Tobacco Institute
Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People a Report of the Surgeon General
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The task is by no means easy. This report underscores the commitment all of us
must have to the liealth of young people in the United States. Substantial work will be
required to translate the justification, the means, and the will into a world in which
young people no longer want to smoke. I, for one, relish the task.
M. Joycelyn Elders, M.D.
Surgeon General
`U TIMN 0138850

Preventing
Tobacco Use
Among Young People
CENTERS FOR DISEASE COHiRCL
AND PREVENTK)N
A Report of the
Surgeon General
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES
Public Health Service
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention
National Center for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion
Office on Smoking and Health
TIMN 0138843

Preventing
acco
Tob Use
Among Young People
A Report of the
Surgeon General
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES
Public Health Service
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention
National Center for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion
Offlce on Smoking and Health
TIMN 0138844,

Suggested Citation
U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People:
A Report of the Surgeon General. Atlanta, Georgia: U.S. Department of Health and Human
Services, Public Health Service, Centers for Disease Control'and Prevention,lVational Center
for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion, Office on Smoking and Health, 1994.
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington,
D.C., 20402, S/N 017-001-00491-0.
Use of trade names is for identification only and does not constitute endorsement by the Public
Health Service or the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.
TIMN 0138845

Chapter 1
Introduction, Summary, and Chapter Conclusions
Introduction 5
Development of the Report 5
Major Conclusions 5
Summary 6
Introduction 6
Health Consequences of Tobacco Use Among Young People 6
The Epidemiology of Tobacco Use Among Young People 7
Efforts to Prevent the Onset of Tobacco Use 8
Summary 8
Chapter Conclusions 9
Chapter 2. The Health Consequences of Tobacco Use by Young People 9
Chapter 3. Epidemiology of Tobacco Use Among Young People in the United States 9
Chapter 4. Psychosocial Risk Factors for Initiating Tobacco Use 9
Chapter 5. Tobacco Advertising and Promotional Activities 10
Chapter 6. Efforts to Prevent Tobacco Use Among Young People
10
References 11
TIMN 0138858

?I
Health Consequences of Smokeless Tobacco Use Among Young People 39
Introduction 39
Epidemiologic Evidence 39
Health Consequences 39
Nicotine Addiction 40
Smokeless Tobacco Use as a Risk Factor for Cigarette Smoking 40
Smokeless Tobacco Use as a Risk Factor for Other Drug Use 41
Conclusions 41
References 42
TIMN 0138867

THE SECRETARY OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES
WASHINGTON, O.C. 20201
The Honorable,Albert-Gore, Jr.
President of the Senate
Washington, D.C. 20510
Dear Mr. President:
it is my pleasure to transmit to the Congress the Surgeon
General's report on the health consequences of smoking
entitled Preventing Tobacco Use Amo gYoung People. This
report is mandated by section 8(a) of the Public Health
Cigarette Smoking Act of 1969 (Public Law 91-222) and includes
the health effects of smokeless tobacco products as mandated
by section 8(a). of the Comprehensive Smokeless Tobacco Health
Education Act of 1986 (Public Law 99-252). The report.was
prepared by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's
Office on'Smoking and Health.
This report focuses on the vulnerable adolescent ages of 10
through 18 when most users start smoking, chewing, or dipping
and become addicted to tobacco. It examines the health
effects of early smoking and smokeless tobacco use, the
reasons that young men and women begin using tobacco, the
extent to which they use.it, and efforts to prevent'tobacco
use by young people.
Smoking kills 434,000 Americans each year. Adolescent smoking
and smokeless tobacco use are the first steps in this totally
preventable public health tragedy. The facts are simple: one
out of three adolescents in the United States is using tobacco
by age 18, adolescent users become adult users, and few people
begin to use tobacco after age 18. Preventing young people
from starting to use tobacco is the key to reducing the death
and disease caused by tobacco use: This report documents that
intervention programs targeting the broad social environment
of adolescents are both effective and warranted.
A great:'opportunity lies before us to prevent millions of
premature deaths and improve the quality of lives. This
report points out the overwhelming need in public health for
efforts directed toward stopping young people before they
start using tobacco.
Donna E. Shalala
Enclosure
TIMN 0138847

Chapter 2
The Health Consequences of Tobacco Use by
Young People
Introduction 15
Health Consequences of Smoking Among Young People 15
Introduction 15
Overview of the Toxicology of Tobacco Smoke 15
Epidemiologic Evidence of Respiratory Effects 16
Respiratory Symptoms 16
Lung Function 17
Respiratory Morbidity 24
Epidemiologic Evidence of Nonrespiratory Effects 25
Cardiovascular Disease 25
Physical Fitness 28
Health Outcomes in Pregnancy 28
Epidemiologic Evidence of the Health Effects of Passive Smoking 28
Adult Health Implications of Smoking Among Young People 29
Respiratory Diseases 29
Cardiovascular Disease 29
Cancer 29
Nicotine Addiction in Adolescence 30
Introduction 30
Background and Nomenclature 30
Severity of Nicotine Addiction 31
Chemistry and Addiction Potential
1
Pathophysiology of Nicotine Dependence 32
Tolerance 32
Physical Dependence 33
The Clinical Course of Nicotine Dependence 33
Nondrug Factors in Nicotine Dependence 34
Smoking as a Risk Factor for Other Drug Use 34
Introduction 34
Progression of Drug Use 34
Cigarette Smoking and Other Drug Use 35
Smoking as a Facilitator for Other Drug Use 36
TEWIN 0138866

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
Chapter 1. Introduction, Summary, and Chapter Conclusions 3
Chapter 2. The Health Consequences of Tobacco Use by Young People 13
Introduction 15
Health Consequences of Smoking Among Young People 15
Adult Health Implications of Smoking Among Young People 29
Nicotine Addiction in Adolescence 30
Smoking as a Risk Factor for Other Drug Use 34
Health Consequences of Smokeless Tobacco Use Among Young People 39
Chapter 3. Epidemiology of Tobacco Use Among Young People in the United States 53
Introduction 55
Cigarette Smoking Among Young People in the United States 58
Smokeless Tobacco Use Among Young People in the United States 95
Chapter 4. Psychosocial Risk Factors for Initiating Tobacco Use 121
Introduction 123
Initiation of Cigarette Smoking 124
Initiation of Smokeless Tobacco Use 140
Implications of Research for Preventing Tobacco Use: Modifying Psychosocial Risk 147
Chapter 5. Tobacco Advertising and Promotional Activities 157
The Role of Advertising and Promotion in the Marketing of Tobacco Products 159
A History of Cigarette Advertising to the Young 164
Historical Content Analyses of Cigarette Advertising 179
Promotional Efforts of the Tobacco Industry 185
Research on the Effects of Cigarette Advertising and Promotional Activities on Young People 188
Chapter 6. Efforts to Prevent Tobacco Use Among Young People 205
Introduction 209
Public Opinion About Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People 210
Educational Efforts to Prevent Tobacco Use Among Young People 216
Public Policies to Prevent Tobacco Use Among Young People 245
List of Tables and Figures 293
Glossary 297
Index 299
I
TIMN 0138857

Preveutiitg Tobacco Use Among Young People
References
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES.
The health consequences of using smokeless tobacco. A report of the
advisory committee to the Surgeon General. US Department of
Health and Human Services, Public Health Services, National
Institutes of Health. NIH Publication No. 86-2874,1986.
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES.
The health consequences of smoking: nicotine addiction. A report of
the Surgeon General, 1988. US Department of Health and Hu-
man Services, Public Health Service, Centers for Disease Con-
trol, Center for Health Promotion and Education, Office on
Smoking and Health. DHHS Publication No. (CDC) 88-8406,
1988.
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES.
Reducing the health consequences of smoking: 25 years of progress.
A report of the Surgeon General. US Department of Health and
Human Services, Public Health Service, Centers for Disease
Control, Center for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health
Promotion, Office on Smoking and Health. DHHS Publication
No. (CDC) 89-8411,1989.
,
TIMN 0138865
Introduction 11

Surgeon General's Report
J.P. Peddicord, M.S.,'Computer Scientist, Office on
Smoking and Health, National Center for Chronic Disease
Prevention and Health Promotion, Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
Richard Ray, Director of Computer Services, Circle
Solutions, Inc., McLean, Virginia.
John Robey, Word Processing Specialist, Circle-Solutions,
Inc., McLean, Virginia.
Kathleen L. Schroeder, D.D.S., Associate Professor of
Oral Pathology, West Virginia University School of
Medicine, Morgantown, West Virginia.
Maggie Shelby, Secretary, HCR Consulting Group,
Atlanta, Georgia.
Michael B. Siegel, M.D., M.P.H., Epidemiologist, Office
on Smoking and Health, National Center for Chronic
Disease Prevention and Health Promotion, Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
Renee E. Sieving, M.S.N., Doctoral Student, Division of
Epidemiology, School of Public Health, University of
Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota.
Michael J. Staufacker, M.P.H., Doctoral Student, Division
of Epidemiology, School of Public Health, University of
Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota.
Scott L. Tomar, D.M.D., Dr.P.H., Epidemiologist, Office
on Smoking and Health, National Center for Chronic
Disease Prevention and Health Promotion, Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
Traci L. Toomey, M.P.H., Doctoral Student, Division of
Epidemiology, School of Public Health, University of
Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota.
Laura Williams, Student, Northeast Ohio University
College of Medicine, Rootstown, Ohio.
Rebecca B. Wolf, M.A., Program Analyst, Office of
Program Planning and Evaluation, Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
Bao-Ping Zhu, Ph.D., Research Scientist, Battelle Memorial
Institute, Atlanta, Georgia.
x
TIMN 0138856

THE SECRETARY OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES
WASHINGTON. 0 L 20201
The Honorable Thomas S. Foley
Speaker of the House of Representatives
Washington, D.C. 20515
Dear Mr. Speaker:
It is my pleasure to transmit to the Congress the Surgeon
General's report on the health consequences of smoking
entitled Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People. This
report is mandated by section 8(a) of the Public Health
Cigarette Smoking Act of 1969 (Public Law 91-222) and includes
the health effects of smokeless tobacco products as mandated
by section 8(a) of the Comprehensive Smokeless Tobacco Health
Education Act of 1986 (Public Law 99-252). The report was
prepared by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's
Office on Smoking and Health.
This report focuses on the vulnerable adolescent ages of 10 -
through 18 when most users start smoking, chewing, or dipping,
and become addicted to tobacco. It examines the health
effects of early smoking and smokeless tobacco use, the
reasons that young men and women begin using tobacco, the
extent to which they use it, and efforts to prevent tobacco
use by young people.
Smoking kills 434,000 Americans each year. Adolescent smoking
and smokeless tobacco use are the first steps in this totally
preventable public health tragedy. The facts are simple: one
out of three adolescents in the United States is using tobacco
by age 18, adolescent users become adult users, and few people
begin to use tobacco after age 18. Preventing young people
from starting to use tobacco is the key to reducing the death
and disease caused by tobacco use. This report documents that
intervention programs targeting the broad social environment
of adolescents are both effective and warranted.
A great:,-opportunity lies before us to prevent millions of
premature deaths and improve the quality of lives. This
report points out the overwhelming need in public health for
efforts directed toward stopping young people before they
start using tobacco.
Enclosure
TIMN 0138846

Preface
from the Surgeon General,
U.S. Department of Health and Human Services
The public health movement against tobacco use will be successful when young
people no longer want to smoke. We are not there yet. Despite 30 years of decline in
overall smoking prevalence, despite widespread dissemination of information about
smoking, despite a continuing decline in the social acceptability of smoking, substantial
numbers of young men and women begin to smoke and become addicted. These
current and future smokers are new recruits in the continuing epidemic of disease,
disability, and death attributable to tobacco use. When young people no longer want to
smoke, the epidemic itself will die.
This report of the Surgeon General, Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People,
delineates the problem in no uncertain terms. The direct effects of tobacco use on the
health of young people have been greatly underestimated. The long-term effects are, of
course, well established. The addictive nature of tobacco use is also well known, but it
is perhaps less appreciated that early addiction is the chief mechanism for renewing the
pool of smokers. Most people who are going to smoke are hooked by the time they are
20 years old.
Young people face enormous pressures to smoke. The tobacco industry devotes
an annual budget of nearly $4 billion to advertising and promoting cigarettes. As this
report so well describes, there has been a continuing shift from advertising to promo-
tion, largely because of banning cigarette ads from broadcast media. The effect of the
ban is dubious, however, since the use of promotional materials, the sponsoring of
sports events, and the use of logos in nontraditional venues may actually be more
effective in reaching target audiences. Clearly, young people are being indoctrinated
with tobacco promotion at a susceptible time in their lives.
A misguided debate has arisen about whether tobacco promotion "causes" young
people to smoke-misguided because single-source causation is probably too simple
an explanation for any social phenomenon. The more important issue is what effect
tobacco promotion might have. Current research suggests that pervasive tobacco
promotion has two major effects: it creates the perception that more people smoke than
actually do, and it provides a conduit between actual self-image and ideal self-image-
in other words, smoking is made to look cool. Whether causal or not, these effects foster ,
the uptake of smoking, initiating for many a dismal and relentless chain of events.
Ort the brighter side, a large portion of this report is devoted to countervailing
influences. We have the justification: there is a substantial scientific basis for primary
prevention of cigarette smoking and smokeless tobacco use. A number of successful
prevention programs, based on the psychological and behavioral factors that create
susceptibility to smoking, are available. We have the means: the report defines a
coordinated, effective, nonsmoking public health program for young people. And we
have the will: schools, communities, legislatures, and public opinion all testify to the
growing support for encouraging young people to avoid tobacco use.
itt
TIMN 0138849

Sur'gcun General'> ReEorP
Table 1. Continued
Reference Location/year Study population
Stanhope and Prior 1975 NewZealand, 1972 Maori and European high school
students aged 13-15 years
Bewley and Bland 1976 England, 1971 5,355 schoolchildren
aged 10-12 years
Bland et al. 1978 England, 1974 5,835 schoolchildren; first-year
level in secondary school
Weiss et a1.1980 Massachusetts, 1975 650 children aged 5-9 years,
population sample
Kujala 1981 Finland, 1976 1,075 male military recruits,
mean age = 20 years
.
Charlton 1984 England, 1982 15,709 students aged 8-19
years
Adams et al.1984 .='-`;. England,1975-1979 405 secondary schoolchildren
141 Rim
eIs 2985
ela and Rim Finland
1983 4,279 16- and 17-year-olds
p
p
, in a national sample
Oechsli, Seltzer, California, 1977-1979 1,445 children in a cohort
van den Berg.1987 study
"Smoking at least one cigarette weekly. Percentages combine data reported separately in
authois'`table V for urban and rural children.
"RR = Relative risk for children smoking ? one cigarette weekly vessus children who had never
smoked, adjusted for parental smoking.
xSmoking at least one cigarette weekly.
20 Health Consequences
TIMN 0138873

Foreword
This Surgeon General's report on smoking and health is the twenty-third in a
series that was begun in 1964 and mandated by federal law in 1969. This report is the
first in this series to focus on young people. It underscores the seriousness of tobacco
use, its relationship to other adolescent problem behaviors, and the responsibility of all
citizens to protect the health of our children.
Since 1964, substantial changes have occurred in scientific knowledge of the
health consequences of smoking and smokeless tobacco use. Much more is also known
about programs and policies that encourage nonsmoking behavior among adults and
protect nonsmokers from exposure to environmental tobacco smoke. Although con-
siderable gains have been made against smoking among U.S. adults, this progress has
not been realized with young people. Onset rates of cigarette smoking among our
youth have not declined over the past decade, and 28 percent of the natiori s high school
seniors are currently cigarette smokers.
The onset of tobacco use occurs primarily in early adolescence, a developmental
stage that is several decades removed from the death and disability that are associated
with smoking and smokeless tobacco use in adulthood. Currently, very few people
begin to use tobacco as adults; almost all first use has occurred by the time people
graduate from high school. The earlier young people begin using tobacco, the more
heavily they are likely to use it as adults, and the longer potential time they have to be
users. Both the duration and the amount of tobacco use are related to eventual chronic
health problems. The processes of nicotine addiction further ensure that many of
today's adolescent smokers will regularly use tobacco when they are adults.
Preventing smoking and smokeless tobacco use among young people is critical to
ending the epidemic of tobacco use in the United States. This report examines the past
few decades' extensive scientific literature on the factors that influence the onset of use
among young people and on strategies to prevent this onset. To better understand
adolescent tobacco use, this report draws not only on medical and epidemiologic
research but also on behavioral and social investigations. The resulting examination of
the advertising and promotional activities of the tobacco industry, as well as the review
of research on the effects of these activities on young people, marks an important
contribution to our understanding of the epidemic of tobacco use in the United States
and elsewhere. In particular, this research on the social environment of young people
identifies key risk factors that encourage tobacco use. The careful targeting of these risk
factors--on a communitywide basis-has proven successful in preventing the onset
and development of tobacco use among young people.
Philip R. Lee, M.D. David Satcher, M.D., Ph.D.
Assistant Secretary for Health Director
Public Health Service Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention
i
TIMN 0138848

Preveatiny Tobacco Use Anwng Young People
Symptoms Prevalence (%a) by smoking status
Never smoker Smoker'
Phlegm _ 3 months/yr 2.4 26.5x
Breathlessness 2.4 20.5=
Wheezing (apart from colds) 7.3 31.3t
Colds go to chest 4.9 31.3t
General findings: Increased cough and phlegm in smokers of > i cig/week versus never smokers.
Dose-response
evident. Prevalence of cough and phlegm dropped among smokers who quit smoking between 1965 and
1966.
Never smoker Smokert
Daily cough ? 3 months 4 10
Daily phlegm ? 3 months 3 9
Dyspnea when hurrying 16 30
Chest cold for 1 week 22 30
Wheezing or asthma 12 13
Number of cigarettes smoked per day
0 < 1 1-10 11-20 > 20
Cough 2.0 5.8 18.1 27.8 64.7
Phlegm 3.3 5.8 19.4 31.9 58.8
Shortness of breath _ 5.3 13.5 13.5 36.1 58.8
Never smoker Smoker'
Morning cough
Boys
5.4
18.2
Girls 5.9 19.8
Cough 3 months
Boys
3.8
15.4
Girls 3.5 12.1
Never smoker Ex-smoker Present smoker
Cough (day ortfi M in winter)
Boys
Girls
5.2
6.5
7.1
10.5
13.9
16.0
Nonsmoker Ex-smoker Smoker
Number of cigarettes smoked per day
Cough >_ 3 months/yrt S 1-9 10-14 _ 15
Boys' 2.9 4.5 9.2 16.2 29.0
Girls 4.4 6.0 12.0 23.1 35.9
tAt least one cigarette daily for the past year.
t p < 0.01. ,
'
'Smoking at least one cigarette weekly. Percentages combine data reported separately in
authors'Table 4 for urban
and rural children.
9For white children only.
Health Consequences 19
TIMN 0138872

Surgeon General's Report
Table 1. Published studies of the effects of smoking on respiratory symptoms among young people,
various countries, 1965-1983
Reference* Location/year Study population
Peters and Ferris 1967 Massachusetts, 1965 124 Harvard College seniors
Holland and Elliott 1968 England, 1965-1966 9,786 13- and 14-year-olds in 1965;
9,433 in 1966
Addington et al. 1970 Oklahoma9 557 high school students,
(grades 9-12) aged 13-19 years
Seeley, Zuskin, Bouhuys 1971 ConnecticutS 195 male and 170 female high -
school students aged 15-19 years ;
Bewley, Halil, Snaith 1973 England, 1971 8,682 schoolchildren
aged 10 and 11 years
Colley, Douglas, Reid 1973
United Kingdom, 1966 3,899 persons aged 20 years
sampled from 1946 birth cohort
study
Rush 1974 New York, 1968 12,595 high school students aged
13-18 years
*Listed chronologically by publication date. .
°Year not provided.
18 Health Consequences TIMN 0138871

Prerviiting Tohaceo Use Among YvunY Pevple
Symptoms Prevalence (%) by smoking status
Gerierrzl rinudine: Cough grade, phlegm grade, and loose cough sign significantly associated with
smoking.
Never smoker Smoker** RR"
Morning cough
Boys
8.3
16.3
5.9
Girls 8.5 28.6 6.8
Cough 3 months
Boys
7.2
13.4
2.4
Girls 6.0 10.7 2.6
Never smoker Smokeru RR49
Morning cough
Boys
3.1
19.2
5.9
Girls 1.8 13.5 6.8
Cough day or night
Boys
20.4
46.5
2.4
Girls 18.5 47.3 2.6
Breathlessness
Boys
11.8
34.9
2.9
Girls 16.5 39.2 2.3
General findings: Persistent wheezing reported for 13.8% of ever smokers and 9.7% of never smokers;
difference not significant.
Nonsmoker'' Ex-smokerll Smoker***
Cough all day 1 2 8
Phlegm all day 1 1 7
Wheezing 5 13 22
Frequent cough
0 Number of cigarettes smoked per day
1-6
> 6
Boys
Age 11-13
23
32
42
Age->14 9 16 29
Girls
Age 11-13
19
34
49
Age>-14 9 18 32
General findings: Increased risk of cough, dyspnea, and phlegm.
Never smoker
Low-tar smokerm
Medium-tar smoker$#
Morning phlegm 2.7 7.6 11.4
Morning cough 6.3 20.7 20.5
Phlegm day or night 5.2 13.8 13.2
Cough day or night 19.1 43.9 40.6
General findings: Starting smoking associated with bronchitis and pneumonia.
'°RR = Relative risk for children smoking at least one cigarette weekly versus children who hatd
never smoked.
"Nonsmoker =:Vever smoking and smoking not more than one cigarette daily for 5 one year.
9lEx-smoker = Smoking one month or more before date of the interview.
*5moker = Smoking ? 1 g of tobacco daily; one cigarette was estimated to contain Ig of tobacco.
'-Smoking daily, cigarettes < 10mg of tar.
tuSmoking daily, cigarettes 10-18mg of tar.
Health Consequences 21
TIMN 0138874

