Tobacco Institute
Consumer Beliefs and Behavior With Respect to Cigarette Smoking: a Critical Analysis of the Public Literature
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- 1. Federal Trade Commission Recipient
- Affiliation:
Federal Trade Commission
- Affiliation:
- 2. Fishbein, M. Author
- Affiliation:
University Illinois
- Affiliation:
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CONSUMER BELIEFS AND BEHAVIOR
WITH RESPECT TO CIGARETTE SMOKING:
A CRI'PICAL ANALYSIS OF THE PUBLIC LITERATURE
Martin Fishbein, Ph.D.
University of Illinois at Champaign-Urbana
A Report Prepared for the Staff of the Federal Trade Commission
'May 1977
'TIld/IN 0240072

Overview
The Federal Trade Commission has several responsibilities
with respect to the advertising and promotion of cigarettes.
It is directed to prevent deceptive and unfair acts and practices;
it has general authority to gather information and make reports;
it has the specific obligation to report to Congress annually
on current cigarette advertising and promotion; and it is empowered
to make legislative recommendations.
These various responsibilities all require consideration
of consumer beliefs and behavior=; with respect to smoking. This
report is in response to a Commission staff request for a critical
and analytic examination of the social psychological literature
bearing on these subjects. Although well over 10,000 references
have been cons idered, this report is not a literature review.
Rather, it attempts to provide a critical analysis and synthesis
of what the literature presently reveals about the role of infor-
mation and beliefs in decisions to smoke or not to smoke.
More specifically, this report is directed at two funda-
mental questions: First, it attempts to determine whether,
at the present time, the American public's decision to smoke
(or not to smoke) cigarettes is an informed one. Second, it
attempts to determine whether there is anything more that could
be done to insure that decisions to smoke are informed decisions.
The report provides a method for analyzing the decision
to smoke and actions to influence it, whether by government,
public education groups, or cigarette advertisers. It also
defines areas ::,here further research is needed, and it draws
some conclusions based upon the presently available literature.
It is hoped th;%t the, report will be useful to all interested*
parties whe,thef:`i gQal__-of action is to insure the- sufficieney
of"consumer beliefs or to-influence attitucies,, int,entions, arad
behavior with respect to smoking.*
Generally speaking, the main findings of this report can
be summarized as follows:
1. Provic-.ing a person with a given piece of information
may inform the person in at least three different ways: (1)
he may Yaeco~e ~~~t.~ that the information exists; (2) he may
accept the naformation .i.~ ~enera~.a and (3) he may aq ,ept-,-the
~.n'formation at a~a~sonanzed lev*1* These three ways of being
informed corre ,pond to three levels of belief which can be illu-
s trated as fol l.ows :
Level 1(:`.wareness): A person may believe that "The Surgeon
General has determined that cigarette
smoking is dangerous to health."
i
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Level 2(GeileLal acceptance): A person may believe that
"Cigarette smoking is dangerous to
health."
Level 3(Pe-..sonalized acceptance): A person may believe
that "My cigarette smoking is danger-
ous to my health."
Needless to say, a person may be informed on one Level but not
on another.
2. At the present time, we know relatively little about
the American pubLic's Level 1 or Level 3 beliefs about smoking
(or not smoking). With respect to Level 2 however, there is
suf f ic ient ev ide nce to conclude that the Amer ican publ ic is not
well informed at the present time.
For example, approximately 25% of the total population
and almost 50% of all current smokers have still not fully
accepted (at Level 2) the general, undifferentiated proposition
that "Smoking cigarettes is dangerous to health." Further,
although current data are not available, there is little question
that there is even less general acceptance (Level 2) of propositions
linking smoking to specific health consequences such as heart
disease, emphysema, chronic bronchitus, and lowered birth weights.
Since all available evidence suggests that personalized
acceptance lags well behind general acceptance, the above data
suggest that the American public is even less well informed
at Level 3. Th^re is also evidence (although it is not current)
that people may be misinformed about the position of various
referents with repect to smoking. Finally, it should be noted
that most Ameriuans overestimate the number-of current smokers
in the U. S. popt°lation.
3. In addition to beliefs about the health hazards of
smoking, there ure many other beliefs that are material to smok-
ing decisions. Although the literature has pointed out that
there are a mul~:itude of factors that may be related to a given
smoking decisiof., there is no general consensus concerning what
these factors ai'e, or how they contribute to a smoking decision.
The widely held view is that different factors underlie
different smoking decisions (e.g., to initiate, continue, or
stop smoking) acid further, that different people may reach the
same smoking de,:ision for different reasons. Thus, despite
the enormous amount of research on smoking, no systematic theory
of smoking behavior has been developed and there is general
agreement that no single explanation of smoking behavior is
possible.
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TIMN 024®®74.

