected. The reason is that
it is a prepaid health insurance annuity for those aver 65. Medicare does not
bear the higher health costs of nonelderly sac1cers, but benefits financially
from the fewer numbers of elderly due to smoking. The other side of the coin
is that smokers, as with their retirement benefits, pay while they work for old
age health insurance which they are less likely to collect, or to collect for a
shorter period than nosumokers. Wright (1986) estimates that each person who
quits smoking increases the deficit faced by the HI component of Social
Security for just these reasons.
Our study is the QASI analog of Wright's HI research. We assemble
separate life tables for smokers and nonsmokers and then estimate the Social
Security taxes, benefits, and transfers for members of the 1920 birth cohort.
We do this for those who earn median wages for their age and cohort and for
those who eara 60 percent of the median, in each case beginning at age 20. The
results can be previewed by saying that we find the expected loss in net Social
Security benefits accompanying smoking to be very large relative to the other
costs of smoking. The loss exceeds the lifetime costs of cigarettes, is large
relative to the estimates of the medical costs and lost wages due to excess
morbidity and mortality, and is perhaps tan times greater than the
corresponding Medicare figures of Wright.
The next section of the oaper briefly reviews what is laiown about the
effect of smoking on mortality. It discusses disease specific effects and also
our technique of using mortality ratios to yield approximate separate life
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tables for smokers and nonsmokers. The third section of the paper describes
our simulation procedure for calculating the Social Security costs of smoking.
It presents separate results for single individuals, one-earner and two-earner
couples because of their separate treatment by Social Security. We conclude
the paper with an interpretation of what our findings imply about thu private
and social incentives to quit smoking.
I
2: EFFECT OF SMOKING ON MOSTALITI
There can be no statistical doubt that smoking is associated with
increased mortality hazard rates. The overall finding of the 1979 Surgeon
General's report on tiae subject was that ths mortality of all male cigarette
smokers is about 170 percent of that of male nonsmokers. For two-pac3r a-day
smokers, the average mortality ratio is 200 percent. For particular diseases
the relative hazard is even greater~. For-exampls, two separate studies find
smokers are between 9 and 15 times more likely than nonsmokers to die of lung
cancer (Lubin at al. (1984) and Cowell and Hirst (1980)). The risk of dying of
arterosclerotic and degenerative heart disease and myocardial insufficiencies
has been estimated at 2.7 times as great for smokers as nonsmokers (Cowell and
Hirst (1980)). There is further evidence that there is a significant
interai~cion between smoking and other environmental factors such as exposure to
asbestos. The finding is that while smoking is a major cause of lung cancer,
smoking combined with other assaults (such as industrial exposure) greatly
incra-Uses the mortality hazards (Schneiderman and Lsvin (1974).
Our development of separate life tables for smokers and nonsmokers
utxflizes the findings<of E.C. Hammond (1966) regarding the effect of smoking on
mortality. Working for tize American Cancer Sociery, he conducted a comprehensive
four-year study tracking a population of over one million subjects. He
determines the death rates and the prevalence of certain causes of death for
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smokers and nonsmokers of many different characteristics. The technique was to
examine death certificates for the cause of death and to request information
from the attending doctor whenever cancer was mentioned on the death
certificate. Hammond's results are a very detailed set of mortality ratios1
for different types of smokers and for several different causes of death.
In 1959 and 1960, Fiammond enrolled over one million volunteers from
twenty-five different states to provide data on mortality. Subjects were
classified by sex, age, type of tobacco smoked (cigarette, cigar, pipe, or
none), age at which subject began smoking, daily amount of smoking, and degree
of smoke inhalation. Each subject was contacted annually for four years to
track the number and timing of fatalities in each group. Death certificates
were received for over 97% of reported deaths to provide better information as
to causes of death.
IIsing the accumulated data, Hammond combined subjects with similar
characteristics into five-year and ten-year age cohorts, and divided the number
of deaths in each cohort during the study period by the number of "person-
years" experienced in each cohort. This provided cohort death rates over the
period for groups of similar age and sex, and varying smoking habits. This
allowed Hammond to calculate mortality ratios for different groups. A sample
r,
of his findings is shown in Table 1.
The separate mortality tables that we have produced are contained in the
Appendix to this paper. The basic life tables used are the cohort life tables
for men and women born in 1920, as estimated by the Social Security
Administration. The mortality hazards are shown in column 8 of the appendix
table for men and women. If we let Q~(4) represent the one-year death
probability for males as a function of age (similarly Qw(a) for females),
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