Surgeon General's Report
Table 3. Published studies of the effects of smoking on respiratory morbidity among young people,
various countries, 1963-1987
Reference* Location/year Study population
Haynes, Krstulovic, Bell 1966 New Jersey' 191 male prep school students
aged 14-19 years
Parnell, Anderson, Kinnis 1966 Canada, 1963-1964 175 senior student nurses
Finklea et al. 1971 South Carolina, 1968-1969 1,900 college students
Pollard et a1.1975 Florida, 1971-1972 1,100 U.S. Navy recruits, most
aged 18-22 years ,
Kark and Lebiush 1981 Israe1,1979 Female military recruits,
mean age = 18.5 years
Kark, Lebiush, Rannon 1982 Israel, 1978 Male military recruits,
mean age = 18.5 years
Blake, Abell, Stanley 1988 . Georgia, 1982 1,230 Army recruits,
~ ~ most aged < 22 years
Charlton and Blair 1989 England, 1987 2,885 schoolchildren aged.
12 and 13 years
Schwartz and Zeger 1990 Californiat 100 student nurses
*Listed chronologically by publication date.
tYear not provided;
26 Health Consequences
TIMN 0138879

Surgeon Genera!'s Report
normative, peers' and siblings' use and approval of
tobacco use, and lack of parental- support and in-
volvement as adolescents face the challenges of
growing up.
4. Behavioral risk factors for tobacco use include low
levels of academic achievement and school involve-
ment, lack of skills required to resist influences to use
tobacco, and experimentation with any tobacco prod-
uct.
5. Personal risk factors for tobacco use include a lower
self-image and lower self-esteem than peers, the be-
lief that tobacco use is functional, and lack of self-
efficacy in the ability to refuse offers to use tobacco.
For smokeless tobacco use, insufficient knowledge
of the health consequences is also a factor.
Chapter 5. Tobacco Advertising and
Promotional Activities
1. Young people continue to be a strategically impor-
tant market for.the tobacco industry.
2. Young people are currently exposed to cigarette
messages through print media (including outdoor
billboards) and through promotional activities, such
as sponsorship of sporting events and public enter-
tainment, point-of-sale displays, and distribution
of specialty items.
3. Cigarette advertising uses images rather than infor-
mation to portray the attractiveness and function of
smoking. Human models and cartoon characters in
cigarette advertising convey independence, health-
fulness, adventure-seeking, and youthful activities-
themes correlated with psychosocial factors that
appeal to young people.
4. Cigarette advertisements capitalize on the disparity
between an ideal and actual self-image and imply
that smoking may dose the gap.
5. Cigaretteadvertisingappearstoaffectyoungpeople's
perceptions of the pervasiveness, image, and func-
tion of smoking. Sinco misperceptions in these areas
constitute psychosocial risk factors for the initiation
of smoking, cigarette advertising appears to increase
young people's risk of smoking.
Chapter 6. Efforts to Prevent Tobacco Use
Among Young People
1. Most of the American public strongly favor policies
that might prevent tobacco use among young people.
These policies include tobacco education in the
schools, restrictions on tobacco advertising and pro-
motions, a complete ban on smoking by anyone on
school grounds, prohibition of the sale of tobacco
products to minors, and earmarked tax increases on
tobacco products.
2. School-based smoking-prevention programs that
identify social influences to smoke and teach skills to
resist those influences have demonstrated consistent
and significant reductions in adolescent smoking
prevalence, and program effects have lasted one to
three years. Programs to prevent smokeless tobacco
use that are based on the same model have also
demonstrated modest reductions in the initiation of
smokeless tobacco use.
3. The effectiveness of school-based smoking-preven-
tion programs appears to be enhanced and sustained
by comprehensive school health education and by
communitywide programs that involve parents, mass
media, community organizations, or other elements
of an adolescent's social environment.
4. Smoking-cessation programs tend to have low suc-
cess rates. Recruiting and retaining adolescents in
formal cessation programs are difficult.
5. IIlegal sales of tobacco products are common. Active
enforcement of age-at-sale policies by public officials
and community members appears necessary to pre-
vent minors' access to tobacco.
6. Econometric and other studies indicate that increases
in the real price of cigarettes significantly reduce
cigarette smoking; young people are at least as re-
sponsive as adults to such price changes. Maintain-
ing higher real prices of cigarettes depends on further
tax increases to offset the effects of inflation.
10 Introduction
TIMN 0138864

Surgeon Gexera!'s Report
Marc Manley, M.D., M.P.H., Chief, Public Health
Applications Research Branch, Nafional Cancer Institute,
National Institutes of Health, Bethesda, Maryland.
Robert K. Merritt, M.A., Behavioral Scientist, Office on
Smoking and Health, National Center for Chronic Disease
Prevention and Health Promotion, Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
David E. Nelson, M.D., M.P.H., Medical Epidemiologist,
Office on Smoking and Health, National Center for
Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion,
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Atlanta,
Georgia.
Donald Nutbeam, Ph. D., Professor, Department of Public
Health, University of Sydney, Sydney, Australia.
Mario Orlandi, Ph.D., M.P.H., Chief, Division of Health
Promotion Research, American Health Foundation, New
York, New York.
Cheryl L. Perry, Ph.D., Professor, Division of
Epidemiology, School of Public Health, University of
Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota.
Richard W. Pollay, Ph.D., Professor of Marketing and
Curator, History of Advertising Archives, Faculty bf
Commerce, University of British Columbia, Vancouver,
British Columbia.
Edward T. Popper, D.B.A., Professor of Business
Administration and Marketing, Dean, School of Business
and Professional Studies, Aurora University, Aurora,
Illinois.
Jonathan M. Samet, M.D., Professor of Medicine,
University of New Mexico, School of Medicine,
Albuquerque, New Mexico.
Herbert H. Severson, Ph.D., Research Scientist, Oregon
Research Institute, Eugene, Oregon.
Dana M. Shelton, M.P.H., Epidemiologist, Office on
Smoking and Health, NationalCenterforChronic Disease
Prevention and Health Promotion; Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
fra°
Charles W. Warren, Ph.D., Sociologist, Division of
Adolescent and School Health, National Center for
Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion,.
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Atlanta,
Georgia.
John K. Worden, Ph.D., Research Professor, Department
of Family Practice and Office of Health Promotion
Research, University of Vermont, Burlington, Vermont.
Reviewers were
David G. Altman, Ph.D., Senior Research Scientist,
Stanford Center for Research in Disease Prevention,
Stanford University, Palo Alto, California.
Karl E. Bauman, Ph.D., Professor, Department of Health
Behavior and Health Education, School of Public Health,
University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, North Carolina.
Richard F. Beltramini, Ph.D., Associate Professor,
Department of Marketing, Arizona State University,
Tempe, Arizona.
Glen Bennett, M.P.H., Coordinator, Smoking Education
Program, National Heart, Lung and Blood Institute,
National Institutes of Health, Bethesda, Maryland.
Neal Benowitz, M.D., Professor of Medicine, University
of California at San Francisco, San Francisco, California.
Gilbert J. Botvin, Ph.D., Professor and Director, Institute
for Prevention Research, Cornell University Medical
College, New York, New York
Robert G. Brubaker, Ph.D., Professor, Department of
Psychology, Eastern Kentucky University, Richmond,
Kentucky.
David M. Burns, M.D., Professor of Medicine, University
of California, San Diego School of Medicine, San Diego,
California.
Laurie Chassin, Ph.D., Professor, Arizona State University,
Department of Psychology, Tempe, Arizona.
Arden G. Christen, D.D.S., Professor of Oral Biology,
Department of Oral Biology, Indiana University School
of Dentistry, Indianapolis, Indiana.
Robert J. Collins, D.M.D., M.P.H., Chief Dental Officer,
Public Health Service, Indian Health Service, Rockville,
Maryland.
Gregory Connolly, D.M.D., M.P.H., Director,
Massachusetts Tobacco Control Program, Massachusetts
Department of Public Health, Boston, Massachusetts.
K. Michael Cummings, Ph.D., M.P.H., Director, Smoking
Control Program, Roswell Park Cancer Institute, New
York State Department of Health, Buffalo, New York,
Dorynne J. Czechowicz, M.D., Associate Director for
Medical and Professional Affairs, Division of Clinical
Research, National Institute on Drug Abuse, National
Institutes of Health, Rockville, Maryland.
Michael M. Daube, Public Service Commission, Perth,
Australia.
vi
TIMN 0138852

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
Health effect Prevalence (%) by smoking status
Nonsmoker Occasional smoker= Regular smoker9
Annual illness rates'/ 10 students
All respiratory
Severe respiratory
11.0
1.4
16.0
3.6
22.0
5.4
Nonsmoker Smoker
Illness incidence1(per 1,000 days)
All respiratory
Upper respiratory
Lower respiratory
6.6
5.2
1.4
0
umber of cigarettes smoked per da
<_lpack
10.6
7.5
3.2
y
>lpack
Incidence rate** (per 100 school years)
Upper respiratory
Outpatient
52.5
59.9
67.0
Hospital 7.6 12.0 10.2
Lower respiratory
Outpatient
2.5
3.0
6.8
Hospital 0.4 0.7 0.9
0 Number of cigarettes smoked per da
<10 . 10-19 y
>20
Rate of outpatient visits1t for respiratory
episodes (per 1,000 recruits)
Febrile
249
256 257
222
Afebrile 436 469 562 560
Occasional/regular smoker% ' Never/past smoker
Attack of influenza-like morbiditytt 60% 40%
Number of cigarettes smoked per d ay
0 510 11-20 > 20
Influenza morbidity°° during an outbreak
Affected
47.2.
62.9
67.7
71.8
Severe cases 30.1 42.9 51.6 53.5
General Findings: Relative risk =1.46 for upper respiratory infection for smokers versus nonsmokers.
Illnesses
ascertained by visits to clinics.
General Findings: Smoking associated with increased absence from school: odds ratio = 1.29 for
sometimes smokers
and 3.09 for regular smokers (compared with never smokers)."
Genera! Findings: Smoking significantly associated with incidence of cough and phlegm. Current
amount smoked
significantly predicted duration of an episode of phlegm or chest discomfort.
tSmoked at least I cigarette or pipe per week.
°Smoked at least I cigarette or pipe per day.
'Illness rates based on infirmary visits during a school year.
9I11ness incidence based on records of the health service.
**Incidence rates based on self-administered questionnaire.
ffRespiratory-related (similar symptoms) visits to dispensary,
with one week grouped.
#Based on self-administered questionnaire.
^`These categories were not defined. '
'Illness occurrence based on medical records and serology.
Health Consequences 27
TIMN 0138880

Prez.,enting Tobacco Use Among Young People
Figure 1. Use of alcohol, marijuana, and cocaine,* by age group, National Household Survey on Drug
Abuse, 1985
26-34-year-olds
50 -1
0
Alcohol
never
tried
current
45 -I
never
_ 35-year-olds
50 -1
10-I
0
M
Alcohol
Marijiiana
Cocaine
nevert triedt current
I
tried
Smoking history
current
I
r
I
Smoking history Smoking history
Source: USDHHS-(1988).
*The criteria for cun:ent use are as follows: alcohol = drank five or more drinks in a row at least
I
day in the past 30 days; marijuana = used marijuana more than 10 times; cocaine = used cocaine
more than 10 times (N = 8,814).
tValues were under 1 for marijuana and cocaine use.
# Values were under 1 for cocaine use:
Health Consequences 37
TIMN 0138890

Surgeon Genernl'> Report
Table 2. Published studies of the effects of smoking on lung function among young people, various
countries,1965-1981`
~
Study
Reference* Location/year population Findingst
Peters and Ferris Massachusetts, 124 Harvard Significant reduction
1967 1965 College seniors in spirometric flow
rates when compar-
ing NS with persons
smoking a pack a day
for four years during
college; dose response
with amount smoked.
Addington et al. Oklahomar 140 male and 417
1970 female high
school students
aged 13-19 years
(grades 9-12)
Seely, Zuskin, Connecticutt 195 male and 170
Bouhuys 1971 female high
school students
aged 15-19 years
No significant differ-
ence in VC and FEV,
when comparing NS
with smokers of ? 1
cig/day for last year.
From MEFV curves,
V., and V;., signifi-
cantly reduced in boys
smoking > 15 cigs/day
and girls smoking > 10
cigs/day, when
compared with NS.
Lim 1973 Nebra_skat 50 male and 50 No significant differ-
female high ence in FEV, and FVC
school students when comparing NS
aged 15-18 years with smokers of >_ 10
cigs/day for 1 year,l0
of 50 smokers abnor-
mal by partial MEFV
curves.
Comstock and Nationwide,
Rust 1973
1970-1971
Comment
Age distribution
not given, non-
significant reduc-
tion for FEV1.
Age distribution
not given; no
adjustment for
height in analysis
of spirometric data.
Age distribution
not given, non-
significant reduc-
tion for FEVV
None
3,409 U.S. Navy PEFR lower in No definition of
recruits, median smokers (99.5%'a smoker, nonsmoker;
age = 19 years, predicted) than in tests of statistical
nonsmokers (100.7% significance not
predicted). provided.
*Listed chronologically by publication date.
tNS = never smoker; FEV, = forced expiratory volume in one second; VC = vital capacity; MEFV =
maximal expiratory flow
volume; V;. = flow rate at 50% of vital capacity; V = flow rate after exhalation of 75% of vital
capacity; FVC = forced vital
capacity; PEFR = peak expiratory flow rate; FEF,,, = forced expiratory flow from 25% to 75% of FVC.
tYear not provided.
.
22 Health Consequences TIMN 0138875

Pretlenfing Tobacco Use Among Young People
Smokeless Tobacco Use as a Risk Factor for
Other Drug Use
Smokeless tobacco use is also predictive of other
drug use. In a study of more than 3,000 male adolescents
interviewed twice at nine-month intervals about their use
of various psychoactive substances (Ary, Lichtenstein,
Severson 1987), the main findings were that (1) smokeless
tobacco users were significantly more likely to use ciga-
rettes, marijuana, or alcohol than nonusers, (2) users of
smokeless tobacco were significantly more likely to take
up the use of these other substances by the second inter-
view if they were not using them at the first, and (3)
adolescents who were using any of these substances at the
Conclusions
1. Cigarette smoking during childhood and adoles-
cence produces significant health problems among
young people, including cough and phlegm pro-
duction, an increased number and severity of respi-
ratory illnesses, decreased physical fitness, an
unfavorable lipid profile, and potential retardation
in the rate of lung growth and the level of maximum
lung function.
2. Among addictive behaviors, cigarette smoking is the
one most likely to become established during ado-
lescence. People who begin to smoke at an early age
are more likely to develop severe levels of nicotine
addiction than those who start at a later age.
first interview were significantly more likely to increase
their use of the substance if they also used smokeless
tobacco.
Two other facts are important to consider when
evaluating the role of smokeless tobacco products in the
use of cigarettes and other substances. First, the overall
impact of smokeless tobacco is currently limited prima-
rily to males (the main users of these substances)
(USDHHS 1986b, 1990). Second, smokeless tobacco
users in the Ary, Lichtenstein, and Severson (1987) study,
as well as in most other surveys, tend to initiate their
tobacco use at about the same age as cigarette smokers or
at a slightly earlier age (see "Grade When Use of Smoke-
less Tobacco and Cigarettes Begins" in Chapter 3).
3. Tobacco use is associated with alcohol and illicit
drug use and is generally the first drug used by
young people who enter a sequence of drug use that
can include tobacco, alcohol, marijuana, and harder
drugs.
4. Smokeless tobacco use by adolescents is associated
with early indicators of periodontal degeneration
and with lesions in the oral soft tissue. Adolescent
smokeless tobacco users are more likely than nonus-
ers to become cigarette smokers.
Health Consequences 41
TIMN 0138894

Smokeless Tobacco Use and Other Drug Use 102
Prevalence of Smokeless Tobacco Use and Other Drug Use 102
Grade When Use of Smokeless Tobacco and Cigarettes Begins 102
Smokeless Tobacco Use and Other Health-Related Behaviors 102
Conclusions 104
Appendix 1. Sources of Data. 105
National Teenage Tobacco Surveys and Teenage Attitudes and Practices Survey 105
National Household Surveys on Drug Abuse 105
Monitoring the Future Project Surveys 105
Youth Risk Behavior Survey 106
National Health Interview Surveys 106
Appendix 2. Measures of Cigarette Smoking 107
Ever Smoking 107
Current Smoking 107
Frequent and Heavy Smoking 109
Age or Grade When Smoking Begins 110
Number of Cigarettes Smoked Each Day 110
Lifetime Patterns of Smoking 110
Attempts to Quit Smoking 110
Validity of Measures of Smoking 110
Appendix 3. Measures of Smokeless Tobacco Use 112
Ever Use of Smokeless Tobacco 112
Current Use of Smokeless Tobacco 112
Grade When Smokeless Tobacco Use Begins 114
Attempts to Quit Using Smokeless Tobacco 114 .
Validity of Measures of Smokeless Tobacco Use 114
References 115
TIMN 0138906

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
Introduction
Previous Surgeon General's reports on tobacco use
and health have largely focused on the epidemiologic,
clinical, biologic, and pharmacologic aspects of adult use
of tobacco products. This report on Preventing Tobacco
Use Among Young People provides a more detailed look at
adolescence, the time of life when most tobacco users
begin, develop, and establish their behavior. Because
regular use soon results in addiction to nicotine, this
behavior may persist through adulthood, significantly
increasing, through the extended years of use, the risk of
long-term, severe health consequences.
Despite three decades of explicit health warnings,
large numbers of young people continue to take up
tobacco; currently, over three million adolescents smoke
cigarettes, and over one million adolescent males cur-
rently use smokeless tobacco. Clearly, effective interven-
tions are needed to prevent more young people from
trying tobacco. To achieve significant long-term reduc-
tions in tobacco use and tobacco-related deaths in the
United States, we must examine the nature and scope of
adolescent tobacco use, consider the social, psychologi-
cal, and marketing factors that influence young people in
their decision to use tobacco products, and evaluate cur-
rent efforts to prevent young people from becoming
users. This report addresses the crucial problems of
adolescent tobacco use.
Development of the Report
This report of the Surgeon General was prepared
by the Office on Smoking and Health, National Center
for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion,
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Public Health
Service, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services,
as part of the department's responsibility, under Public
Law 91-222 and Public Law 99-252, to report current
information on the health effects of cigarette smoking
and smokeless tobacco use to the United States Congress.
This report is the first fo focus on the problem of tobacco
use among young,peiple: Given the continuing onset of
use in adolescence and the growing evidence of health
consequences associated with early use, the report was
seen as both needed and timely.
The current report has been produced through the
efforts of experts in the medical, pharmacologic,
epidemiologic, developmental, economic, behavioral,
legal, and public health aspects of smoking and smoke-
less tobacco use among young people. Initial manu-
scripts for the report were prepared by 28 scientists who
were selected for their expertise in specific content areas.
This material was consolidated into chapters, each of
which underwent peer review. The entire document was
reviewed by a number of experts in the field, as well as by
institutes and agencies within the U.S. Public Health
Service. The final draft of the report was reviewed by
the Assistant Secretary for Health and by the Secretary,
Department of Health and Human Services.
Several concerns guided the development of this
report. The first, which is addressed in Chapter 2, is
whether tobacco use is associated with health conse-
quences during the period of adolescence (broadly de-
fined as ages 10 through 18, although research cited in
this report varies somewhat in the ages considered ado-
lescent). The long-term health consequences-that is,
those that emerge in adulthood-have been the subject
of extensive review and are widely acknowledged in the
scientific and public literature. The chapter thus focuses
on the serious health consequences, as well as the in-
creased risk factors for subsequent health consequences,
that are evident early in life among young smokers and
smokeless tobacco users. Chapter 3 examines the
epidemiologic patterns of tobacco use among the young.
National data on trends in adolescent use are analyzed to
determine the extent of the current problem, as well as to
note changes in patterns of initiation and use. The factors
that influence adolescents in their decision to use tobacco
are examined in Chapter 4, which considers psychosocial
risk factors, and Chapter 5, which examines the influence
of tobacco advertising and promotion. The final concern,
the focus of Chapter 6, was to assess what has been
done-from the individual level to the legislative level-
to prevent tobacco use among young people.
Major Conciusions
1. Nearly all first use of tobacco occurs before high
school graduation; this finding suggests that if ado-
lescents can be kept tobacco-free, most will never
start using tobacco.
2. Most adolescent smokers are addicted to nicotine
and report that they want to quit but are unable to do
so; they experience relapse rates and withdrawal
symptoms similar to those reported by adults.
3. Tobacco is often the first drug used by those young
people who usealcohol, marijuana, and other drugs.
Introduction 5
TIMN 0138859 .