4. In mar;:ed contrast to this view, we have described
an empirically =supported social-psychological theory of the
relationships ainong beliefs, attitudes, intentions, and behavior
that is both coasistent with, and capable of explaining, all
of the diverse :indings in the smoking literature. Perhaps
most important, this theory allows one to identify the determi-
nants of any-gi-ien smoking decision. More specifically, the
theory po ints out that :
A. AZy given smoking decision is ultimately determined
by the information the person has concerning each of the behavioral
alternatives amDng which he or she must choose. More specifi-
cally, it is baaed on (a) the information (or Level 3 beliefs)
one holds concerning the positive or negative consequences that
will follow from one's own performance of each of the available
alternatives (e.g., trying a cigarette and not trying a cigarette;
continuing to snoke and stopping smoking) and/or (b) the beliefs
one holds about the iv ews of various individuals, groups, or
institutions concerning one's performance of each alternative.
B. These two types of beliefs represent two major
factors underlying any given decision: (a) a personal or attitu-
dinal factor and (b) a social or normative factor. The relative
importance of these two factors as determinants of any decision
varies (i) as ;n function of the particular decision one is con-
fronting (e.g., normative factors may be most important in the
initiation of =_,moking while attitudinal factors may be most
important in its maintenance or cessation) and (ii) across
different individuals (e.g., attitudinal factors may be more
important in ti.e decisions of adults while normative factors
may be more important in the decisions of teenagers).
5. The al>ility to identify the determinants of any given
smoking decision has many different implications, including the'
following:
' A. Awareness and general acceptance of information
linking smokinq to various health hazards and/or not smoki"
to various heai.th benefits may be a necessary but not sufficient
condition for making an informed decision.
B. En order to make a fully informed decision a person
should have (a) a complete and accurate set of Level 3 beliefs
about the outcames (both positive and negative, health related
and nonhealthrelated) that will follow from his or her perfor-
mance of each alternative from among which he or she must choose,
and (b) a complete and accurate set of beliefs about the normative
prescriptions of relevant referents, i'.e., beliefs that these
referents think one should (or should not) perform each available
alternative.
TIMN 0240075

C. At any Level of belief, a person may be informed
with respect to one smoking (or nonsmoking) alternative but
not with respect to another. For example, although a person
may be informed .about the health hazards associated with continu-
ing to smoke,,he may not be informed about the dangers of trying
a cigarette or o: starting to smoke. Similarly, although a
person may be inEorx?ed about the advantages and disadvantages
of continuing to smoke, he may not be informed about the advan-
tages and disadvantages of continuing not to smoke or of stop-
ping smoking.
6. Given the fact that the American public is presently
uninformed (by almost any def inition of informed ), there is
unquestionably a great deal more that can be done to insure that
the public will make more informed smoking decisions. The smok-
ing literature, however, provides little insight into this pro-
bleai. Indeed, the general consensus seems to be that because
of "the diversity of needs which impel different persons to smoke
... no general rule concerning efforts to persuade people
not to smoke, oL to give up smoking, will be valid or effective
..., no singic approach will be satisfactory for more than
a minority of iiAividuals ..." (see Larson and Silvette, 1968,
p. 304).
7. In marked contrast to this position, the available
ev idence ind icaces that it, is- poss ible to inf Iucnce smok in4
.:.
decisiana_- by., pr~zviding-- tY~e public.h wifi.h inforination .a ~or example,
despite the oftz~n expressed position of the tobacco industry
that cigarette advertising does not influence the decision to
smoke but only `_he brand choice of current smokers, the $va.ilablt
. _.~, ,x
evidg~~e,~suppor Gs the conclusion- that ca.garette~ advertisin~
does increase- o-Jera1.1 consumpt-fon:1
~
Perhaps more important, there is consider4b:i<.e- _~.v_idenc:e.--thstf%-
ppviding :-the- :A ner 4.c4 n 8Dut#l ic -with antismok inc_i.a~ox_ma_tion- sig~n~o`
ficantlYdecreased consumPtiori and Pro Y
duce3 large scale changes
in other- aspect3 of smokingg behavior .iThis is not meant to imply
that most educational programs or informational campaigns have
been successful; indeed, the majority of such programs have
ended in apparent failure. However, there are enough reported
successes in the literature to warrant the conclusion that it
is possible to both inform the public and to influence their
smoking decisions.
8. There is little basis for assuming that a message failed
to be persuasive because it `was avoided by people with contrary
positions or b_-!cause it was fear arousing.
A. Despite the long lasting assumption that people
avoid or fail ~:od attend to information with which they disagree,
there is no evi.dence to support this assumption. In fact, it
b
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appears that one s own beliefs and attitudes have little oc no
influence on one's ability to Lecognize or recall information
presented by an outside source.
B. De=ipite the long lasting argument that cer tain
types of appeals (e.g., fear appeals, rational appeals, one-
sided appeals,' e:c.) are more (or less) effective than other
types, there is zo evidence to substantiate this argument.
In fact, it is not the type of appeal, but the content of the
appeal that dete.mines its effectiveness.
9. Communi,:ation failures are primarily due to (a) the
selection of ina;?propriate arguments and/or (b) a failure to
select a suffici.Bnt number of appropriate arguments.