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
Ronald M. Davis, M.D., Chief Medical Officer, Michigan
Department of Public Health, Lansing, Michigan.
John Elder, Ph.D., M.P.H., Professor of Health Promotion,
Graduate School of Public Health, San Diego State
University, San Diego, California.
Paul Fischer, M.D., Editor, Journal of Family Practice,
Augusta, Georgia.
Michael C. Fiore, M.D., M.P.H., Director, Center for
Tobacco Research and Intervention, University of
Wisconsin Medical School, Madison, Wisconsin.
Brian R. Flay, D. Phil., Professor and Director, Prevention
Research Center, School of Public Health, University of
Illinois, Chicago, Illinois.
Erica Frank, M.D., M.P.H., Assistant Professor,
Department of Community Preventive Medicine/
Department of Medicine, Emory University School of
Medicine, Atlanta, Georgia.
Betsy Gelb, Ph.D., Director, Institute for Health Care
Marketing, and Professor of Marketing, University of
Houston, Houston, Texas.
Samuel S. Gidding, M.D., Associate Professor of Pediatrics,
Northwestern University Medical School, Division of
Cardiology, Children's Memorial Hospital, Chicago,
Illinois.
Thomas Glynn, Ph.D., Acting Associate Director, Cancer
Control Science Program, National Cancer Institute,
National Institutes of Health, Bethesda, Maryland.
Ellen R. Gritz, Ph.D., Professor and Chair, Department of
Behavioral Science, The University of Texas M.D.
Anderson Cancer Center, Houston, Texas.
Sandra W. Headen, Ph.D., Assistant Professor of Research,
Department of Health Behavior and Health Education,
School of Public Health, Chapel Hill, North Carolina.
' Richard B. Heyman, M.D., Committee on Substance
Abuse, American Academy of Pediatrics, and Suburban
Pediatric Associates, Inc., Cincinnati, Ohio.
_,
David Hill, Ph.D:;~ Director, Anti-Cancer Council of
Victoria, Victoria,~Australia.
Thomas Houston, M.D., Director, Department of
Preventive Medicine and Public Health, American
Medical Association, Chicago, Illinois.
John Hughes, M.D., Professor, Human Behavioral
Pharmacology Laboratory, Departments of Psychiatry,
Psychology, and Family Practice, University of Vermont,
Burlington, Vermont.
vu
Saundra MacD. Hunter, Ph.D., Research Professor, Tulane
University Medical Center, Department of Applied Health
Sciences, School of Public Health and Tropical Medicine,
New Orleans, Louisiana.
Dushanka V. Kleinman, D.D.S., Deputy Director, National
Institute of Dental Research, National Institutes of Health,
Bethesda, Maryland.
Norman A. Krasnegor, Ph.D., Chief, Human Learning
and Behavior Branch, National Institute of Child Health
and Human Development, National Institutes of Health,
Bethesda, Maryland.
Edward Lichtenstein, Ph.D., Research Scientist, Oregon
Research Institute, Eugene, Oregon.
Douglas S. Lloyd, M.D., M.P.H., Associate Administrator
for Public Health Practice, Health Resources and Services
Administration, Department of Health and Human
Services, Rockville, Maryland.
Russell V. Luepker, M.D., M.S., Professor and Head,
Division of Epidemiology, School of Public Health,
University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota.
-~
William R. Lynn, Public Health Advisor, Cancer Control
Science Program, National Cancer Institute,_National
Institutes of Health, Bethesda, Maryland.
Willard Manning, Ph.D., Professor, Institute for Health
Services Research, School of Public Health, University of
Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota.
Stephen E. Marcus, Ph.D., Senior Epidemiologist, National
Institute of Dental Research, National Institutes of Health,
Bethesda, Maryland.
J. Michael McGinnis, M.D., Deputy Assistant Secretary
for Health, Office of Disease Prevention and Health
Promotion, Department of Health and Human Services,
Washington, D.C..
Ann D. McNeil, Ph.D., Manager, Smoking Program,
-Health Education Authority, London, England.
David Murray, Ph.D., Professor, Division of
Epidemiology, School of Public Health, University of
Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota.
Thomas Novotny, M.D., M.P.H., Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention Liaison Officer and Assistant
Dean for Public Health Practice, School of Public Health,
University of California, Berkeley South, Berkeley,
California.
Patrick O'Malley, Ph.D., Research Scientist, Institute for
Social Research, Survey Research Center, University of
Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan.
TIMN 0138853

' Prevcntiug Toberccv Use t1Hwf14T Young People
plausibly lead to increased frequency and severity of
respiratory infections in smokers.
Studies involving a wide age range. of young
people indicate that smoking increases respiratory mor-
bidity (Table 3). A number of these studies compared
medical care by smokers and nonsmokers in settings
where all medical care was obtained at a single clinic. In
one of the earliest studies, Haynes, Krstulovic, and Bell
(1966) examined the numbers of diagnoses for respira-
tory tract illnesses among male students (aged 14-19
years) at a preparatory school. Nearly half of the stu-
dents were smokers. All respiratory illnesses were
more common in the smokers; the increase was greatest
for the illnesses considered "severe." The findings of
studies involving student nurses (Parnell, Anderson,
Kinnis 1966) and military cadets (Finklea et al. 1971)
were similar.
A series of studies have included military recruits
as subjects (Table 3); their ages ranged from 18 through
22. In the study of Pollard et al. (1975), the rates of
respiratory diagnoses were not significantly different
between smokers and nonsmokers. In the more recent
study of military recruits by Blake, Abell, and Stanley
(1988), self-report of smoking was associated with in-
creased risk for diagnosis of an upper respiratory tract
infection during a 13-week basic training period. Kark
and Lebiush (1981) and Kark, Lebiush, and Rannon
(1982) examined attack rates for influenza and influ-
enza-like illnesses in Israeli military recruits and found
that smoking was associated with an increased attack
rate in both male and female recruits.
Recently, in a study that examined adolescents
and young adults who had sickle cell anemia, Young et
al. (1992) found a strong relationship between cigarette
smoking and acute'chest syndrome. In sickle cell ane-
mia patients, acute chest syndrome is characterized by
fever, cough, chest pain, leukocytosis, and pulmonary
infiltrates in the chest radiograph. All smokers in this
study had a history of acute chest syndrome, whereas
65 percent of the nonsmokers did. Smoking also ap-
peared to increase the frequency of sequelae of sickle
cell lung disease. _
A study in the United Kingdom (Chariton and
Blair 1989) associated smoking with increased absen-
teeism from school among 2,885 children aged 12 and
13 years. Children who on an initial questionnaire
reported regular smoking were more likely than non-
smokers to be absent when a follow-up questionnaire
was administered four months later. The authors inter-
preted these findings as showing a higher rate of minor
ailments in children who smoked; however, the design
could not exclude other plausible explanations (such as
truancy) for the difference. In a survey of adolescents-
invited for an overall evaluation in three general prac-
tices in the United Kingdom, smokers reported a higher
prevalence of health problems than nonsmokers (25
percent vs. 16 percent, p =.06) (Townsend et al. 1991).
Epidemiologic Evidence of Nonrespiratory
Effects
Cardiovascular Disease
In adults, cigarette smoking is a cause of coronary
heart disease, arteriosclerotic peripheral vascular dis-
ease, and stroke (USDHHS 1989). Although these
diseases rarely occur in children and adolescents, au-
topsy studies of young male victims of combat during
the Korean and Vietnam conflicts and community-based
autopsy studies of adolescents and young adults have
shown that atherosclerosis begins in childhood and
may become clinically significant in young adulthood
(McNamara et a1.1971; Enos, Holmes, Beyer 1986; Strong
1986).
Several autopsy-study series link cigarette smok-
ing to the occurrence and extent of atherosclerosis in
young adults. Strong and Richards (1976) described the
association of cigarette smoking with atherosclerosis in
1,320 men from the New Orleans area. In the youngest
group (aged 25 to 34 years), the development of athero-
sclerosis in the coronary arteries and the abdominal
aorta was consistently greater with higher levels of
smoking.
More recently, an eight-community study by the
Pathobiological Determinants of Atherosclerosis in
Youth (PDAY) Research Group (1990) found associa-
tions of smoking with atherosclerosis in 390 males aged
15 through 34 years who died of violent causes (e.g.,
accidents, homicides, suicides). In this study, lipids
were measured in postmortem serum, and smoking
was assessed by the level of serum thiocyanate. After
controlling for lipid levels, age, and race, a multiple
regression analysis revealed a significant association
between smoking and atherosclerosis (i.e., having raised
lesions greater than or equal to 5 percent of the intimal
surface area) in the abdominal aorta. A multiple logistic
analysis controlling for the same factors found that
smoking was a significant predictor of atherosclerosis
in both, the abdominal aorta and the right coronary
artery.
The Bogalusa Heart Study is an epidemiologic
study of cardiovascular disease risk factors encountered
from birth through age 26. Among deceased subjects
whose average age was 18 years, cigarette smoking was
not associated with aortic fatty streaks or involvement of
the coronary arteries with atherosclerosis (Newman et
al. 1986; Freedman et al. 1988). However, in subjects who
Health Consequences 25
Z'IMN 0138878

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
Table 2. Continued
Reference
Study
Location/year population
Backhouse 1975 United 195 boys at a
Kingdomx detention center,
mean age = 18 years
Walter, Nancy,
Collier 1979
Indiat
102 male medical
students aged
19-21 years
Woolcock et al. Australia, 10,898 school
1979 1971-1980 children, mean ages
= 8.9 years for .
primary school and
12.6 years for high
school groups
Weiss et al. 1980
Kujala 1981
Massachusetts, 650 children aged
1975 5-9 years, popula-
tion sample
Finland, 1976
1,075 male military
recruits, mean age =
20 years
Spinaci et a1.198~ Italy, 1,266 male and 1,119
1980-1981
female 6th graders,
mean age =11 years
Findingst
PEFR on arrival
dropped significantly
with daily smoking
amount; significant
improvement during
8-week stay while
unable to smoke
Significantly lower
PEFR and spirometric
flows when compar-
ing NS with smokers
of > 10,000 cigarettes
per lifetime.
No overall effect of
smoking on spiromet-
ric values in 1974
data; decreased lung
growth in smoking
boys who had had
bronchitis before age
2 years.
Smoking not
associated with
FEF 25-,5.
Significantly reduced
FEV, and spirometric
flows when comparing
NS with smokers at
interview.
Smoking negatively
associated with
FEF 25-75 and V.
I
Comment
None
Values for smokers
of 510,000 ciga-
rettes were be-
tween those of
nonsmokers and
heavy smokers.
See text for review
of longitudinal
findings.
Only 58 children
reported ever
smoking; see text
for longitudinal
findings.
None
Definition for
smoking not
given; lung
function data not
provided.
Health Consequences 23
TIMN 0138876

Chapter 3
Epidemiology of Tobacco Use Among Young
People in the United States
Introduction 55
Cigarette Smoking Among Young People in the United States 58
Recent Patterns of Cigarette Smoking 58
Ever Smoking 58
Current Smoking 58
Frequent and Heavy Smoking 62
Sociodemographic Risk Factors for Smoking 62
Age or Grade When Smoking Begins 65
Other Patterns of Smoking 67
Initiation Continuum of Smoking 68
Cigarette Brand Preference 70
Trends in Cigarette Smoking 72
Ever Smoking 72
Current Smoking 72
Age or Grade When Smoking Begins 74
Number of Cigarettes Smoked Each Day 78
Attempts to Quit Smoking 78
Trends in Knowledge and Attitudes About Smoking 80
Trends in Perceived Health Risks of Smoking . 80
Trends in Perceptions About Smoking 80
Trends in Perceptions About Smokers 81
Adult Implications of Adolescent Smoking 84
Smoking and Other Drug Use 87
Prevalence of Smoking and Other Drug Use 88
Grade When Smoking and Other Drug Use Begins 88
Cigarette Smoking and Other Health-Related Behaviors 91
Cigarette Smoking and Health Status 91
Pregnancy and Smoking 91
Self-Reported Indicators of Health Status Among Smokers 93
Self-Reported Indicators of Nicotine Addiction Among Smokers 93
Smokeless;T'obacco Use Among Young People in the United States 95
Recent Pattep).% of Smokeless Tobacco Use 95
Ever Use of Smokeless Tobacco 95
Current Use of Smokeless Tobacco 95
Use of Smokeless Tobacco and Cigarettes 97
Sociodemographic Risk Factors for Smokeless Tobacco Use 101
Grade When Smokeless Tobacco Use Begins 101
Attempts to Quit Using Smokeless Tobacco 101
Smokeless Tobacco Brand Preference 101
Trends in Perceived Health Risks of Smokeless Tobacco Use' 101
TIMN 0138905

Pretlenthrg Tobacco Llse Anwikq Ymutg People
Mode of survey
administration
Telephone Response
rate
82% in 1989 Ages/
grades
12-18 years Sample
size
2,553-9,965
interview,
in-person
interview, mailed
questionnaire
Household
ean of
7-19 years
71-3,429.
inten,iew approximately
80%; 84% in 1991 (trend data);
12-18 years
9,086
(1991 analysis);
30-39 years
6,388
Self-administered
77%-86% of (retrospective
1991 analysis)
12th grade: 1976 1992
15,091-18,448t
in school sampled seniors; 10th grade: 1992 14,726#
66%-80% of 8th grade: 1992 18,4710
elf-administered selected schools;
70%-80% of seniors
remained in panel
5 years later
For national survey: 23-24 years old
when contacted
5-6 years later
9th-12th grades 13,665 in panel
2,272 in
in school
Household 90% of sampled stu-
dents; 75% of selected
schools
Approximately
8-19 years national
survey
453-1,385
interview, 85%-90% (trend analyses
limited for1974-1991);
telephone >_ 18 years (for 148,433
interview reconstructed
prevalence, using
1970,1978-1980, and
1987 surveys);
>_ 18 years (foi age
115,337
of initiation of
regular smoking
analyses among
females, 1970,
1978-1980,1987-1988)
Type of
tobacco use
examined
Smoking: all years
Smokeless: 1989
Smoking: all years
Smokeless: 1988-1991
. Smoking: all years
Smokeless: 198lr-1989,
1992
Smoking and
smokeless
Smoking: all years
'The Institute for Social Research usually reports the N (weighted), which is approximately equal to
the sample size.
Cases are weighted to account for differential probability of selection and then normalized to
average 1.0. The range for
N (weighted) for questions on smokeless tobacco between 1986 and 1992 = 2,553-2,991.
N (weighted) for smokeless tobacco 3 7,093.
°N (weighted) for smokeless tobacco = 8,441.
Epidemiology 57
TIMN 0138909

from the findings from cross-sectional studies. Beck,
Doyle, and Schachter (1982) examined white residents
of Lebanon, Connecticut, in 1972 and 1978. Among
male and female subjects aged 15 through 24 in 1972,
smoking had reduced the increment of FEV, during the
six-year follow-up interval.
In a 10-year study in Sydney, Australia,. Woolcock
et al. (1984) periodically measured lung function in an
initial cohort of 11,497 schoolchildren. Two groups of
children were included: a younger cohort that was 8.9
years of age on average at enrollment and an older
cohort aged 12.6 years on average at enrollment. The
investigators followed up the cohort annually, measur-
ing respiratory function and assessing symptoms, ill-
nesses, and smoking. A small number of children were
studied more intensively with the single-breath nitro-
gen test. The effect of smoking was examined only in
the older cohort. Cross-sectional assessment of these
data showed that at 50 percent of vital capacity, smok-
ers tended to have lower maximal expiratory flow than
nonsmokers. For example, adolescents who smoked at
least 10 cigarettes per week had about a 5 percent lower
expiratory flow rate than nonsmokers. The investiga-
tors concluded that abnormalities attributable to smok-
ing were found in adolescents as young as age 14 and as
soon as one year after beginning to smoke at least 10
cigarettes per week. They also concluded that smoking
was more harmful for children and adolescents who
had a history of respiratory illness, particularly asthma.
A cohort study of children in East Boston, Massa-
chusetts, has been informative on the effects of passive
and active smoking on lung function (Tager et al. 1979,
1983,1985,1988). In 1974, the study enrolled a cohort of
children aged five through nine who were sampled
from schools in East Boston. The families of these
children were then invited to participate in the initial
survey and in periodic follow-up examinations that
included a respiratory questionnaire and spirometry.
Several relevant longitudinal analyses of the East
Boston data have been reported (Tager et a1.1985,1987,
1988). Using data from the first seven follow-up ex-
aminations, Tager et al. (1985) described the effect of
smoking on the growth rates of FEVI and on forced
expiratory flow (FEF) from 25 to 75 percent of forced
yital capacity (FEF,,T) in a group of 669 subjects aged 5
through 19 years at enrollment. Using a Markov type
autoregressive model, researchers found significant ef-
fects of smoking on both measures of lung function.
The model predicted that a child's smoking, beginning
at age 15 and continuing through age 20, would reduce
FEV, to 92 pergent of the expected value and FEF,g,s to
90 percent of the expected value. A subsequent analysis
24 Health Consequences
SurXevn Getiera!'s Rqrurt
.
using a nonparametric curve-smoothing method on
these same data showed that male smokers had a smaller
increase of FEV, at the end of the growth phase (a
suggestion of a lower maximum lung function) than
males who had not smoked; those who continued to
smoke into early adulthood also showed no evidence of
the plateau observed in never smokers before lung func-
tion began to decline. Similar findings were reported
for females.
Relevant information is also available from a com-
munity population study in Tucson, Arizona (Lebowitz
and Holberg 1988). The Tucson cohort was derived
from a population sample of 325 non-Hispanic white
residents, originally sampled in 1972 when they were
an average age of 8.8 years. Like the East Boston study,
the Tucson study was directed primarily at passive
smoking but also gathered information on active smok-
ing by measuring FEV, and FEF,g,;. The Tucson study
found effects of comparable magnitude with those ob-
served in the East Boston study. Although these effects
did not reach statistical significance in the Tucson data,
they were in the same direction as those from East
Boston, and the sample population was only half the
size.
Sherrill et al. (1992) examined the longitudinal
effects of active and passive smoking on lung function
in a cohort of New Zealand children observed from
ages 9 through 15. Active smoking did not have statis-
tically significant effects on FEV,, vital capacity, or
FEV, /vital capacity (percent), but the numbers of regu-
lar smokers were small. By age 15, 43 percent reported
occasional smoking (during the last year but not every
day), but only 10 percent were daily smokers (smok-
ing any number of cigarettes on a daily basis).
Jaakkola et al. (1991) carried out an eight-year
longitudinal study of lung function in a cohort of young
adults aged 15 through 40 at enrollment. Of 1,044
enrolled, 391 were subsequently followed. Smoking
was found to have a significant effect on change in FEV,
during the study period, but the results were not re-
ported by age interval.
Respiratory Morbidity
In adults, smoking is associated with increased
morbidity, as indexed by such measures as use of out-
patient medical services and absenteeism from work,
and with increased respiratory morbidity, as indexed
by frequency or severity of respiratory infections
(USDHHS 1990). Because smoking has been shown to
alter immune and inflammatory responses (U.S. De-
partment of Health, Education, and Welfare [USDHEW]
1979b), these effects on an individual's defenses could
' TIMN 0138877

SurNevii (=,eueral '> Rqvrr
Table 3. Percentage of high school students who use cigarettes, by gender, Youth Risk Behavior
Surveys,
United States and selected U.S. sites, 1991
Lifetime cigarette use* Current cigarette use* Frequent cigarette use#
Site Female Male Total Female Male Total Female Male Total
Weighted data
National survey
70
71
70
27
28
28
12
13
13
State surveys
Alabama
70
79
74
24
32
28
11
16
13
Georgia 66 72 69 22 26 24 10 12 11
Idaho 56 65 61 22 24 23 12 14 13
Nebraska 70 75 72 28 30 29 15 15 15
New Mexico 82 81 82 30 30 30 13 14 13
New York° 72 70 71 32 28 30 18 17 17
Puerto Rico' 46 54 50 13 18 16 3 5 4
South Carolina 72 76 74 25 26 26 13 13 13
South Dakota 68 71 69 32 30 31 17 16 16
Utah 43 55 49 16 18 17 8 8 8
Local surveys
Chicago
72
73
72
13
20
16
4
7
6
Dallas 70 76 73 11 16 14 4 4 4
Fort Lauderdale 65 65 65 18 13 16 10 6 8
Jersey City 73 70 72 17 16 16 4 4 4
Miami 66 66 66 12 17 15 4 8 6
Philadelphia 82 70 76 22 17. 20 11 8 10
San Diego 64 71 68 18 18 18 7 7 7
Unweighted data9
State surveys
Colorado'
73
74
74
28
27
27
13
14
14
District of Columbia ' 70 60 65 5 7 6 2 2 2
Hawaii 70 70 70 27 25 26 12 13 13
Montana 68 71 69 24 24 24 13 12 12
New Hampshire 71 71 71 28 27 27 16 15 15
New Jersey° 67 61 64 NA** NA NA NA NA NA
Oregon 63 65 64 22 22 22 9 10 9
Pennsylvania° 69 73 71 28 28 28 16 15 15
Tennessee 72 75 74 30 30 30 16 16 16
Wisconsin 72 73 73 30 32 31 16 17 16
Wyoming 70 74 72 27 28 28 15 17 16
Local surveys
Boston
68
68
68
15
16
15
6
9
7
New York City 76 68 72 26 16 21 12 6 9
San Francisco 61 63 62 14 15 14 7 6 6
Source: Centers for Disease Control (1992d).
*Ever tried cigarette smoking, even one or two puffs.
rSmoked cigarettes on 1 or more of the 30 days preceding the survey.
tSmoked cigarettes on 20 or more of the 30 days preceding the survey. ,
°Surveys did not include students from the largest city.
'Categorized as a state for funding purposes.
IFourteen sites had overall response rates below 60% or had unavailable documentation; weighted
estimates were not reported.
**NA = Not available.
60 Epidemiology
'TIMN 0138912

Preventing Tohruco Utie Amorrg Young People
United States, the United Kingdom, New Zealand, and
Scandinavia and at levels of smoking as low as one
cigarette per week.
In one of the first studies on smoking and respira-
tory symptoms in children, Holland and Elliott (1968)
administered a questionnaire concerning respiratory
symptoms and cigarette smoking to all children in
schools in four areas of southeast England. Smoking
education was then provided to half of the schools, and
the questionnaire was readministered one year later.
Although the intervention had no effect on the preva-
lence of smoking, the study documented that smoking in
childhood was associated with cough and phlegm and
that these symptoms were reduced in those who had
stopped smoking.
Many later studies continued to show that smok-
ing increased the frequency of respiratory symptoms in
children and adolescents. In the United States, research
with high school students (Addington et a1.1970; Seely,
Zuskin, Bouhuys 1971; Rush 1974) and college students
(Peters and Ferris 1967) provided early evidence of ad-
verse effects of smoking on young smokers. Large stud-
ies of schoolchildren (including preteens) in the United
Kingdom showed that symptom rates were increased by
smoking. Bewley, Halil, and Snaith (1973) reported that
the frequency of cough was increased in boys and girls
no older than 11.5 years who reported smoking at least
one cigarette per week. Other studies in the United
Kingdom and the United States found further evidence
of the effects of smoking on symptom frequency in chil-
dren of similar ages (Bewley arid Bland 1976; Charlton
1984; see Table 31 in Chapter 3).
The health effects of smoking among adolescents
may be confounded by a history of passive smoking if
the parents of an adolescent smoker also smoke. How-
ever, in a study of 5,835 secondary schoolchildren in
Derbyshire (United Kingdom), students who smoked at
least one cigarette per week persisted in having an in-
creased risk for cough and dyspnea even after parental
smoking was taken into account (Bland et a1.1978).
Control for other potential confounding or mediat
ing factors varies among the investigations. Residence
location, a surrogate for exposure to ambient air pollu-
tion, was considered in several of the studies (Bewley,
Halil, Snaith 1973; Bewley and Bland 1976), and a study
of 20-year-olds (Colley, Douglas, Reid 1973) controlled
for socioeconomic status.
Lung Function
Numerous cross-sectional studies of adults have
shown that cigarette smokers have a lower level of lung
function, as assessed by tests of lung mechanics and gas
exchange, than persons who have never smoked
(USDHHS 1984; Bates 1989). Longitudinal studies show
that smoking speeds the age-related decline of lung func-
tion. The most abundant evidence describes changes in
lung function as assessed by spirometry, or the measure
of the volume of air entering and leaving the lungs. One
measure of scientific and clinical interest obtained through
spirometry is the forced expiratory volume in one se-
cond (FEVd, the volume of air blown out during the
first second of the forced vital capacity maneuver.
FEV, increases with lung growth and development dur-
ing childhood, and rises even more steeply with the
growth spurt of adolescence (Tager et al. 1988; Sherrill
et al. 1992). In persons who have never smoked,
FEV, begins to decline from a maximum at some time
during the third or fourth decades of life (Beck, Doyle,
Schachter 1982; Tager et al. 1988). In smokers, the age-
related decline commences at a younger age and pro-
ceeds at a steeper average rate (Beck, Doyle, Schachter
1982; USDHHS 1984; Tager et al. 1988). When people
stop smoking, their average decline gradually returns
to the rate observed in those who never smoked
(USDHHS 1990).
Cross-sectional and'longitudinal data show that
smoking also adversely affects lung function in'children
and adolescents (Table 2). The evidence comes princi-
pally from spirometry studies of high school students,
although one of the first studies to show reduced lung
function in young people involved college seniors (Pe-
ters and Ferris 1967). In these studies, impaired lung
function has been primarily indicated through reduced
flow rates after 50 percent or more of the vital capacity
has been exhaled. This effort-independent, latter portion
of the flow-volume loop is sensitive to abnormalities of
the lung's small airways and the lung parenchyma (Bates
1989). Several studies have also found that smokers have
a reduced peak expiratory flow rate (PEFR) (Table 2).
This effort-dependent portion of the flow-volume loop is
more sensitive to abnormal function of the lung's larger
airways than of its small airways (Bates 1989).
Among the first researchers to study smoking
among younger people were Peters and Ferris (1967), who
obtained spirometric and peak flow data from 124 Harvard
College seniors. Smokers had lower (although not signifi-
cantly) FEV, than persons who had never smoked. Spiro-
metric flow rates and PEFR were significantly lower in the
smokers. In an early study involving high school students,
Seely, Zuskin, and Bouhuys (1971) foiuid evidence of abnor-
mal funclion of the small airways in both boys and girls who
smoked. Subsequent cr+oss-sectional studies of teenagers
have tended to confirm that smokers have reduced lung
function, as assessed by spirometry or PEFR measiuement.
More recent, longitudinal data show that smoking
reduces the rate of lung growth, as would be anticipated
Health Consequences 17
TIMN 0138870

Prevenfiitg Tvhneco Use Anwitg Young People
Table 2. Percentage of young people who have ever smoked cigarettes, by gender, race/Hispanic
origin,
age/grade, and region, Teenage Attitudes and Practices Survey (TAPS), National Household
Surveys on Drug Abuse (NHSDA), Monitoring the Future Project (MTFP), Youth Risk Behavior
Survey (YRBS), United States,1989,1991,1992
Characteristic 1989
TAPS* 1991
NHSDAt 1992
MTFPt,§ 1991
YRBS'
Overall 46.5 41.9 61.8 70.1
Gender
Male
48.3
44.4
63.5
70.6
Female 44.4 39.3 60.2 69.5
Race/Hispanic origin
White, non-Hispanic
49.5
46.5
65.3
70.4
Male 51.5 49.1 66.2 71.4
Female 49.3 43.7 64.6 69.3
Black, non-Hispanic 36.4 28.1 42.6 67.2
Male 38.7 31.0 45.5 64.7
Female 34.1 25.0 40.4 69.3
Hispanic 43.1 34.4 NA4 75.3
Male 42.5 36.1 := 75.7
Female 43.7 32.5 74:9
. ~
Age/grade
12-14 years
29.7
26.0
15-16 years 52.5 45.9
17-18 years 63.9 60.9
8th grade 45.2 '
9th grade 64.8
10th grade 53.5 68.3
11 th grade 72.8
12th grade 61.8 74.5
Region
Northeast
46.0
39.7
63.7
70.6
North Central 47.9 46.2 65.2 73.0
South 46.5 41.1 61.1 71.3
West 45.0 , 40.3 56.5 65.0
Sources: 1989 TAPS Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), Office on Smoking and Health
(OSH) (unpublished
data); 1991 NHSDA:: CDC, OSH (unpublished data);1992 MTFP: Johnston, O'Malley, Bachman (in press);
Institute for
Social Research, Uni+versityy of Michigan (unpublished data); 1991 YRBS: CDC (1992c); CDC, Division
of Adolescent and
School Health (unpublished data).
*1989 TAPS, aged 12-18.years. Based on responses to the questions, "Have you ever smoked a
cigarette?" and "Have you
ever tried or experimented with cigarette smoking, even a few puffs?" Respondents who had smoked a
cigarette, even a few
puffs, were classified as ever smokers.
'1991 NHDSA, aged 12-18 years. Based on response to the question, "About how old were you when you
first tried a
cigarette?" ("Never tried a cigarette" was a precoded response.)
x1992 MTFP survey. Based on response to the question, "Have you ever smoked cigarettes?" Respondents
who reported that
they had tried cigarettes at least once or twice were classified as ever smokers.
'With the exception of data for 8th- and 10th-grade students, all other data points for the MTFP
survey reflect estimates for
high school seniors.
'1991 YRBS, grades 9-12. Based on response to the question, "Have you ever tried cigarette smoking,
even one or two puffs?"
9NA = Not available.
Epidemiology 59
TIMN 0138911

Prerenhirg Tobacco Use Among Young People
Table 5. Percentage of young people who report frequent or heavy use of cigarettes, by gender, race/
Hispanic origin, age/grade, and region, Teenage Attitudes and Practices Survey (TAPS), National
Household Surveys on Drug Abuse (NHSDA), Monitoring the Future Project (MTFP), Youth
Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS), United States,1989,1991,1992
Characteristic 1989
TAPS* 1991
NHSDAt 1992
MTFPx' 1991
YRBS'
Measure of use Frequent Heavy Heavy Frequent
Overall 8.1 6.6 10.0 12.7
Gender
Male
8.4
6.9
10.4
13.0
Female 7.7 6.2 9.2 12.4
Race/Hispanic origin
White, non-Hispanic
10.1
7.9
12.0
15.4
Male 10.5 8.1 12.2 15.0
Female 9.7 7.6 11.6 15.8
Black, non-Hispanic 1.9 2.8 1.6 3.1
Male 2.8 3.7 2.4 4.5
Female 1.0 1.8 0.9 1.9
Hispanic 4.4 3.0 NAt 6.8
Male 4.0 2.4 8.0.
Female 4.9 .3.6 5.7
Age/grade
12-14 years
1.8
1.2
15-16 years 8.3 6.5
17-18 years 16.7 14.4
8th grade 2.9
9th grade , 8.4
10th grade 6.0 11.3
11 th grade 15.6
12th grade 10.0 15.6
Region
Northeast
8.7
7.7
11.1
12.1
North Central 9.1 7.1 10.9 18.9
South 7.3 6.2 10.2 10.5
West 7.6 5.7 6.8 9.0
Sources: 1989 TAPS: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), Office on Smoking and Health
(OSH) (unpub-
lished data); 1991 NHSDA: CDC, OSH (unpublished data);1992MTFP: Johnston, O'Malley, Bachman (in
press); Institute
for Social Research, University of Michigan (unpublished data); 1991 YRBS: CDC (1992c); CDC,
Division of Adolescent and
School Health (unpublished data).
*1989 TAPS, aged 12=18 years. Based on responses to the questions, "Have you ever smoked a
cigarette?" and "Think about
the last 30 days. Onhow many of these days did you smoke?" Those who had smoked on 20 or more of the
previous 30
days were classiffed as frequent smokers.
}1991 NHSDA, aged 12-18 years. Based on response to the question, "How many cigarettes have you
smoked per day, on
the average, during the past 30 days?" Respondents who reported smoking about one-half pack a day
(6-15 cigarettes) or
more were classified as heavy smokets.
t1992 MTFP survey. Based on response to the question, "How frequently have you smoked cigarettes
during the last 30
days?" Respondents who reported smoking about one-half pack per day or more were classified as heavy
smokers.
°With the exception of data for 8th- and 10th-grade students, all other data points for the MTFP
survey reflect estimates for
high school seniors.
'1991 YRBS, grades 9-12. Based on response to the question, "During the past 30 days, on how many
days did you smoke
cigarettes?" Those who had smoked on 20 or more of the previous 30 days were classified as frequent
smokers.
qNA = Not available.
Epidemiology 63
TIMN 0138915 1

Surgeon Gelteral'. Report
(USDHHS 1988; Henningfield, Clayton, Pollin 1990)
showed that 12- through 17-year-olds who had'smoked
cigarette , in the past 30 days were approximately 3 times
more likely to have consumed alcohol, 8 times more
likely to have smoked marijuana, and 22 times more
likely to have used cocaine in the past 30 days than those
who had not smoked cigarettes. Data from the 1985-
1989 MTFP showed that seniors who had smoked ciga-
rettes in the past 30 days were about 1.6 times more likely
to have consumed alcohol, 4 times more likely
to have smoked marijuana, and 5 times more likely to
have used cocaine in the past 30 days than those who had
not smoked cigarettes (see "Smoking and Other Drug
Use" and Table 23 in Chapter 3).
The 1985 NHSDA (USDHHS 1988; Henningfield,
Clayton, Pollin 1990) examined heavier drug use as a
function of cigarette smoking. Having 5 or more drinks
in succession in the past 30 days, using marijuana on
more than 10 occasions, and using cocaine on more than
10 occasions were considered heavier usage of drugs. A
strong association was observed between cigarette smok-
ing and other drug use among all age groups in this
study, although the percentage of the increases in drug
use from the never-smoker to the daily-smoker levels
was strongest in the 12- through 17-year-old group (Fig-
ure 1). Among these youngest smokers, those who
smoked daily were approximately 14 times more likely
to have binged on alcoho1,114 times more likely to have
used marijuana at least 11 times, and 32 times more likely
to have used cocaine at least 11 times than those who had
not smoked.
A similar correlation between frequency of alcohol
use and level of cigarette smoking was found in a study
of 7th- through 12th-grade students in New York State
(Welte and Barnes 1987). In the Welte and Barnes study,
as in the NHSDA, not only were smoking any cigarettes
and drinking alcohol related, but daily smoking was a
predictor of binge drinking. These data are consistent
with those from a study of adult multiple-drug abusers,
which found that severity of nicotine dependence, as
measured either by a scale that assesses the strength of a
given habit or by cigaret#es smoked per day, was corre-
lated directly with severity of alcohol consumption prob-
lems, as measured by scores on the Michigan Alcoholism
Screening Test (Kozlowski et a1.1993). These data indi-
cate a strong direct relationship between level of nicotine
dependence and alcohol abuse but do not in themselves
show the direction of the relationship or rule out the
possibility that other factors commonly determine the
coincidental occttrrence of high Ievels of tobacco and
other drug use.
Data from a longitudinal study in which 4,192
students (grades six through eight) were surveyed three
times over four years extended the findings that the
a
mount of tobacco use is directly related to other drug
use (Bailey 1992). Specifically, this study showed that
students who during follow-up periods escalated from
low-level use of tobacco or alcohol to heavy-level use
were more likely to begin using other psychoactive
substances or to increase their use of these substances
than students who remained low-level users of tobacco
or alcohol (Bailey 1992).
Other studies suggest that the age at onset of
cigarette smoking determines the probability of subse-
quent use of marijuana and of heavy alcohol use. For
example, Clayton and Ritter (1985) found not only that
cigarette smoking, along with alcohol use, was the most
powerful predictor of marijuana use, but also that the
effect was strongest when smoking was initiated by age
17. Similarly, Keenan (1988) found that the age at onset
of cigarette smoking was significantly younger in people
with a history of alcoholism than in those who did not
use alcohol.
Another study estimated that the relative risk of
alcoholism was increased tenfold among cigarette smok-
ers and that people who heavily use alcohol represent
approximately one-third of all cigarette smokers
(DiFranza and Guerrera 1990). A further analysis,s of
these and additional data led Kozlowski et al. (1993) to
conclude that because the association between smoking
and drinking is weaker among light smokers, the per-
centage of heavier smokers who develop problems with
alcohol might be greater. than 30 percent.
Of all drug users surveyed by the NIDA, cigarette
smokers were by far the most likely to report experienc-
ing various features of addiction. Among 12- through
17-year-olds who had used cigarettes, 27 percent were
daily users and 20 percent felt dependent; of those who
had used alcohol, 6 percent were daily users and 5 per-
cent felt dependent; of those who had.used marijuana, 18
percent were daily users and 10 percent felt dependent;
of those who had used cocaine, 14 percent were daily
users and 6 percent felt dependent (USDHHS 1988;
Henningfield, Clayton, Pollin 1990). Cigarette smoking
was also, by far, the drug use most commonly associated
with withdrawal symptoms. Thus, cigarette smoking
not only occurs early in the progression of drug use, it
appears to be the first of these drugs to produce features
of addiction in young people.
Smoking as a Facilitator for Other Drug Use
A number of inechanisms could explain how ciga-
rette smoking facilitates the use of alcohol and illegal
drugs. These mechanisms are not mutually exclusive.
Moreover, othqrvariables may operate to nondifferentially
increase the use of tobacco and a wide range of other
substances. For example, children with conduct disorders
are at increased risk of using tobacco, heroin, alcohol,
36 Health Consequences
TIMN 0138889

Surgeorr General's Report
Table 6. Prevalence (%) of cigarette smoking among high school seniors, by various sociodemographic
risk factors, Monitoring the Future Project, United States, 1985-1989
Sociodemographic risk factor
N (weighted) Smoked during
past month Smoked _ 10
cigarettes/day
Household structure
Lives with both parents
58,100
28.3
10.3
Lives with father only 2,657 35.4 16.3
Lives with mother only 13,955 29.5 12.2
Lives alone 547 47.2 28.3
Other 5,783 34.4 17.8
Population density of locale in which
respondent grew up
Farm
4,445
32.5
12.3
Country 9,438 30.8 12.4
Small city 23,837 28.9 11.0
Medium-sized city or suburb 16,096 29.3 10.9
Large city or suburb 12,504 28.3 10.8
Very large city or suburb 7,612 . 25.9 8.9
Self-reported overall academic performance
Above average
24,640
21.6
6.6
Slightly above average 18,688 28.0 9.7
Average 28,609 . .34.0 14.2
Below average 5,652 40.6 20.7
Plans to complete four years of college 50,364 23.9 6.9
Does not plan to complete four years of college 25,379 39.1 19.5
Plans to enter the armed forces
Male
8,317
31.2
13.7
Female 2,644 30.4 12.3
Does not plan to enter the armed forces
Male
25,621
26.1
10.0
Female 34,669 30.1 11.0
Importance of religion
Very important
20,637
19.2
5.9
Important 25,166 29.5 10.5
Not/somewhat important 33,104 35.1 15.2
Source: Centers, for Disease Control and Prevention, Office on Smoking and Health (unpublished
data).
,
64 Epidemiology
-TIMN 0138916

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
Acknowledgments
Th,s report was prepared by the Department of Health
and Human Services under the general direction of the
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National
Center for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health
Promotion, Office on Smoking and Health.
David Satcher, M.D., Ph.D., Director, Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
Jeffrey P. Koplan, M.D., M.P.H., Director, National Center
for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion,
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Atlanta,
Georgia.
Richard B. Rothenberg, M.D., M.P.H., Associate Director
for Science, National Center for Chronic Disease
Prevention and Health Promotion, Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
Michael P. Eriksen, Sc.D., Director, Office on Smoking
and Health, National Center for Chronic Disease
Prevention and Health Promotion, Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
The editors of the report were
Cheryl L. Perry, Ph.D., Senior Scientific Editor, Professor,
Division of Epidemiology, School of Public Health,
University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota.
Gayle Lloyd, M.A., Managing Editor, Office on Smoking
and Health, National Center for Chronic Disease
Prevention and Health Promotion, Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
Frederick L. Hull, Ph.D., Technical Editor, National Center
for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion,
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Atlanta,
Georgia.
Contributing authors were
David R. Arday, 1\!,t.D.; M.P.H., Preventive Medicine
Specialist, Office on Smoking and Health, National Center
for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion,
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Atlanta,
Georgia.
Dennis V. Ary, Ph.D., Research Scientist, Oregon Research .
Institute, and President, Oregon Center for Applied
Science, Eugene, Oregon.
Michael Booth, Ph.D., Lecturer, Department of Public
Health, University of Sydney, Sydney, Australia.
Dee Burton, Ph.D., Associate Director for Med ia Research,
University of Illinois at Chicago Prevention Research
Center, School of Public Health, Chicago, Illinois.
Frank J. Chaloupka IV, Ph.D., Assistant Professor,
Department of Economics, The University of Illinois at
Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.
K. Michael Cummings, Ph.D., M.P.H., Director, Smoking
Control Program, Roswell Park Cancer Institute, New
York State Department of Health, Buffalo, New York.
Joseph R. DiFranza, M.D., Director of Research, Fitchburg
Family Practice Residency Program, Fitchburg,
Massachusetts.
Roselyn Payne Epps, M.D., M.P.H., Expert, National Cancer
Institute,National Institutes of Health, Bethesda, Maryland.
Jean L. Forster, Ph.D., M.P.H., Associate Professor,
Division of Epidemiology, School of Public Health,
University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota.
Gary A. Giovino, Ph.D., Chief, Epidemiology Branch,
Office on Smoking and Health, National Center for
Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion,
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Atlanta,
Georgia.
Elbert D. Glover, Ph.D., Director, Tobacco Research Center,
Mary Babb Randolph Cancer Center, West Virginia
University School of Medi.cine/Robert C. Byrd Health
Sciences Center, Morgantown, West Virginia.
Jack E. Henningfield, Ph.D., Chief, Clinical Pharmacology
Branch, Addiction Research Center, National Institute on
Drug Abuse, National Institutes of Health, Baltimore,
Maryland.
Lloyd Johnston, Ph.D., Program Director, Institute of
Social Research, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor,
Michigan.
Laura Kann, Ph.D., Chief, Surveillance Research Section,
Division of Adolescent and School Health, National Center
for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion,
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Atlanta,
Georgia.
R. Monina Klevens, D.D.S., M.P.H., Epidemiologist, Office
on Smoking and Health, National Center for Chronic
Disease Prevention and Health Promotion, Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
Edward Lithtenstein, Ph.D., Research Scientist, Oregon
Research Institute, Eugene, Oregon.
V
TIMN 0138851