For example, it must be recalled that beliefs about the
negative conseq u=:nces of one's own smoking coexist with beliefs
about the benefits of one's smoking as well as beliefs about
the advantages azd disadvantages of one's not smoking (or quit-
ting). Needless to say, providing information that may produce
changes in one o: two of these beliefs may not be sufficient
for either reinfarcing or changing a smoking decision.
Further, if a person's smoking (or nonsmoking) behavior
is primarily under normative control, changing beliefs about
the consequences of one's own engaging in various smoking
alternatives may have little or no influence on a person's
smoking decision. Similarly, if a person's smoking decision
is primarily under attitudinal control, providing him with
information about the positions of various referents with
respect to his performance of one or more alternatives may
have little or nD influence in that decision.
Considerations such as these can account, at least in
part, for the reported failures of some antismoking educational
compaigns.
10'. It should be possible to influence a person's smoking
decision by providing information about the advantages or dis-
advantages of performing various smoking and nonsmoking alter-
natives and/or information about the views of relevant referents
with respect to the performance of those alternatives. The
exact content of the information, however, should be determined
by (a) the beliefs, attitudes, and intentions already held by
the public with respect to different smoking and nonsmoking
alternatives; and (b) by the degree to which the decision one
wishes to affect- is under attitudinal or normative control.
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At the pres:_~nt time however, we do not have enough infor-
mation about eiti~er (a) or (b) above to a~d us in developing
communications that would contain the most appropriate argu-
ments for_ affpct-_ng a given smoking decision.-.- Thus, although
there is much thtt could be done immediately to inform the
public, much mor=~ research is necessary if one wishes to max-
imize the likelihood that this information will also influence
a smoking decision.
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Table of Contents
Overview
Introduction
Section I: To What Extent Is the Decision to Smoke or Not
to S,toke an Informed Decision?
Page
i
1
3
Qi: To what ex:ent has the population of the United States 4
accepted the general, undifferentiated proposition that
smoking is dangerous?
Q1a: To what ex:ent does the population of the U.S. appre- 5
ciate the gravity and import of the general proposition
that smokizg is dangerous?
A. When does cigarette smoking become dangerous? 8
B. Are some cigarettes less hazardous (or safer) than 9
others?
Q2: Are there beliefs other than the one, general belief 11
that "smoking is dangerous" that are material to the
smoking decision?
A. The relations among beliefs, attitudes, intentions, 12
and behavior.
B. A review of the smoking literature: A brief, but 18
critical analysis.
1. Smoki.ng decisions and the intention-behavior 19
rela;:ionship.
C. Beliefs and attitudes as determinants of smoking 22
intent ioris .
Q2A: Given tha;: there are many potentially material 24
beliefs, ;:o what extent is the American public well
informed .3t the present time?
A. Beliefs .3bout specific health 'consequences of smoking
and not smoking.
25
B. Beliefs about the normative prescriptions of relevant 28
others.
C. Beliefs about smokers and nonsmokers.
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n. Beliefs about the percent of smokers in various
segments of the U.S. population.
32
E. Beliefs about the number of cigarettes one can smoke 32
"before it becomes a habit."
Summary 33
Section II: Is There Anything That Can Be Done That Would 33
Affect the Decision to Smoke or Not to Smoke?
A. Factors influencing the smoking decision: A recon- 34
sideration.
Qi: Does cigarette advertising affect the decision to 37
smoke?
A. Cigarette advertising as a cue for smoking behavior. 40
Q2: Can anti-,moking information affect the decision not 42
to smoke:'
Q2a: To what -,xtent is there evidence of selective attention 42
and percz!ption regarding information about the effects
or smoking?
Q2b: Are some types of appeals (e.g., fear appeals) more 48
(or lessj likely to be accepted by the general public?
A. Assessing the effects of persuasive communications - 52
a brief analysis.
1. Acc-~ptance, yielding, and impact effects. 53
Q2c: To what extent have various public education programs 56
and smoking clinics been successful?
A. Changes in U.S. smoking behavior. 56
1. Regional versus national samples. 59
2. Longitudinal analyses--inconsistencies between 60
cohorts.
3. Amcunt of smoking. 61
4. Per capita consumption. 63
5. Ini,erpretation and conclusions about changes 65
in U.,S. smoking behavior.
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B. Antismoki,ng educational campaigns - a critical
analysis. 69
C. Smoking ,:linics and therapy programs. 88
Summary , Conclu-cions, and Recommendations for Research C) 0
A. What is the current state of knowledge of the 90
Amer ican publ ic?
B. Can anyi_hing more be done to insure that decisions 91
to smoko or not to smoke are informed ones?
C. What ar_a the factors that influence a person's 92
decision to smoke or not to smoke?
1. An alternative view. 93
2. Recommendations for research - I. 96
D. What can be done to inform the public and affect 97
their decisions to smoke or not to smoke?
1. Possible effects of information on a decision 98
to s.noke.
2. Reconmendations for research - II. 101
E. Concluding comment. 102
References 103
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