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
Table 12. Percent distribution of an initiation continuum for cigarette smoking among persons aged
12-18
years, by age, gender, and race/Hispanic origin, Teenage Attitudes and Practices Survey, United
States, 1989
Age (years)
Uptake continuum category
Overall 12-14
1. Never tried smoking, 44.3 55.5
not susceptible
2. Never tried smoking, 10.2 15.8
susceptible
3. Tried smoking, not a whole 7.9 6.6
cigarette, not susceptible
4. Tried smoking, not a whole 3.3 4.3
cigarette, susceptible
5. Smoked 1-99 cigarettes, 13.5 7.5
but none in the last 30 days,
and not intending to smoke
in a year
6. Smoked 1-99 cigarettes, but none 4.1 4.2
in the last 30 days, and might
smoke in a year
7. Smoked _ 100 cigarettes, but 0.9 0.2
none in the last 30 days, and not
intending to smoke in a year
8. Smoked ? 100 cigarettes, but 0.4 0.2
none in the last 30 days, and
might smoke in a year
9. Smoked 1-99 cigarettes,
at least sonie in the
past 30 dayj_=~..
10. Smoked >-1U0 cigarettes and
smoked on 1-19 days during
the past 30 days
5.9 3.7
2.2 0.7
11. Smoked at least 100 cigarettes 7.3 1.3
and smoked on at least 20
days during the past 30 days
Gender
Race/Hispanic origin
5-16
7-18
ale Female White/
non-
His-
panic Black/
non-
His-
panic
ispanic
40.1 32.9 42.0 46.8 42.3 54.0 40.3
8.4 4.3 10.1 10.3 9.4 10.5 15.9
8.3 9.5 8.6 7.2 7.1 12.7 8.0
3.2 2.1 3.8 2.7 2.6. 5.2 5.4
16.6 . 18.8 13.6 13.4 14.6 9.6 12.6
4.8 3.1 4.2 3.9 4.4 1.9 5.4
1.0 1.9 1.2 0.7 1.2 0.0 0.8
0.4 0.7 0.4 0.4 0.5 0.3 0.5
7.3 7.4 5.8 5.9. 6.3 4.1 5.6
2.6 3.8 2.3 2.0 2.6 0.6 1.7
7.5 15.5 7.8 6.7 9.1 1.2 4.0
A
Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Office on Smoking and Health (unpublished data).
Epidemiology 69
TIMN 0138921

"`".<:a'katr a''T
Surgeori General's RepWt
cocaine, and other drugs (USDHHS 1988). Similarly, a
longitudinal study showed that first-grade children who
were characterized by their teachers as either shy or
aggressive were significantly more likely than their peers
to smoke cigarettes, drink alcohol, and use illegal drugs
in their teenage years (Kellam, Ensminger, Simon 1980).
Evidence of other predictive factors, however, does not
rule out the possibility that young people who smoke
have an increased risk of using other drugs.
Morphologic changes in brain structure that have
been induced by nicotine exposure might predispose
persons to the abuse of other drugs; this mechanism,
however, has not yet been experimentally investigated.
One possibility is that common pathways of drug-
produced reinforcement in the brain might be altered so
that the reinforcement produced by subsequent drug
exposure is intensified. Central nicotinic receptors are
known to be critical mediators of the reinforcing effects of
nicotine (USDHHS 1988). In turn, activation of these
receptors leads to activation of the dopaminergic reward
system, which is critical in mediating the reinforcing
effects of a wide variety of abused drugs, including co-
caine and heroin. Thus, it is a plausible, but unproven,
hypothesis that nicotine exposure would lead to a height-
ened sensitivity to the reinforcing effects of other drugs of
abuse. This hypothesis is supported by the finding that
the development of tolerance to nicotine is accompanied
by the development of tolerance ("cross-tolerance") to
alcohol (Burch et al. 1988; Collins et al. 1988). Other
research with animals also shows that-nicotine exposure,
eitheralone or in combination with otherdrugs, may alter
the behavioral responses to drugs of abuse, including
alcohol and cocaine (Signs and Schechter 1986; Horger,
Giles, Schenk 1992). These data together suggest a plau-
sible biological basis for a causal role for tobacco use in the
development of other substance abuse patterns, even if
this role is shared by other risk factors.
Nicotine produces various effects that have been
shown to be produced similarly by one or more other
abused drugs; all of these findings were discussed in
greater detail in the 1988 Surgeon General's report
(USDHHS 1988) an~elsewhere (Pomerleau and
Pomerleau 1984). Nicotin~administration produces feel-
ings of pleasure and euphoria that elevate the same
scales on the Addiction Research Center Inventory as the
effects of heroin, cocaine, alcohol, and other abused drugs
(Henningfield, Miyasato, Jasinski 1985; USDHHS 1988).
Human subjects report, and laboratory rats demonstrate,
that nicotine produces acute effects that are more like a
stimulant than a sedative (Henningfield, Miyasato,
Jasinski 1985; USDHHS 1988). Nicotine administration
causes cortical EEG activation (increase in alpha and beta
frequency, decrease in beta power) that is associated
with increased vigilance and improved cognitive func-
tion (USDHHS 1988; Pickworth, Herning, Henningfield
1989). Conversely, nicotine deprivation leads to EEG
deactivation and concomitant decreases in vigilance and
cognitive function (USDHHS 1988; Pickworth, Herning,
Henningfield 1989). Nicotine administration modulates
the various levels of catecholamines, which are impor-
tant in the regulation of mood and reactions to stressful
stimuli (Pomerleau and Pomerleau 1984; USDHHS 1988).
Partly through its effects on serotonergic systems
in the brain, nicotine has some of the same effects on
appetite as medications prescribed for this purpose. Nico-
tine can reduce skeletal muscle tension and thereby con-
tribute to the feelings of pleasurable relaxation often
attributed to various abused drugs. For all of these
drugs, including nicotine, the specific effect produced is
related to the dose of the drug administered. Thus,
depending on the dose of the drug or drugs taken, the
time since the last dose, and other factors, theoretically
the user may achieve certain effects with any of several
drugs, achieve various maximal effects through drug
combinations, or use certain drug combinations in an
effort to reduce certain adverse effects (Gardner 1980).
Certain trends in drug abuse that have become
prominent over the past decade increase the potential
role of cigarette smoking in the development of other
forms of drug use. Specifically, there are increasing
reports of smokable preparations of various drugs, in-
cluding cocaine ("crack"), methamphetamine ("ice"),
phencyclidine ("PCP"), and heroin, and marijuana con-
tinues to be smoked by large numbers of people
(USDHHS 1988). Drug administration via smoking re-
quires the user to learn to regulate dose and to become
tolerant of the rapid onset and aversive effects of smoke
inhalation. These basic skills may be learned through the
process of becoming dependent on tobacco, as is dis-
cussed in "Developmental Stages of Smoking" in Chap-
ter 4 of this report and in the 1988 report. Once learned,
these skills can be transferred to other smoked drugs and
can facilitate the process of experimentation with such
drugs, as well as increase the potential for addiction.
.
38 Health Consequences
T'MN 0138891

Surgeon General 's Report
4. Adolescents with lower levels of school achieve-
ment, with fewer skills to resist pervasive influences
to use tobacco, with friends who use tobacco, and
with lower self-images are more likely than their
peers to use tobacco.
5. Cigarette advertising appears to increase young
people's risk of smoking by affecting their
perceptions of the pervasiveness, image, and func-
tion of smoking.
6. Communitywide efforts that include tobacco tax in-
creases, enforcement of minors' access laws, youth-
oriented mass media campaigns, and school-based
tobacco-use prevention programs are successful in
reducing adolescent use of tobacco.
Summary
Introduction
The health effects of cigarette smoking have been
the subject of intensive investigation since the 1950s. Ciga-
rette smoking is still considered the chief preventable
cause of premature disease and death in the United
States. As was documented extensively in previous Sur-
geon General's reports, cigarette smoking has been caus-
ally linked to lung cancer and other fatal malignancies,
atherosclerosis and coronary heart disease, chronic ob-
structive pulmonary disease, and other conditions that
constitute a wide array of serious health consequences
(USDHHS 1989). More recent studies have concluded
that passive (or involuntary) smoking can cause disease,
including lung cancer, in healthy nonsmokers. In 1986,
an advisory committee appointed by the Surgeon Gen-
eral released a special report on the health consequences
of smokeless tobacco, concluding that smokeless tobacco
use can cause cancer and can lead to nicotine addiction
(USDHHS 1986). In the 1988 report, nicotine was desig-
nated a highly addictive substance, comparable in its
physiological and psychological properties to other ad-
dictive substances of abuse (USDHHS 1988).
Considerable evidence indicates that the health
problems associated with smoking are a function of the
duration (years) and the intensity (amount) of use. The
younger one begins to smoke, the more likely one is to be
a current smoker as art,adult: Earlier onset of cigarette
smoking and smokeless tobacco use provides more life-
years to use tobacco andthereby increases the potential
duration of use and the risk of a range of more serious
health consequences. Earlier onset is also associated
with heavier use; those who begin to use tobacco as
younger adolescents are among the heaviest users in
adolescence and adulthood. Heavier users are more
likely to experience tobacco-related health problems and
are the least likely to quit smoking cigarettes or using
smokeless tobacco. Preventing tobacco use among young
people is therefore likely to affect both duration and
intensity of total use of tobacco, potentially reducing
long-term health consequences significantly.
Health Consequences of Tobacco Use
Among Young People
Active smoking by young people is associated
with significant health problems during childhood
and adolescence and with increased risk factors for
health problems in adulthood. Cigarette smoking
during adolescence appears to reduce the rate of lung
growth and the level of maximum lung function that
can be achieved. Young smokers are likely to be less
physically fit than young nonsmokers; fitness levels
are inversely related to the duration and the intensity
of smoking. Adolescent smokers report that they are
significantly more likely than their nonsmoking peers
to experience shortness of breath, coughing spells,
phlegm production, wheezing, and overall dimin-
ished physical health. Cigarette smoking during child-
hood and adolescence poses a dear risk for respiratory
symptoms and problems during adolescence; these
health problems are risk factors for other chronic con-
ditions in adulthood, including chronic obstructive
pulmonary disease.
Cardiovascular disease is the leading cause of
death among adults in the United States. Atheroscle-
rosis, however, may begin in childhood and become
clinically significant by young adulthood. Cigarette
smoking has been shown to be a primary risk factor,
for coronary heart disease, arteriosclerotic peripheral
vascular disease, and stroke. Smoking by children
and adolescents is associated with an increased risk of
early atherosclerotic lesions and increased risk factors
foi cardiovascular diseases. These risk factors include
increased levels of low-density lipoprotein cholesterol,
increased very-low-density lipoprotein cholesterol,
increased triglycerides, and reduced levels of
6 Introduction TIMN 0138860

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
Karen M. Deasy, Assistant Director (Liaison), Office on
Smoking and Health, National Center for Chronic Disease
Prevention and Health Promotion, Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention, Washington, D.C.
Susan R. Derrick, Editorial Assistant, Office on Smoking
and Health, National Center for Chronic Disease
Prevention and Health Promotion, Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
Alice A. DeVierno, M.L.S., Manager, Technical Information
Center, Office on Smoking and Health, National Center for
Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion, Centers
for Disease Control and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
Elizabeth D. Eckl, M.S.L.S., Information Specialist, Circle
Solutions, Inc., McLean Virginia.
Joseph Gfroerer, Statistician, Division of Epidemiology
and Prevention Research, National Institute on Drug
Abuse, National Institutes of Health, Rockville, Maryland.
Donna Gloria, Secretary, HCR Consulting Group, Atlanta,
Georgia.
Lakshmi M. Grama, M.L.S., Database -Advisor, Circle
Solutions, Inc., McLean, Virginia.
Janet C. Greenblatt, Statistician, Office of Applied Studies,
Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services
Administration, Washington, D.C.
William A. Harris, Computer Specialist, Division of
Adolescent and School Health, National Center for
Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion,
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Atlanta,
Georgia.
Lillian Hatch, M.S.L.S., Information Specialist, Circle
Solutions, Inc., McLean, Virginia.
Corinne G. Husten, M.D., M.P.H., Medical Officer, Office
on Smoking and Health, National Center for Chronic
Disease Prevention and Health Promotion, Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
Gwendolyn A. Ingraham, Writer-Editor, National Center
for Injury Preventirnt and Control, Centers for Disease
Control and Preveation, Atlanta, Georgia.
Jeffrey C. Johnson, Computer Specialist, Division of
Epidemiology, School of Public Health, University of
Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota.
Doreen Johnson-Kloehn, M.A., Scientist, Division of
Epidemiology, School of Public Health, University of
Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota.
Steven C. Joseph, M.D., Dean, School of Public Health,
University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota.
ix
Sarah Knowlton, J.D., Attorney-Advisor, Office of the
General Counsel, Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
Kelli Komro, M.S. W., M.P.H., Doctoral Student, Division
of Epidemiology, School of Public Health, University of
Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota.
Sushil Kriplani, M.A., Consultant, Minneapolis,
Minnesota.
Mark J. Leech, M.A., Information Specialist, Circle
Solutions, Inc., McLean, Virginia.
Peggy Lytton, Editor, Circle Solutions, Inc., McLean,
Virginia.
Karen McCloud, Editorial Assistant, HCR Consulting
Group, Atlanta, Georgia.
Bonnie L. Manning, Executive Secretary, Division of
Epidemiology, School of Public Health, University of
Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota.
William L. Marx, Technical Information Specialist, Office
on Smoking and Health,' National Center for Chronic
Disease Prevention and Health Promotion, Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
Daniel F. McLaughlin, Editor, Circle Solutions, Inc.,
McLean, Virginia.
Jennifer A. Michaels, M.L.S., Technical Information
Specialist, Of[ico on Smoking and Health, National Center
for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion,
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Atlanta,
Georgia.
Nancy A. Miltenberger, M.A., Editor, Circle Solutions,
Inc., McLean, Virginia.
Kimberly J. Miner, Ph.D., Postdoctoral Fellow, Division
of Epidemiology, School of Public Health, University of
Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota:
-Paul D. Mowrey, M.S., Research Scientist, Battelle
Memorial Institute, Atlanta, Georgia.
Suong Nguyen, Student, School of Public Health, San
Diego University, San Diego, California.
Gwen J. Nunnally, Secretary, Office on Smoking and
Health, National Center for Chronic Disease Prevention
and Health Promotion, Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
Cathie M. O'Donnell, Project Director, Circle Solutions,
Inc., McLean, Virginia.
TIMN 0138855

Surgewt General's Repvrt
Guy S. Parcel, Ph.D., Professor and Director, Center for
Health Promotion and Research Development, University
of Texas Health Science Center, Houston, Texas.
Joseph Patterson, Director of Government Relations and
Specia l Projects, American Cancer Society, Atlan ta, Georgia.
Terry F. Pechacek, Ph.D., Associate Professor, School of
Medicine and Biomedical Sciences, State University of
New York, Buffalo, New York.
Michael Pertschuk, J.D., Co-Director, The Advocacy
Institute, Washington, D.C.
John P. Pierce, Ph.D., Associate Professor and Head,
Cancer Prevention and Control, University of California,
San Diego, Califonnia.
John M. Pinney, Chief Executive Officer, Corporate Health
Policies Group, Bethesda, Maryland.
Patrick Remington, M.D., State Medical Officer and
Epidemiologist, Chronic Disease and Health Promotion
Section, Wisconsin Department of Health and Social
Services, Madison, Wisconsin.
John W. Richards, Jr., M.D., Associate Editor, Journal of
Family Practice, Augusta, Georgia.
Julius Richmond, M.D., John D. McArthur Professor of
Health Policy Emeritus, Harvard Medical School, Boston,
Massachusetts.
Nancy A. Rigotti, M.D., Assistant Professor of Medicine
and Preventive Medicine, Harvard Medical School and
Associate Director, Quit Smoking Service, Massachusetts
General Hospital, Boston, Massachusetts.
Jonathan M. Samet, M.D., Professor of Medicine,
University of New Mexico, School of Medicine,
Albuquerque, New Mexico.
Thomas C. Schelling, Ph.D., Distinguished Professor of
Economics and Public Affairs, Departmentof Economics/
School of Public Affairs, University of Maryland, College
Park, Maryland.
Russell Sciandra, M.A:; I'rojectManager, American Stop
Smoking InterventiongtiidyforCancer Prevention, New
York State Department of Health; Albany, New York
Donald R. Shopland, Coordinator, Smoking and Tobacco
Control Program, National' Cancer Institute, National
Institutes of Health, Bethesda, Maryland.
Vivian L. Smith, M.S.W., Acting Director, Center for
Substance Abuse Prevention, Substance Abuse and
Mental Health Services Administration, Rockville,
Maryland.
Jesse Steinfeld, M.D., Surgeon General, U.S. Public Health
Service, 1969-1973, San Diego, California.
Steve Sussman, Ph.D., Associate Professor, Institute for
Health Promotion and Disease Prevention Research,
University of Southern California, Alhambra, California.
Ira B. Tager, M.D., Professor of Epidemiology, University
of California, Berkeley, School of Public Health, Berkeley,
California.
Larry Wallack, Dr. P.H., Professor, School of Public
Health, University of California at Berkeley, Berkeley,
California.
Kenneth E. Warner, Ph.D., Professor and Chair,
Department of Public Health Policy and Administration,
School of Public Health, University of Michigan, Ann
Arbor, Michigan.
Jeffrey Wasserman, Ph.D., Associate Director, Health
Policy Research, SysteMetrics, Santa Barbara, California.
Scott T. Weiss, M.D., Associate Professor of Medicine,
Harvard School of Public Health, and Channing
Laboratory, Harvard Medical School, and Brigham and
Women's Hospital, Boston, Massachusetts.
Judith Wilkenfeld, J.D., Assistant Director, Division of
Advertising Practices, Federal Trade Commission,
Washington, D.C.
Deborah M. Winn, Ph.D.,, Chief, Analytical Studies and
Decision Systems Branch, Epidemiology and Oral Disease
Prevention Program, National Institute of Dental
Research, National Institutes of Health, Bethesda,
Maryland.
Ernst L. Wynder, M.D., President, American Health
Foundation, New York, New York.
Other eontributors were
Deborah Anker, M.A., Graphic Artist, Circle Solutions,
Inc., McLean, Virginia.
Victoria Agee, M.L.S., Agee Indexing Services,
Albuquerque, New Mexico.
Kelly L. Byrne, Word Processing Specialist, Circle
Solutions, Inc., McLean, Virginia.
Michele Chang, Special Assistant to the Director, Office
on Smoking and Health, National Center for Chronic
Disease Prevention and Health Promotion, Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
Jeffrey H. Chrismon, Computer Programmer, The Orkand
Corporation, Atlanta, Georgia.
Anita Cowan,M.L.S., Director, Information Systems and
Services Group, Circle Solutions, Inc., McLean, Virginia.
vui
TIlVIN 0138854

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
and smokeless tobacco use continue to be of great public
health importance, since one out of three U.S. adoles-
cents uses tobacco by age 18. The social environment of
adolescents, including the functions, meanings, and im-
ages of smoking that are conveyed through cigarette
advertising, sets the stage for adolescents to begin using
tobacco. As tobacco products are available and as peers
begin to try them, these factors become personalized and
Chapter Conclusions
Following are the specific condusions for each chap-
ter of this report:
Chapter 2. The Health Consequences of
Tobacco Use by Young People
1. Cigarette smoking during childhood and adoles-
cence produces significant health problems among
young people, including cough and phlegm pro-
duction, an increased number and severity of respi-
ratory illnesses, decreased physical fitness, an
unfavorable lipid profile, and potential retardation
in the rate of lung growth and the level of maximum
lung function.
2. Among addictive behaviors, cigarette smoking is the
one most likely to become established during ado-
lescence. People who begin to smoke at an early age
are more likely to develop severe levels of nicotine
addiction than those who start at a later age.
3. Tobacco use is associated with alcohol and illicit
drug use and is generally the first drug used by
young people who enter a sequence of drug use that
can include tobacco, alcohol, marijuana, and harder
drugs.
4. Smokeless tobacco use by adolescents is associated
with early indicators of periodontal degeneration
and with lesions in the oral soft tissue. Adolescent
smokeless tobaccp users are more likely than nonus-
ers to become cigarette smokers.
Chapter 3. Epidemiology of Tobacco Use
Among Young People in the United States
1. Tobacco use primarily begins in early adolescence,
typically by age 16; almost all first use occurs before
the time of high school graduation.
2. Smoking prevalence among adolescents declined
sharply in the 1970s, but the decline slowed
relevant, and tobacco use may begin. This process most
affects adolescents who, compared with their peers, have
lower self-esteem and self-images, are less involved with
school and academic achievement, have fewer skills to
resist the offers of peers, and come from homes with
lower socioeconomic status. Tobacco-use prevention
programs that target the larger social environment of
adolescents are both efficacious and warranted.
significantly in the 1980s. At least 3.1 million adoles-
cents and 25 percent of 17- and 18-year-olds are
current smokers.
3. Although current smoking prevalence among fe-
male adolescents began exceeding that among males
by the mid- to late-1970s, both sexes are now equally
likely to smoke. Males are significantly more likely
than females to use smokeless tobacco. Nationally,
white adolescents are more likely to use all forms of
tobacco than are blacks and Hispanics. The decline
in the prevalence of cigarette smoking among black
adolescents is noteworthy.
4. Many adolescent smokers are addicted to cigarettes;
these young smokers report withdrawal symptoms
similar to those reported by adults.
5. Tobacco use in adolescence is associated with a range
of health-compromising behaviors, including being
involved in fights, carrying weapons, engaging in
higher-risk sexual behavior, and using alcohol and
other drugs.
Chapter 4. Psychosocial Risk Factors for
Initiating Tobacco Use
1. The initiation and development of tobacco use among
children and adolescents progresses in five stages:
from fonning attitudes and beliefs about tobacco, to
trying, experimenting with, and regularly using to-
bacco, to being addicted. This process generally
takes about three years.
2. Sociodemographic factors associated with the onset
of tobacco use include being an adolescent from a
family with low socioeconomic status.
3. Environmental risk factors for tobacco use include
acce!Esibility and availability of tobacco products,
perceptions by adolescents that tobacco use is
Introduction 9
TIMN 0138863

Surgeon General's Repurt
. The chronic phase of the addictive process is highly
resistant to substantial modification. For example, ef-
forts to reduce tobacco smoke and nicotine exposure by
smoking cigarettes with lower ratings of nicotine deliv-
ery or to smoke fewer cigarettes are usually partially or
completely thwarted by compensatory changes in how
the cigarettes are smoked; smokers may compensate for
"cutting back" by inhaling more deeply or smoking the
cigarette farther down to its more potent and more toxic
end (Kozlowski 1981,1982; Benowitz et al. 1983; Benowitz
and Jacob 1984; USDHHS 1988). Abstinence from smok-
ing is generally short-lived; the majority of persons who
quit on their own or in minimally supportive interven-
tions appear to relapse within one week of their last
cigarette (Kottke et al. 1989). In fact, in testament to the
persistence of addiction, nearly one-third of those who
have abstained for one year after quitting relapse later
(USDHHS 1990; Giovino 1991). These patterns of relapse
are similar to those observed with other drug addictions.
Several potential predictive measures of the sever-
ity of addiction in a person may forecast the severity of
withdrawal and the outcome of an attempt to quit. These
measures, which have been discussed in detail in the
1988 report of the Surgeon General (USDHHS 1988),
include cotinine level in biological fluid such as saliva,
blood, or urine; number of cigarettes smoked per day;
score on the Fagerstrom Tolerance Questionnaire; and
number of symptoms attributed from the Diagnostic and
Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (APA 198y). These
measures tend to predict, although not perfectly, the
difficulty of achieving abstinence, the severity of with-
drawal svmptoms, the rapidity of relapse, and the effi-
cacy of replacement therapy (USDHHS 1988).
One final source of vulnerability to nicotine depen-
dence appears to be genetic predisposition. Research with
animals has shown that the amount of up-regulation
(increased binding in the brain) of nicotine receptors after
nicotine exposure is related to genetic constitution, as are
certain behavioral and physiologic effects (Marks et al.
-1989; Collins 1990). Data from studies with human twins
have yielded indices of heritability for cigarette smoking
similar to those for drinking alcohol (Hughes 1986;
Kozlowski 1991; Carmelli et a1.1992).
Nondrug Factors in Nicotine Dependence
Nondrug factors can affect the prevalence of drug
addiction in society as well as its severity in individuals.
Some of the factors are the same as those that determine
the prevalence and severity of other medical disorders
resulting from exposure to toxins. Among the most
important factors in determining the prevalence of drug
addiction is the exposure to the addicting substance
(USDHHS 1988). This factor is no less important in the
spread of drug addiction than it is in the spread of
disorders such as acquired immunodeficiency syndrome,
malaria, and influenza infections. Moreover, social fac-
tors can determine the type and frequency of exposure to
the etiologic agent, as well as the time frame over which
exposure continues. Many nondrug factors associated
with both abstinence and relapse appear to operate simi-
larly across addictions. These factors include illness
induced by drug dependence (which will at least tempo-
rarily interrupt drug use), ability to learn to manage
cravings, social reinforcements for abstinence, availabil-
ity of the substance, cost of the substance, and perception
of the risk oPusing the substance (USDHHS 1988).
Persons vary in their vulnerability to nicotine and
other drug addiction, just as they vary in their vulnerabil-
ity to other medical disorders; some people show a high
degree of resistance to the disorder despite multiple
exposures to the agent, and others very quickly become
addicted (USDHHS 1988). Psychosocial factors affecting
the vulnerability of the young and the onset of tobacco
use are discussed in Chapter 4.
Smoking as a Risk Factor for Other Drug Use
Introduction
The 1988 Surgeon General's report (USDHHS 1988)
showed that among adolescents, cigarette smoking is
a risk factor in the development of alcohol use and
illegal drug use. The nature of the interrelationship be-
tween tobacco and other drug use is complex; in several
possible ways, tobacco use may heighten the probability
that a young person will use other drugs (Slade 1993; see
"Smoking and Other Drug Use" in Chapter 3 and "Behav-
ioral Factors in the Initiation of Smoking" in Chapter 4).
Progression of Drug Use
Kandel (1975) found that studies of the progression
of drugg use iit the 1970s showed that cigarette smoking
and alcohol use generally preceded marijuana smoking
and other illegal drug use. In fact, Kandel's study
34 Health Consequences TIMN 0138887

Premnting Tobacco Use Among Young People
were less likely to have smoked than male dropouts
(33 vs. 52 percent). White high school students and
graduates were more likely than their black counterparts
to have smoked in the past week (19 vs. 6 percent). White
dropouts were also more likely to have smoked than
were black dropouts (46 vs. 17 percent). Data on past-
month smoking for 16- through 18-year-old high school
seniors and similar-aged youth who reported that they
had dropped out of school are available from the NHSDA
(Kopstein and Roth 1993). About 28 percent of white
students and 72 percent of white dropouts were past-
month smokers, and 7 percent of black students and 30
percent of black dropouts were past-month smokers.
Among Hispanic 16- through 18-year-olds, however, past-
month smoking prevalence was less divergent between
students (25 percent) and dropouts (27 percent). Pirie,
Murray, and Luepker (1988), using surveys conducted in
Minnesota, also reported a higher prevalence of smoking
among dropouts.
Age or Grade When Smoking Begins
Smoking initiation at a young age increases the
subsequent risk of heavy smoking (Escobedo et al. 1993;
Taioli and Wynder 1991) and of smoking-attributable
mortality (USDHHS 1989b). As is discussed in detail in
Chapter 4 (see "Developmental Stages of Smoking"),
smoking initiation is a complex process that can occur
over a number of years. The present analysis examined
two points in this process: the age a person first tries a
cigarette, and the age a person begins smoking daily.
Because some initiation occurs after the adolescent
years, the analysis began with self-reported data re-
called by adults in the 1991 NHSDA (Table 7). The
analysis was further restricted to adults aged 30 through
39 because virtually all initiation occurs before the age of
30 (CDC 1991b; SAMHSA, unpublished data) and be-
cause virtually all of the increased mortality that results
from cigarette smoking occurs after the age of 40 (Na-
tional Center for Health Statistics [NCHS] 1992a;
Table 7. Cumulative percentages of recalled age at which a respondent first tried a cigarette and
began
smoking daily, among persons aged 30-39, National Household Surveys on Drug Abuse, United
States, 1991
All persons* Persons who had
ever tried a cigarette Persons who had
ever smoked daily
Age
(years) First tried a
cigarette Began
smoking daily First tried a
cigarette First tried a
cigarette Began
smoking daily
< 12 14.1 0.9 18.0 15.6 1.9
< 14 29.7 3.9 38.0 36.7 8.0
< 16 48.2 12.2 61.9 62.2 24.9
< 18 63.7 26.0 81.6 81.9 53.0
<_ 18 68.8 34.9 88.2 89.0 71.2
< 20 71.0 37.8 91:0 91.3 77.0
< 25 Y-76.6 46.5 98.2 98.4 94.8
< 30 77.4 48:1 99.3 99.4 98.1
<_ 39 78.0 49.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
Never smoked 100.0 100.0 NAt NA NA
Mean age NA NA 14.5 14.6 17.7
Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Office on Smoking and Health (unpublished data).
*All persons (N = 6,388).
'NA = Not applicable.
Epidemiology 65
'I'I1VIN 0138917

Surgevtt Gettgra1's Report
died after age 20, smoking appears to have been related
to atherosclerosis (Berenson et al. 1992).
Smoking among young people has been associated
with serum lipid profiles in a pattern predictive of in-
creased risk for cardiovascular diseases. In a published
meta-analysis of studies on children who smoke, Craig
et al. (1990) found that among 8- through 19-year-olds,
smoking increased levels of low-density lipoprotein cho-
lesterol by 4 percent, triglycerides by 12 percent, and
very-low-density lipoprotein cholesterol by 12 percent.
Levels of high-density lipoprotein (HDL) cholesterol were
reduced by 9 percent. These changes were comparable
to-and of larger magnitude than-those observed in
smoking adults.
Physical Fitness
Even among young people trained as endurance
runners, smoking appears to compromise physical
fitness in levels of both performance and endurance.
Cigarette smoking reduces the oxygen-carrying capacity
of the blood and increases both heart rate and basal
metabolic rate-changes that counter the benefits of physi-
cal activity in a direct relation to the duration of smoking
and the number of cigarettes regularly smoked (Royal
College of Physicians of London 1992). In a study of 19-
year-old army conscripts (N = 6,500), those who smoked
ran a' significantly shorter distance in 12 minutes and
took significantly longer to sprint 80 meters than their
nonsmoking counterparts (Marti et a1.1988). In the same
study, the smokers among 4,100 joggers in a 16-kilometer
race were consistently slower than the nonsmokers.
Young adult smokers also have chronic, mild ad-
verse cardiovascular physiologic changes, including di-
minished exercise performance on standard treadmill
testing and blunted heart rate response to exercise (Sidney
et al. 1993). The left ventricular mass is increased in
young adult smokers, and their resting heart rates are
two to three beats per minute more rapid than nonsmok-
ers' (Gidding et al. 1992).
Health Outcomes in PtWtancy
Cigarettesmokingduringpregnancyhasbeenlinked
with a variety of adverseoutcomes (USDHHS 1989,1990).
Early reports of the Surgeon General (USDHEW 1971,
1973,1979a) concluded that smoking by a mother during
pregnancy retards fetal growth and maycause fetal death
late in pregnancy as well as infant mortality. The 1977-
1978 report (USDHEW 1979a) further concluded that
smoking during pregnancy has dose-response relation-
ships with abruptio placenta, placenta previa, bleeding
during pregnancy, premature and prolonged rupture
of placental membranes, and preterm delivery. The
comprehensive reviews of the 1979 and 1980 reports
(USDHEW 1979a; USDHHS 1980) concluded that the risk
of spontaneous abortion increases with the amount of
smokingand thatthe riskofsudden infantdeathsyndrome
(SIDS) is increased by maternal smoking. A more recent
study confirms the increased risk of SIDS with matemal
smoking (Schoendorf and Kiely 1992). Impaired fertility
was linked to smoking in the 1980 report (USDHHS 1980).
These adverse health effects of smoking on reproduction
have not been specifically investigated in young women in
the 10- through 20-year age range.
Epidemiologic Evidence of the Health Effects
of Passive Smoking
The health effects of passive smoking were com-
prehensively addressed in the 1986 report of the Surgeon
General (USDHHS 1986a) and in a report of the National
Research Council (1986). These reviews and subsequent
reports (Samet, Cain, Leaderer 1991; USEPA 1992) have
demonstrated that exposure to parental smoking during
childhood significantly increases the occurrence of lower
respiratory illnesses during the first years of life, in-
creases the frequency of chronic respiratory symptoms,
and reduces the rate of lung growth during childhood
and adolescence. Evidence is accumulating to suggest
that smoking by parents increases the severity of child-
hood asthma (USDHHS 1991b; Samet, Cain, Leaderer
1991), as indicated by the need for medication and hospi-
tal treatment. SIDS, the most common cause of death in
the first year of life, has been linked to parental smoking
in several epidemiologic studies. Children of parents
who smoke have a twofold increased risk of dying of
SIDS; this relationship appears to be dose-related
(Schoendorf and Kiely 1992; Malloy et al. 1988).
The evidence on passive smoking and respiratory
health was recently reviewed by the USEPA (1992). This
review confirmed that ETS is causally linked to lung
cancer. Janerich et al. (1990) noted that approximately 17
percent of lung cancers among nonsmokers can be attrib-
uted to high levels of ETS during childhood and adoles-
cence. The USEPA report also concluded that exposure
to ETS causes lower respiratory illness in infants and
young children; this finding is stronger than that of the
1986 Surgeon General's report, which did not character-
ize this association as causal. The agency's report also
inferred from its data that childhood exposure to ETS
reduced lung function, increased respiratory symptoms,
caused middle ear effusion, and exacerbated asthma.
For example, the report estimated that ETS exposure
exacerbates symptoms of asthma in about 20 percent of
the two million to five million asthmatic children in the
United States. The report also hypothesized that ETS
may be associated with the onset of asthma.
28 Health Consequences
TIMN 0138881

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
Figure 2. Cumulative percentage of females becoming regular cigarette smokers by age 18, by age at
time of
survey, United States,1970,1978-1980, and 1987-1988
c
v
`
d
~
40
35
30
25
20
5-I
Age at time of survey:
18-24 years
0
3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17
Age when respondent began smoking regularly (years)
30
Age at time of survey:
25 35-44 years
20-I
5
0
3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17
Age when respondent began smoking regularly (years)
Age at time of survey:
55-64 years
0 - 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17
Age when respondent began smoking regularly (years)
30
Age at time of survey:
25 45-54 years
20 ~
0 -
3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17
Age when respondent began smoking regularly (years)
12n
Age at time of survey:
? 65 years
8
2-I
0 -
3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17
01 --
3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17
Age when respondent began smoking regularly (years) Age when respondent began smoking regularly
(years)
Source: National Health Interview Surveys 1970,1978,1979,1980,1987;1988, 1987-1988 Surveys
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Office on Smoking and Health'
(unpublished data).
1978-1980 Surveys
1970 Survey
Epidemiology 77
TIMN 0138929

Preventing Tobncco Use Among Young People
Table 14. Trends in the prevalence (%) of ever smoking among young people, National Teenage Tobacco
Surveys (NTTS), National Household Surveys on Drug Abuse (NHSDA), Monitoring the Future
Project (MTFP), National Health Interview Surveys (NHIS), United States, 1968-1992
Year NTTS* NHSDAt MTFPx NHISS
1968 36.1
1970 40.8
1972 39.2
1974 41.3 69.5 41.1
1976 64.1 75.4
1977 67.8 75.8
1978 75.3 36.7
1979 34.0 78.1 74.0 39.3
1980 71.0 34.1
1981 71.0
1982 72.6 70.1
1983 70.6 34.5 ~
1984 69.7
1985 63.2 68.8 29.8
1986 67.6
1987 67.2 26.2
1988 66.2 66.4 27.7
1989 ' 65.7
1990 61.4 64.4 27.6
1991 63.6 63.1 25.3
1992 61.8 '
Sources: NTTS: U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (USDHEW) (1972,1976,1979b); NHSDA:
Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), Office on Smoking and Health (OSH) (unpublished data on
1974-1991 surveys);
MTFP: Johnston, O'Malley, Bachman (in press); NHIS: CDC, OSI-i (unpublished data on 1974-1991
surveys).
*NTTS, aged 17-18 years. Published reports (USDHEW 1972,1976,1979b) merge never smokers and
experimenters (those
who tried or experimented with smoking, but who had not yet smoked 100 cigarettes) into one
category. By definition,
therefore, the NT'I9 will underestimate the percentage of ever smokers. The trends, however, use the
same definition.
'NHSDA, aged 17-19;years. Those who reported in 1974,1976, and 1977 that they were current smokers
and those who were
not current smokers but who responded "yes" to the question, "Have you ever smoked cigarettes?" were
classified as ever
smokers for those years. For the years 1979 through 1991, ever smoking status was determined by
response to the question,
"About how old were you when you first tried a cigarette?" The prevalence of ever smoking is the
complement of the
response "Never tried a cigarette."
xMTFP high school seniors, aged 17-18 years. Based on response to the question, "Have you ever
smoked cigarettes?"
§NHIS, aged 18-19 years. Based on response to the question, "Have you smoked at least 100
cigarettes in your entire life?"
Those who had smoked at least 100 cigarettes by the time of the survey were classified as ever
smokers.
°Available information from published sources (USDHEW 1972,1976,1979b) do not permit exact
comparisons with the 1989
TAPS data.
Epidemiology 73
TIMN 0138925

Preventtng Tobacco Use Anrvng Young People
maintaining drug abstinence, and the symptoms can be
so unpleasant as to precipitate relapse (Jaffe 1985;
USDHHS 1988). In surveys by the National Institute on
Drug Abuse (NIDA), withdrawal and inability to main-
tain abstinence are commonly attributed to cigarette smok-
ing and heroin use (USDHHS 1988). The majority of
people monitored who regularly use other addictive
drugs (including cocaine and marijuana)-report that they
have not experienced withdrawal, even though many of
these people feel dependent and have been unable to
maintain abstinence (USDHHS 1988).
Severity of Nicotine Addiction
Tobacco-delivered nicotine can be highly addic-
tive. Each year, nearly 20 million people try to quit
smoking in the United States (USDHHS 1990), but only
about 3 percent have long-term success (Pierce et al.
1989; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC],
Office on Smoking and Health, unpublished data). Even
among addicted persons who have lost a lung because of
cancer or have undergone major cardiovascular sur-
gery, only about 50 percent maintain abstinence for
more than a few weeks (West and Evans 1986; USDHHS
1988). In a 1991 Gallup Poll, 70 percent of current
smokers reported that they considered themselves to be
"addicted" to cigarettes (Gallup Organization 1991).
These findings are consistent with data from NIDA's
1985 National Household Survey on Drug Abuse
(NHSDA), which showed that 84 percent of 12- through
17-year-olds who smoked one pack or moreof cigarettes
per day felt that they "needed" or were "dependent" on
cigarettes (Henningfield, Clayton, Pollin 1990). The
NHSDA data show that young smokers develop toler-
ance and dependence, increase the amount they smoke,
and are unable to abstain from nicotine. These findings
suggest that the addictive processes in adolescents are fun-
damentally the same as those studied in adults (USDHHS
1988; Henningfield, Clayton, Pollin 1990).
Several studies have found nicotine to be as addic-
tive as heroin, cocaine, or alcohol (Henningfield,.Clayton,
Pollin 1990; Henningfield, Cohen, Slade 1991; Kozlowski
et al. 1993). Moreover, because the typical pattern of
tobacco use entails.:daily and repeated doses of nicotine,
addiction is more common among all users than is true
of other drug use, which tends to occur on a far less
frequent basis (USDHHS 1988). For example, only about
10 to 15 percent of current alcohol drinkers are consid-
ered problem drinkers, but approximately 85 to 90 per-
cent of cigarette smokers smoke at least five cigarettes
every day (Henningfield, Cohen, Slade 1991; Evans et
al. 1992; Henningfield 1992b; Kozlowski et al. 1993).
Only 2 to 3 percent of smokers (or about 7 to 10 percent
of those who try quitting) stop smoking for one year
(CDC 1993a), and most daily smokers report that they
feel dependent on smoking and have experienced with-
drawal symptoms (USDHHS 1988; Henningfield,
Clayton, Pollin 1990).
Chemistry and Addiction Potential
Many behaviors that become regular, habitual, and
hard to give upp involve the ingestion of a substance.
What sets drug addictions apart from less harmful habits
is that the ingested substance releases a psychoactive
drug with the demonstrated potential to addict. Several
thousand chemicals are present in cigarette smoke. Some
may conceivably modulate nicotine's addictive effects,
but the fact that different forms of nicotine delivery can
be substituted for one another (e.g., nicotine gum or
transdermal patch in place of cigarettes) suggests that
nicotine is critical in the addiction process (Henningfield
1984; Benowitz 1988; USDHHS 1988; Russell 1990).
Nicotine is a naturally occurring alkaloid present in
varying concentrations in different strains of tobacco. Most
cigarettes sold in the United States contain about 8 to 9
milligrams of nicotine, of which the smoker typically in-
gests 1 to 2 milligrams per cigarette (Benowitz eta1.1983;
USDHHS 1988). Nicotine is both a lipid- and water-
soluble molecule that can be rapidly absorbed in°a mildly
alkaline environment through the skin or the lining of the
mouth and nose. Because of the massive area for absorp-
tion in the alveoli of the lungs, nicotine inhaled deeply is
almost immediately extracted from the smoke into the
pulmonar,v veins; this sudden spike or bolus of nicotine is
delivered to the brain, via arterial circulation, in approxi-
mately 10. seconds (USDHHS 1988). In contrast, although
smokeless tobacco has much higher levels of nicotine than
cigarettes, the delivery of the drug is much more gradual;
the effect peaks within approximately 20 minutes of use
(Benowitz et al. 1988). The peak for nicotine replacement
medications is even slower-30 minutes or longer for
nicotine gum (Benowitz et a1.1988), several hours for the
four commercially available transdermal patch systems
(Palmer, Bucklet, Faulds 1992). In fact, because of the
efficiency of the pulmonary route in extracting nicotine
from inhaled tobacco smoke, nicotine may be 10 times
more concentrated in arterial blood than in simultaneously
sampled venous blood; these levels are much higher than
those produced by nicotine replacement medications
(Henningfield, London, Benowitz 1990).
As vehicles for nicotine delivery, tobacco products
are convenient to use, and they provide the experienced
user with a means of regulating dose level. Such control
does not, however, protect the user against drug depen-
dency, since tobacco products appear to deliver the opti-
mal addittion potential (or abuse. liability) of nicotine.
Chemicals can be tested for their addiction potential to
Health Consequences 31
TIMN 0138884

Preventing Tobncco Use Among Young People
Table 15. Trends in the prevalence (%) of current smoking* among young people, by gender, National
Teenage Tobacco Surveys (NTTS), National Household Surveys on Drug Abuse (NHSDA),
Monitoring the Future Project (MTFP), National Health Interview Surveys (NHIS), United States,
1968-1992
NTTS NHSDA MTFP NHIS
Year Males Females
(aged 17-18 years) Males Females
(aged 17-19 years) Males Females
(aged 17-18 years) Males Females
(aged 18 -19 years)
1968 34.0 21.0
1970 37.8 24.1
1972 31.2 26.0
1974 32.6 26.4 47.8 38.7 36.9 30.8
1976 35.1 52.0 37.7 39.1
1977 39.0 47.2 36.7 39.7
1978 34.5 38.1 30.6 33.5
1979 19.6 27.0 41.7t 41.7t 31.2 37.1 29.5 34.2
1980 26.8 33.4 24.9 27.8
1981 26.5 31.6
1982 35.6 37.3 26.8 32.6
1983 . 28.0 31.6 23.3 31.4
1984 25.9 31.9
1985 27.8 26.7 28.2 31.4 20.1 24.5
1986 27.9 30.6
1987 27.0 31.4 21.6 20.9
1988 28.3 32.9 28.0 28.9 19.6 23.1
1989 $ 27.7 29.0
1990 28.9 20.2 29.1 29.2 21.7 18.0
1991 27.0 27.0 29.0 27.5 22.0 20.6
1992 29.2 26.1
Sources: NTTS: U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (USDHEW) (1972,1976,1979b); NHSDA:
Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), Office on Smoking and Health (OSH) (unpublished data on
1974-1991 surveys);
MTFP: Bachman, Johnston, O'Malley (1980a, b,1981,1984,1985,1987,1991); Johnston, Bachman, O'Malley
(1980a, b, 1982,
1984,1986,1991,1992); Johnston, O'Malley, Bachman (1991a, in pfess); Institute for Social Research,
University of
Michigan (unpublished data); NHIS: CDC, OSH (unpublished data in 1974-1991 surveys).
*For the NTTS, current smokers are those who state that they smoke less than one cigarette per week,
one or more cigarettes
per week, or one oi more cigarettes a day (USDHEW 1979b). For the NHSDA and the MTFP, current
smoking is defined as
any cigarette smoking during the 30 days preceding the survey. For the NHIS, current smokers are
those who report that
they have smoked at least 100 cigarettes and who respond "yes" to the question, "Do you smoke now?"
'The 1979 NHSDA determined current smoking status only for those respondents who had smoked at least
100 cigarettes
(lifetime). The National Institute on Drug Abuse later published adjusted 1979 estimates- using data
from the 1982 NHSDA
(Miller et al. 1983). The adjusted 1979 estimates used the ratio of the 1982 prevalence estimate,
based on the 1979 definition,
to the prevalence estimate based on the definition used in other years (i.e., any smoking in the
last 30 days, regardless of
whether the respondent had ever smoked 100 lifetime cigarettes). This table reports estimates based
on the same adjust-
ment procedure.
#Available information from published sources (USDHEW 1972,1976,1979b) does not permit exact
comparisons with the
1989 TAPS data. it
Epidemiology 75
TIMN 0138927

Surgeon General's Report
14-year-old students could directly affect the gingival
tissues, causing gingivitis, or gum inflammation. In a
study of 565 adolescent male students with gingivitis in
Georgia, Offenbacher and Weathers (1985) found that
gingival recession was significantly more prevalent,
and the odds of developing this condition were nine
times greater, among smokeless tobacco users than
among nonusers. Navy recruits from 45 states were
examined to determine if smokeless tobacco use was
associated with gingival recession (Weintraub et al.
1990). Results of the study showed that 31 percent of
heavy users and 19 percent of nonusers or low users
had gingival recession. Users' age and the intensity of
smokeless tobacco use were significant factors in ex-
plaining variations in the degree of gingival recession.
Two additional studies of adolescents failed to show an
association between the use of smokeless tobacco and
gingival recession (Wolfe and Carlos 1987; Creath et al.
1988), possibly because most of the users had been
using the product for a short time.
Nicotine Addiction
The addictive qualities of smokeless tobacco are also
a matter of major concern (Christen and Glover 1981;
Glover, Christen, Henderson 1981; Glover et al. 1989;
Hatsukami, Nelson, Jensen 1991). Smokeless tobacco users
develop a nicotine dependency similar to that of cigarette
smokers (Benowitz et a1.1988). This is not surprising, since
smokeless tobacco users absorb at least as much nicotine as
smokers do (Russell, Jarvis, Feyerabend 1980)-perhaps as
much as twice the amount (Benowitz et al. 1988). The high
pH of saliva favors absorption of nicotine through oral
mucosa, and the degree of absorption increases with the
increasing pH of the tobacco product. The rate of absorp-
tion of nicotine from snuff is particularly rapid (Russell,
Jarvis, Feyerabend 1980; Edwards, Glover, Schroeder
1987). With continued use of smokeless tobacco, blood
nicotine levels remain relatively high; these levels fall more
slowly after smokeless tobacco is removed from the mouth
than after a cigarette has been smoked (Benowitz e t aL 1988).
Adolescents develop physical dependence from
smokeless tobacco use, as is evidenced by their experi-
ence of withdrawal syntptoms when they try to quit
(see "Smokeless Tobacco Cessation" in Chapter 6).
Smokeless tobacco cessation produces withdrawal
symptoms that are similar to those for smoking cessa-
tion (Hatsukami, Gust, Keenan 1987), including cravings,
irritability, distractibility, and hunger. Adolescents who
are most addicted to nicotine appear to be less able to
quit (Eakin, Severson, Glasgow 1989). Thus, as is seen
with cigarette u,se (see "Adult Implications of Adoles-
cent Smoking" in Chapter 3 and "Adolescent Smoking
Behavior as a Risk Factor for Subsequent Smoking" in
Chapter 4), adolescents who are heavy smokeless to-
bacco users are likely to become adult users.
The addictive potential of smokeless tobacco use is
aggravated by the fact that some smokeless products are
highly effective in the initiation process and are even
termed "starter products" by one smokeless tobacco com-
pany (Marsee v. United States Tobacco Company 1989;
Henningfield and 1Vemeth-Coslett 1988). These prod-
ucts tend to be low in nicotine concentration and low in
pH (thus reducing absorption); some are in a unit dosage
form ("tobacco pouch"), which helps first-time users
avoid placing too much of the substance in their mouths.
These products may have contributed to the reversal of
the demographics of smokeless tobacco users from 1970
to 1986. In 1970, the majority of smokeless tobacco users
were 50 years old and older; by 1986, the majority were
35 years old and younger (USDHHS 1987,1988). As is
discussed in Chapter 5 (see "Smokeless Tobacco Adver-
tising and Promotional Expenditures"), marketing and
advertising factors have been identified as having in-
stilled the general perception that smokeless tobacco
products are safe and socially acceptable (Connolly et-al.
1986; USDHI-IS 1987; Glover et al. 1989). Marketing
strategies included a heavy reliance on distributing free
samples of product types designed to introduce new
users to what one company termed the "graduation
process" (Marsee v. United States Tobacco Company
1989). Advertising strategies then encouraged new users
to experience greater "satisfaction" and "pleasure" by
switching to maintenance products higher in nicotine
concentration and pH (Marsee v. United States Tobacco
Company 1989; Henningfield and Nemeth-Coslett 1988).
Smokeless Tobacco Use as a Risk Factor for
Cigarette Smoking
Young people who use smokeless tobacco appear
to be at greater risk to smoke cigarettes than are nonus-
ers. Among smokeless tobacco users, 12 to 43 percent
also smoke cigarettes (Eakin, Severson, Glasgow 1989;
Williams 1992; CDC 1993b; Stevens et al., in press; see
Table 23 in Chapter 3). In the 1986-1989 MTFP, 44
percent of high school seniors had tried both smokeless
tobacco and cigarettes; of those, 63 percent had tried
smokeless tobacco either before or at about thesame time
as cigarettes (see Table 38 in Chapter 3). In a prospective
study, Ary, Lichtenstein, and Severson (1987) found that
smokeless tobacco users were significantly more likely
than nonusers to initiate cigarette smoking. Smokeless
tobacco users were also more likely to increase their use
of cigarettes over a one-year period. For adolescents who
use both smokeless tobacco and cigarettes, cessation of
one substance may lead to a direct increase in the other
(Biglan, La Chance, Benowitz, unpublished data).
40 Health Consequences
, TIMN 0138893

Sttrgeon Getternl's Report
Table 8. Age or grade when respondents first tried a cigarette, Teenage Attitudes and Practices
Survey (TAPS), National Household Surveys on Drug Abuse (NHSDA), Monitoring the
Future Project (MTFP), Youth Risk Behavior Su -rvey (YRBS), United States,1989,1991
Age/grade* TAPSt
% NHSDA=
% MTFPS
% YRBS'
%
< 12 years/< grade 6 10.1 25.2 18.5 19,2
13-14 years/grades 7-8 11.4 14.5 21.6 17.7
15-16 years/grades 9-10 22.0 16.6 14.9 15.9
> 16 years/> grade 10 8.2 3.9 5.3 5.7
Never smoked 48.3 39.9 39.8 41.4
Sources: 1989 TAPS: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), Office on Smoking and Health
(OSH) (unpublished
data); 1991 NHSDA: CDC, OSH (unpublished data); 1991 MTFP: Institute for Social Research, University
of Michigan
(unpublished data); 1991 YRBS: CDC, Division of Adolescent and School Health (unpublished data).
*In TAPS, the NHSDA, and the YRBS, respondents reported the age at which they had first smoked; in
the MTFP, respon-
dents reported the grade in which they first smoked.
tincludes 17- and 18-year-old respondents to the 1989 TAPS who had completed the 11th grade and who
still attended
school. Response categories were constructed using the questions, "Have you ever smoked a
cigarette?" and "How old
were you when you smoked your first whole cigarette?"(N = 687).
tIncludes respondents to the 1991 NHSDA between the ages of 17 and 18 years who had completed the
11th grade and
responded to the question, "About how old were you when you first tried a cigarette?" (N = 979).
°Includes high school senior respondents to the 1991 MTFP survey who responded to the question,
"When if ever did you
first do each of the following things ... Smoke your first cigarette?" (N [weighted] = 2,012).
'Includes 12th-grade respondents to the 1991 YRBS who responded to the question, "How old were you
when you smoked
a whole cigarette for the first time?" (N = 3,127).
Table 9. Age or grade when respondents began smoking daily, National Household Surveys on Drug
Abuse (NHSDA), Monitoring the Future Project (MTFP), Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS),
United States, 1991
Age/grade* NHSDAt
% MTFPx
% YRBS§
%
< 12 years/< grade 6 3.3 2.3 3.3
13-14 years/grades 7-8 4.0 8.5 6.1
15-16 years/grades 9-10 10.4 11.9 10.2
> 16 years/> grade 10 4.6 6.0 4.5
Never smoked daily ... 77.5 71.2 76.0
Sources: 1991 NHSDA: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), Office on Smoking and Health
(unpublished
data); 1991 MTFP: Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan (unpublished data);1991
YRBS: CDC, Division of
Adolescent and School Health (unpublished data).
*In the NHSDA and the YRBS, respondents reported the age at which they had begun smoking daily; in
the MTFP, respon-
dents reported the grade in which they had begun smoking daily.
+Includes 17- and 18-year-old respondents to the 1991 NHSDA who had completed the 11th grade who
responded to the
question, "About how old were you when you first started smoking daily?" (N = 959).
tIncludes high school senior respondents to the 1991 MTFP survey who responded to the question,
"When, if ever, did you
first do each of the following things ... Smoke cigarettes on a daily basis?" (N [Evtd.] = 2,074).
0Includes 12th-grade respondents to the 1991 YRBS who responded to the question, "How old were you
when you first
started smoking cigarettes regularly? (at least one cigarette every day for 30 days)" (N = 3,074).
66 Epidemiology
`TIMN 0138918

Preventhrg Tobacco Use Among Young People
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH, EDUCATION, AND
' WELFARE. The health consequences of smoking. A report of the
Surgeon General: 1971. US Department of Health, Education,
and Welfare, Public Health Service, Health Services and Men-
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71-7513,1971.
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH, EDUCATION, AND
WELFARE. The health consequences of smoking. US Department
of Health, Education, and Welfare, Public Health Service, Health
Services and Mental Health Administration. DHEW Publica-
tion No. (HSM) 73-8704,1973.
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH, EDUCATION, AND
WELFARE. The health consequences of smoking, 1977-1978.
US Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Public
Health Service, Office of the Assistant Secretary for Health,
Office on Smoking and Health. DHEW Publication No. (PHS)
79-50065,1979a.
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH, EDUCATION, AND
WELFARE. Smoking and health. A report of the Surgeon General.
US Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Public
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Office on Smoking and Health. DHEW Publication No. (PHS)
79-50066,1979b.
US ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION AGENCY. Respira-
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disorders. US Environmental Protection Agency, Office of
Research and Development, Office of Air and Radiation. EPA/
600/6-90,1992.
WALTER S, NANCY NR, COLLIER CR. Changes in forced
expiratory spirogram in young male smokers. American
Review of Respiratory Disease 1979;119(5):717-24.
WEINTRAUB JA, ARTHUR JS, KUEHNE J, STINNETT S,
CHAMBLESS M. Association between smokeless tobacco use
and gingival recession. Abstract #46, American Association of
Public Health Dentists 53rd Annual Meeting, Boston, MA,
October 12,1990.
WEISS ST, TAGER 1B, SPEIZER FE, ROSNER B. Persistent
wheeze: its relation to respiratory illness, cigarette smoking,
and level of pulmonary function in a population sample
of children. American Review of Respiratory Disease 1980;
122(5):697-707. -
WELTE JW, BARNES GM. Youthful smoking: patterns and
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WEST RR, EVANS DA. Lifestyle changes in long term survi-
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WILLIAMS NJ. A smokeless tobacco cessation program for
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WINN DM. Smokeless tabacco and cancer: the epidemi-
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38(4):236-43.
WOLFE MD, CARLOS JP. Oral health effects of smokeless
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tistry and Oral Epidemiology 1987;15(4):230-5.
WOOLCOCK AJ, LEEDER SR, PEAT JK, BLACKBURN CRB.
The influence of lower respiratory illness in infancy and child-
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1979;120(1):5-14.
WOOLCOCK AJ, PEAT JK, LEEDER SR, BLACKBURN CRB.
The development of lung function in Sydney children: effects
of respiratory illness and smoking. A ten year study. European
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WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION. Smokeless tobacco con-
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YAMAGUCHI K, KANDEL DB. Patterns of drug use from
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,
Health Consequences 51
,FIIVIN 0138904

Preventing Tobacco Use Anwng Young People
Table 4. Percentage of young people who currently smoke cigarettes (within the past 30 days), by
gender,
race/Hispanic origin, age/grade, and region, Teenage Attitudes and Practices Survey (TAPS),
National Household Surveys on Drug Abuse (NHSDA), Monitoring the Future Project (MTFP),
Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS), United States, 1989, 1991, 1992
Characteristic 1989
TAPS* 1991
NHSDAt 1992
MTFPt-S 1991
YRBS'
Overall 15.7 13.1 27.8 27.5
Gender
Male
16.0
13.5
29.2
27.6
Female 15.3 12.8 26.1 27.3
Race/Hispanic origin
White, non-Hispanic
18.5
15.4
31.8
30.9
Male 18.7 15.5 32.1 30.2
Female 18.2 15.3 31.5 31.7
Black, non-Hispanic 6.1 5.3 8.2 12.6
Male 7.8 6.0 10.8 14.1
Female 4.9 4.6 5.8 11.3
Hispanic 11.8 10.1 NAq 25.3
Male 11.8 9.5 27.8
Female 11.7 10.8 22.9
Age/grade
12-14 years
5.9
3.9
15-16 years 17.5 14.0
17-18 years 27.5 25.5
8th grade 15.5
9th grade 23.2
10th grade ' 21.5 , 25.2
11 th grade 31.6
12th grade 27.8 30.6
Region
Northeast
17.6
14.7
29.6
23.7
North Central 16.6 14.9 31.7 36.5
South 14.0 11.7 26.4 24.8
West 15.5 12.3 22.8 23.1
Sources: 1989 TAPS: Centers-for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), Office on Smoking and Health
(OSH) (unpublished
data); 1991 NHSDA: CDC, OSH (unpublished data);1992 MTFP: Johnston, O'Malley, Bachman (in press);
Institute for
Social Research, University of Michigan (unpublished data); 1991 YRBS: CDC (1992c); CDC, Division of
Adolescent and
School Health (unpublished data).
*1989 TAPS, aged 1,Z.18'years. Based on responses to the questions, "Have you ever smoked a
cigarette?" and "Think about
the last 30 days. Ok- how, many of these days did you smoke?"
}1991 NHSDA, ag~ 12-18 years. Based on response to the question, "When was the most recent time you
smoked a
cigarette?"
4992 MTFP survey. Based on response to the question, "How frequently have you smoked cigarettes
during the last 30
days?"
6With the exception of data for 8th- and 10th-grade students, all other data points for the MTFP
survey reflect estimates for
high school seniors.
'1991 YRBS, grades 9-12. Based on response to the question, "During the past 30 days, on how many
days did you smoke
cigarettes?"
9NA = Not available.
Epidemiology 61
TIMN 0138913

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
Introduction
Understanding national trends and patterns of to-
bacco use among adolescents is crucial to the public
health effort to reduce tobacco-related morbidity and
mortality. Along with information on young people s
knowledge, attitudes, and perceptions concerning to-
bacco use, these data can help elucidate historical pat-
terns, suggest target groups for programs to prevent
tobacco use, determine the need for future interventions,
assess the effect of national campaigns against tobacco
use, and contribute to predictions of the future burden of
tobacco-related disease.
Previous reports from the Surgeon General have
described tobacco use among the nation's youth (U.S.
Department of Health, Education, and Welfare
[USDHEW] 1979a; U.S. Department of Health and Hu-
man Services [USDHHS] 1989b). The following analysis
both updates and expands these discussions. In particu-
lar, the analysis incorporates cross-sectional data from
four national surveillance systems that track health be-
haviors (including tobacco use) among adolescents and
from one adult survey with information on older adoles-
cents (Table 1). Data are also used from a national
longitudinal survey of adolescents and young adults.
The National Teenage Tobacco Surveys (NTfS)
cited in this chapter were conducted by the U.S. Public
Health Service and the U.S. Department of Education in
1968, 1970, 1972, 1974, and 1979; a modified version of
the survey was conducted in 1989 as the Teenage Atti-
tudes and Practices Survey (TAPS). The National House-
hold Surveys on Drug Abuse (NHSDA) cited were
conducted nine times from 1974 through 1991 by the
National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA); the survey is
now sponsored by the Substance Abuse and Mental
Health Services Administration (SAMHSA). The Moni-
toring the Future Project (MTFP) surveys included were
conducted yearly from 1976 through 1992 for NIDA by
the University of Michigan's Institute for Social Research
(ISR). The Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS), cited
extensively throughout this chapter, was conducted in
1991 by the Centeeis for Disease Control (CDC) as a
component of the Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance
System. The National Health Interview Surveys WHIS)
cited in this report included yearly data on cigarette
smoking during 11 years from 1970 through 1991. Sur-
vey methodology varied across these surveillance sys-
tems (see Appendix 1, "Sources of Data," for more detail
on methodologic characteristics), and the different sur-
veys offered several measures of tobacco use (see Ap-
pendix 2, "Measures of Cigarette Smoking," and
Appendix 3, "Measures of Smokeless Tobacco Use").
The most comparable of these data sources are
TAPS, the NHSDA, the MTFP, and the YRBS. Because
the questions used, the ages sampled, and the sites and
modes of administration (school-based self-administered
questionnaires vs. household-based telephone and in-
person interviews) differ, however, even these data are
not directly comparable. The MTFP, for example, consis-
tently reports higher prevalence estimates than the two
household surveys, mainly because the study popula-
tion is limited to high school seniors; these respondents,
who are usually 17 or 18 years old, are considerably
older than the 12- through 18-year-old population
included in TAPS and the NHSDA. When possible,
most of the comparisons presented in this chapter in-
clude age- or grade-specific estimates. However, even
after controlling for age differences, the estimates on
some measures of tobacco use from the household sur-
veys are lower than the estimates from the school sur-
veys (see Appendix 2).
The purpose of this chapter is to document re-
ported trends and patterns of tobacco use in one source.
Differences in the age of the target populations employed,
in the setting of the survey, in the wording of questions,
and in other factors may cause apparent differences in
the actual values of some of the estimates reported here.
However, these differences are frequently resolved when
inethodological issues are taken into consideration. In-
corporating data from several types of data collection
systems has revealed a number of consistencies in pat-
terns and trends of tobacco-use behaviors that apply to
both school-based and household-based sample frames
(and thus to school attenders, infrequent school attenders,
and dropouts).
f
Epidemiology 55
TIMN 0138907

Prcventh~Er Tvhaeco UseAincurg Ycuurg !?eople
Many chronic changes in cardiovascular physiol-
ogy have been observed in children exposed to ETS.
These changes indude lower HDL cholesterol, increased
carboxyhemoglobin concentration, and increased
red-cell 2.3-diphosphoglycerate, as well as physiologic
response suggesting mild, chronic hypoxemia
(Moskowitz et al. 1990). ETS is also known to increase
platelet aggregation (Glantz and Parmley 1991).
The effect of peer smoking-as a source of ETS-
on nonsmoking children has not been studied but may
also be a health risk.
Adult Health Implications of Smoking Among Young People
Respiratory Diseases
As was discussed previously, sustained smoking
during adulthood is associated with the development of
COPD and the progressive loss of lung function
(USDHHS 1984,1990). Evidence suggests that smoking
during childhood may increase the risk for developing
COPD in adulthood as well as at an earlier age. The
adult who smoked during childhood may have experi-
enced early inflammatory changes-childhood smoking
is known to reduce lung growth-and thereby not at-
tained the level of function achieved during the normal
growth and development of the lungs. Any age-related
decline in lung function during adulthood would thus
start from a lower level-and might begin at a younger
age-than declines observed in adults who have never
smoked. In fact, the proportionate impeding effect of
childhood smoking on lung growth greatly exceeds the
loss of lung function associated with smoking during
adulthood (Tager et a1.1985,1988).
If one or both parents of an adolescent smoke, the
effects of parental smoking on early childhood respira-
tory illnesses and on the growth of lung function may
increase the risk of COPD. Illnesses in the lower respira-
tory region during childhood are a suspected risk factor
for COPD (Samet, Tager, Speizer 1983), and passive
smoking reduces the rate at which lung function
grows (USDHHS 1986a).
Cardiovascular Disease
In adults, cigarette smoking has been causally
associated with coronary heart disease, arteriosclerotic
peripheral vascular disease, and stroke (USDHHS 1983,
1989). Smoking contributes to increased risk for coro-
nary heart disease probably through at least five in-
terrelated processes, including the development of
atherosclerosis (USDHHS 1990). It is likely that the
earlier the age at which one starts to smoke, the earlier
the onset of coronary heart disease. The recent evidence
from the PDAY Research Group shows more athero-
sclerosis in young smokers than in young nonsmokers.
The unfavorable effects of smoking on lipid levels in
children may contribute to the development of athero- :
sclerosis in young adulthood.
Cancer
The multistage coneept of carcinogenesis implies
that the risk of smoking-related cancers is strongly de-
pendent on the duration and intensity of smoking
(Armitage and Doll 1954; Doll 1971; Taioli and Wynder
1991). The relevant epidemiologic data and mathemati-
cal analyses are most abundant for lung cancer. Both
epidemiologic and experimental evidence suggest that
the risk for lung cancer varies more strongly with the
duration of cigarette smoking than with the number of
cigarettes smoked (Peto 1977; Doll and Peto 1978). Analy-
sis of data from a cohort study of British doctors showed
that lung cancer incidence increased with the fourth or
fifth power of duration of smoking but with the second
power of number of cigarettes smoked daily (Doll and
Peto 1978). Although these data can be adequately de-
scribed by alternative mathematical models that give
lesser weight to duration (Moolgavkar, Dewanji, Luebeck
1989), the dependence of lung cancer risk on duration of
smoking implies that starting smoking at an earlier age
increases the potential number of life-years of smoking
and therefore increases lung cancer risk. If one assumes,
for example, that lung cancer risk rises exponentially as a
function of the duration of smoking, then the risk at age
50 for a person who began smoking regularly at age 13 is
350 percent greater than that for a 50-year-old who started
smoking at age 23.
Similar analyses have not been done for other
smoking-related sites of cancer. Nevertheless, for
most smoking-related cancers, the risk rises with the
durationpf smoking (USDHHS 1982,1989,1990; Interna-
tional Agency for Research on Cancer 1985). One could
Health Consequences 29
TIMN 0138882

Surgeori Gerrernl's Repvrt
Table 18. Trends in high school seniors' beliefs and attitudes about smoking and smokers, Monitoring
the
Future Project, United States, 1976, 1981, 1986, 1991
Beliefs and attitudes '
About smoking
How much do you think people
risk harming themselves if
they smoke one or more packs of
cigarettes per day?* (percentage
who say great risk)
The harmful effects of cigarettes have
been exaggerated.} (percentage who agree)
Smoking is a dirty habit.
(percentage who agree)
How do you think your close
friends feel (or would feel) about your
smoking one or more packs of cigarettes
per day?t (percentage who disapprove)
Do you think that people (who are 18
or older) should be prohibited by law
from smoking tobacco in certain
specified public places? (percentage
who say yes)
About smokers
1976 1981 1986 1991
56.4 63.3 66.0 69.4
15.5 16.2 13.8
65.5 68.6 71.6
600 73.9 76.2 74.3
42.05 43.0 45:1 44.9
In my opinion, when a guy my age
is smoking a cigarette, it makes him
look (percentage who agree)
... like he's trying to appear mature and
sophisticated 61.4 62.7 60.8
... insecure 42.0 43.6 47.9
... conforming 25.4 21.3 16.5
... rugged, tough, independent 8.6 9.9 9.8
... mature, sophisticated 5.3 4.6 5.0
... cool, calm, in cont"rol 6.2 5.5 5.3
Sources: Bachman, Johnaton, O'Malley (1980a, 1987); Johnston, Bachman, O'Malley (1980a, 1982);
Institute for Social
Research, University of Michigan (unpublished data).
*Possible responses included "no risk," "slight risk," "moderate risk," "great risk," "can't
say-drug unfamiliar."
Percentages include those who say "great risk."
+Possible responses included "disagree," "mostly disagree," "neither," "mostly agree," "agree."
Percentages include
those who "agree" or "mostly agree."
xPossible responses included "not disapprove," "disapprove," "strongly disapprove." Percentages
include those who
"disapprove" or "strongly disapprove."
°1977 data.
82 Epidemiology --
TIMN 0138934

Surgevn Getteral'> Rel;urt
Cigarette Smoking Among Young People in the United States
Recent Patterns of Cigarette Smoking
Ever Smoking
The proportion of adolescents classified as ever
smokers (i.e., those who had tried a cigarette [see Appen-
dix 2 for variations in this measureD varied across sur-
vey systems (Table 2). In the 1989 TAPS, 47 percent of
students aged 12 through 18 had tried smoking. In the
1991 NHSDA, the prevalence for this same age range
was 42 percent. The different estimates between these
two household surveys may reflect actual decreased
prevalence during the intervening two years or may
result from sampling error, from slight differences in
response to different survey questions, or from the dif-
ferent way these home-based surveys were adminis-
tered (by telephone in TAPS and in person in the
NHSDA). Of the two self-administered school surveys,
the 1991 YRBS reported a higher prevalence of ever
smoking (70 percent) than the 1992 MTFP (62 percent),
even though the YRBS included students in grades 9
through 12 (age range generally 14 through 18 years),
whereas the MTFP was limited to high school seniors.
This difference may partly result from the questions each
survey used to elicit information on ever smoking. The
MTFP survey asked, "Have you ever smoked cigarettes?",
and the YRBS asked a question that might have drawn
additional affirmative responses: "Have you ever tried
or experimented with cigarette smoking, even one or
two puffs?"
What stands out from all four surveys is that by
age 18, about two-thirds of adolescents in the United
States have tried smoking. Also evident across the sur-
veys is that the prevalence of ever smoking is greater (if
only slightly so in one survey) among males than fe-
males. Findings by racial/ethnic groups were generally
in accord across the surveys: whites had the highest
prevalence of ever smoking and blacks the lowest in
TAPS, the NHSDA, and the MTFP; Hispanics had the
highest prevalence of the three groups in the YRBS.
Ever smoking increased as a function of increasing
age or grade in all four surveys. Adolescents living in the
north-central region of the United States were the most
likely to report having smoked (Table 2). Prevalence for
individual states were available from the Youth Risk
Behavior Surveillance System, which besides its yearly
national YRBS also conducts individual surveys in se-
lected states and cities. In 1991, the percentage of stu-
dents who had tried smoking ranged from 49 to 82
percent (median, 71 percent) (Table 3).
Current Smoking
The overall national prevalence of current smoking
(i.e., having smoked within the last 30 days) for persons
12 through 18 years old was estimated to be 16 percent in
the 1989 TAPS and 13 percent in the 1991 NHSDA (Table
4). These estimates suggest that at least 3.1 million U.S.
adolescents are current smokers. Among high school
seniors, the prevalence of past-month smoking was 28
percent in the 1992 MTFP; 28 percent of high school
students were past-month smokers in the 1991 YRBS.
In all the surveys, current prevalence among males
was equal to or slightly higher than current prevalence
for females. This pattern differs from that reported for
the late 1970s and mid-1980s, when the prevalence for
adolescent females was generally higher than that for
adolescent males (USDHEW 1979b; USDHHS 1989b).
The national prevalence of past-month smoking
among adolescents was higher for whites than for His-
panics and was lowest for blacks (Table 4). Pooled data
from the 1985-1989 MTFP provided information on smok-
ing among Asian American and Native American ado-
lescents (Bachman et al. 1991). Past-month smoking
prevalence was higher for Native American male (37
percent) and female (44 percent) seniors than for white
male (30 percent) and female (34 percent) seniors. Cur-
rent smoking was about as common for Asian American
male (17 percent) and female (14 percent) seniors as it
was for black male (16 percent) and female (13 percent)
seniors. Data on Hispanic smoking prevalence, pre-
sented in the same report, indicate that smoking preva-
lence among Hispanic high school seniors from 1985
through 1989 ranked between that of white and black
high school seniors, as it did in TAPS, the NHSDA, and
the YRBS.
Current prevalence increased with increasing age
or grade (Table 4). TAPS and the NHSDA reported
smoking prevalences for persons 17 and 18 years old that
were slightly lower than those of 12th-grade students
surveyed by the MTFP and the YRBS. Prevalence esti-
mates from TAPS and the NHSDA for persons 15 and 16
years old were considerably lower than for 9th- and
10th-grade high school students in the MTFP and the
YRBS. These estimates are consistent with the argument
that estimates of cigarette smoking from household sur-
veys may underreport actual use, especially for younger
adolescents.
58 Epidemiology
TIMN 0138910

Preventing Tobacco llse Among Young People
high-density lipoprotein cholesterol. If sustained into
adulthood, these patterns significantly increase the risk
for early development of cardiovascular disease.
Smokeless tobacco use is associated with health
consequences that range from halitosis to severe health
problems such as various forms of oral cancer. Use of
smokeless tobacco by young people is associated with
early indicators of adult health consequences, including
periodontal degeneration, soft tissue lesions, and general
systemic alterations. Previous reports have documented
that smokeless tobacco use is as addictive for young
people as it is for adults. Another concern is that smoke-
less tobacco users are more likely than nonusers to be-
come cigarette smokers.
Among addictive behaviors such as the use of alco-
hol and other drugs, cigarette smoking is most likely to
become established during adolescence. Young people
who begin to smoke at an earlier age are more likely than
later starters to develop long-term nicotine addiction.
Most young people who smoke regularly are already
addicted to nicotine, and they experience this addiction
in a manner and severity similar to what adult smokers
experience. Most adolescent smokers report that they
would like to quit smoking and that they have made
numerous, usually unsuccessful attempts to quit: Many
adolescents say that they intend to quit in the future and
yet prove unable to do so. Those who try to quit smoking
report withdrawal symptoms similar to those reported
by adults. Adolescents are difficult to recruit for formal
cessation programs, and when enrolled, are difficult to
retain in the programs. Success rates in adolescent cessa-
tion programs tend to be quite low, both in absolute
terms and relative to control conditions.
Tobacco use is associated with a range of problem
behaviors during adolescence. Smokeless tobacco or
cigarettes are generally the first drug used by young
people in a sequence that can include tobacco, alcohol,
marijuana, and hard drugs. This pattern does not imply
that tobacco use causes other drug use, but rather that
other drug use rarely occurs before the use of tobacco.
Still, there are a number of biological, behavioral, and
social mechanisnms by which the use of one drug may
facilitate the use of other drugs, and adolescent tobacco
users are substantially more likely to use alcohol and
illegal drugs than are nonusers. Cigarette smokers are
also more likely to get into fights, carryweapons, attempt
suicide, and engage in high-risk sexual behaviors. These
problem behaviors can be considered a syndrome, since
involvement in one behavior increases the risk for in-
volvement in others. Delaying or preventing the use of
tobacco may have implications for delaying or prevent
ing these other behaviors as well.
The Epidemiology of Tobacco Use Among
Young People
Overall, about one-third of high-school-aged ado-
lescents in the United States smoke or use smokeless
tobacco. Smoking prevalence among U.S. adolescents
declined sharply in the 1970s, but this decline slowed
significantly in the 1980s, particularly among white males.
Although female adolescents during the 1980s were more
likely than male adolescents to smoke, female and male
adolescents are now equally likely to smoke. Male ado-
lescents are substantially more likely than females to use
smokeless tobacco products; about 20 percent of high
school males report current use, whereas only about I
percent of females do. White adolescents are more likely
to smoke and to use smokeless tobacco than are black
and Hispanic adolescents.
Sociodemographic, environmental, behavioral, and
personal factors can encourage the onset of tobacco use
among adolescents. Young people from families with
lower socioeconomic status, including those adolescents
living in single-parent homes, are at increased risk of
initiating smoking. Among environmental factors, peer
influence seems to be particularly potent in-~ the early
stages of tobacco use; the first tries of ciga=ettes~ and
smokeless tobacco occur most often with peers, and the
peer group may subsequently provide expectations, re-
inforcement, and cues for experimentation. Parental
tobacco use does not appear to be as compelling a risk
factor as peer use; on the other hand, parents may exert a
positive influence by'disapproving of smoking, being
involved in children's free time, discussing health mat-
ters with children,.and encouraging children's academic
achievement and school involvement.
How adolescents perceive their social environment
may be a stronger influence on behavior than the actual
environment. For example, adolescents consistently over-
estimate the number of young people and adults who
smoke. Those with the highest overestimates are more
likely to become smokers than are those with more accu-
rate perceptions. Similarly, those who perceive that ciga-
rettes are easily accessible and generally available are
more likely to begin smoking than are those who per-
ceive more difficulty in obtaining cigarettes.
Behavioral factors figure heavily during adoles-
cence, a period of multiple transitions to physical matu-
ration, to a coherent sense of self, and to emotional
independence. Adolescents are thus particularly vulner-
able to a range of hazardous behaviors and activities,
including tobacco use, that may seem to assist in these
transitions. Young people who report that smoking serves
positive functions oris potentially useful are at increased
risk for smoking. These functions are assaciated with
Introduction 7
TIMN 0138861

Surgeon General's Report
prevalence of daily cigarette smoking at all grade levels
increased among the classes of 1989,1990, and 1991.
Number of Cigarettes Smoked Each Day
Trends in the intensity of smoking among MTFP
high school seniors indicate that since 1976, the propor-
tion of heavy smokers (_ one-half pack per day) has
decreased and the proportion of never smokers has in-
creased (Figure 3). For example, in 1976, 25 percent of
high school seniors had never smoked, and 19 percent
were heavy smokers; by 1992, 38 percent had never
smoked, and 10 percent were heavy smokers (Bachman,
Johnston, CYMalley 1980a; ISR, University of Michigan,
unpublished data).
Attempts to Quit Smoking
Cessation attempts are common among young
smokers. In the 1989 TAPS, 74 percent of 12- through
18-year-old smokers reported that they had seriously
thought about quitting, 64 percent reported that they
had tried to quit smoking, and 49 percent reported that
they had tried to quit during the previous six months
(Allen et a1.1993).
Nearly half of all smokers among high school se-
niors surveyed by the MTFP between 1976 and 1984
reported that they wanted to stop smoking (Table 17).
Interest in quitting declined slightly thereafter. About 30
percent of current smokers reported that at one time in
their lives they had tried but failed to stop smoking.
About 40 percent of daily smokers reported that they
had tried at least once to stop smoking but had failed.
The percentage of seniors who at some time had smoked
regularly but had not smoked during the 30 days pre-
ceding the survey (former smokers) increased sharply
for males from 1977 through 1980 and for females from
1977 through 1981 (Figure 4). This measure declined
sharply after 1980 for males and after 1981 for females.
Table 17. Trends in high school senior smokers' interest in quitting smoking and attempts to quit
smoking, by frequency of smoking during the past 30 days, Monitoring the Future Project, United
States, 1976-1989
Respondents answering "Yes"
Survey Question 1976 -1979
N (weighted) % 1980-1984
N (weighted) % 1985-1989
N (weighted) %
Do you want to stop smoking now?
Among those who smoked
3,872
46.1
3,805 47.1
3,418 42.5
at all during the last
30 days
Among those who smoked
3,396
46.1 .
3,262 47.6
2,761 43.9
> I cigarette/day during
the last 30 days 7
Have you ever tried to stop smoking
and found that you could not?
Among those who smoked
,740
1.5
,942 31.4
,534 27.8
at,all during the last
30 days
Among those who smoked
3,604
38.5
3,464 41.6
2,953 -39.4
> 1 cigarette/day during
the last 30 days
Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Office on Smoking and Health (unpublished data).
78 Epidemiology
711ViN 0138930

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
Figure 3. Trends in the intensity of smoking among high school seniors, Monitoring the Future
Project,
United States, 1976-1992
Never smoked
~ ~ M
Have smoked but not
in the past 30 days
< 1 cigarette/day in
the past 30 days
1-5 cigarettes/day in
the past 30 days
mmm ? one-half pack/day in
the past 30 days
Sources: Bachman, Johnston, O'Malley (1980a, b, 1981, 1984,1985,1987,1991); Johnston, Bachman,
O'Malley (1980a, b, 1982,
1984,1986,1991,1992); Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan (unpublished data).
Figure 4. Trends in the percentage of former smokers among ever smokers,* by gender, high school
seniors,
Monitoring the Future Project, United States, 1976-1989 .
Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Office on Smoking and Health (unpublished data).
*Percentage of those who had ever smoked regularly who had not smoked during the previous 30 days.
Epidemiology 79
TIMN 0138931

PrerenEing Tobacco Use Among Young People
Introduction
The health consequences of tobacco use among
adults have been reviewed extensively in previous
Surgeon General's reports (Public Health Service
[PHS] 1964; U.S. Department of Health and Human
Services [USDHHS] 1986b, 1989). Among young people,
the short-term health consequences of smoking include
respiratory and nonrespiratory effects, addiction to a
toxic substance (nicotine), and the associated risk of other
drug use. Long-term health consequences of adolescent
smoking may be seen in the association between early
onset of tobacco use and future (adult) smoking, with
concomitant health consequences. Passive (also called
"involuntary") smoking during adolescence is also asso-
ciated with harmful respiratory and nonrespiratory
effects. Lastly, the use of smokeless tobacco poses seri-
ous health consequences to young people.
Health Consequences of Smoking Among Young People
Introduction
The health effects of cigarette smoking have been
the subject of intensive investigation since the 1950s.
Extensive evidence, documented in numerous reports of
the Surgeon General, has causally linked ci&arette
smoking to a wide array of health outcomes that extend
from annoying symptoms to fatal malignancies
(USDHHS 1989). Until recently, this research was largely
directed at the effects of smoking on adults. As is
discussed in Chapter 3 (see "Age or Grade When Smok-
ing Begins"), the onset and development of cigarette
use occur primarily during adolescence (USDHHS 1989);
the health consequences of smoking among young
people thus have great public health significance. In
recent years, investigations of the health effects in school-
age youth have reported sufficient data to support
conclusions about adverse effects of smoking during
childhood and adolescence.
Most of the evidence reviewed here is gathered
from epidemiologic studies of young people ranging
from 10 through 20 years old. Selected studies that relate
to older age groups, yet are relevant to young people,
are also included. - Emphasis is placed on the res-
,~
piratory effects of:_:SYita., king, for which the evidence is
abundant. Data-,on smoking and cardiovascular
risk factors and atherogenesis are also addressed, as
are the adult health implications of starting to smoke
during childhood.
Overview of'the Toxicology of
Tobacco Smoke
Cigarette smoke is a complex mixture of organic
and inorganic compounds generated by the combustion
of tobacco and additives. Current knowledge about the
physicochemical nature of tobacco smoke is well de-
scribed in earlier Surgeon General's reports (PHS 1964;
USDHHS 1981, 1989). Thousands of individual com-
pounds have been isolated in cigarette smoke, including
pharmacologically active agents (e.g., nicotine), toxic
agents (e.g., carbon monoxide, hydrogen cyanide, and
acrolein), and mutagens and carcinogens (e.g., polycy-
clic aromatic hydrocarbons).
Cigarette smoke is further classified as mainstream
smoke (MS), the smoke drawn through the mouthpiece
of the cigarette, and sidestream smoke (SS), the smoke
given off by smoldering tobacco between puffs and the
smoke diffusing through the cigarette paper and escap-
ing from the burning cone during puffing. Because of the
differing combustion conditions under which MS and SS
are generated, their chemical compositions differ; in par-
ticular, undiluted SS tends to have higher concentrations
of many toxic and tumorigenic agents (USDHHS 1986a,
1989). The quantitative yields of tar (the material depos-
ited in a filter as MS is being drawn), nicotine, and carbon
monoxide from cigarettes can be assessed by using a
smoking machine standardized to a particular pattern of
puffing (USDHHS 1989).
Passive smoking refers to nonsmokers' inhalation
of tobacco smoke. The term "environmental tobacco
smoke" (ET51 is now widely used to refer to the mixture
of predominantly SS and exhaled MS that is inhaled by
the passive smoker. Passive smoking was the subject of
the 1986 Surgeon General's report (USDHHS 1986a); that
report reviews in detail the components of ETS, as did a
contemporaneously-prepared report of the National Re-
search Cop.ncil (1986). In 1991, the National Institute for
Occupational Safety and Health recommended that ETS
be regarded as a potential occupational carcinogen and
Healfh Consequences 15
TIMN 0138868

l're.vriturs Tohak-co Lhe -ltruaig 1'vtnig t'ruhlr
Figure 7. Trends in the percentage of high school seniors who do not mind' being around people who
are smoking, by race, Monitoring the Future Project, United States, 1981-1991
1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991
Year
Sources: Bachman, Johnston, O'Malley (1981, 1984, 1985, 1987,1991); Johnston, Bachman, O'Malley
(1982, 1984, 1986, 1988,
1991,1992); Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan (unpublished data).
Table 20. Intensity of smoking (%) in senior year of high school, by intensity of smoking 5- 6 years
later, Monitoring the Future Project, United States, 1976-1986
Smoking intensity (past 30 days) 5-6 years later (%)*
Senior-year
smoking inten5ity:
(use in past 30 days) : <
None 1 ciga-
rette
/day 1-5 ciga-
rettes
/day
'/2 pack
>_ 1 pack
Number Column
(weighted) percentage
None 85.6 4.9 2.6 2.7 4.1 9,238 67.6
< 1 cigarette/day 57.8 14.4 9.6 7.8 10.4 1,268 9.3
1- 5 cigaretes per day 29.6 8.8 17.2 20.5 23.9 1,058 7.7
About'! pack/day 18.8. 4.9 8.7 21.7 46.0 1,000 7.3
_ 1 pack/day 13.4 2.7 4.1 10.1 69.T 1,100 ' 8.1
Total 68.0 5.9 5.0 6.6 14.6 13,665 100.0
Source: Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan (unpublished data).
*Entries are row percentages.
Epidetnivlvgy 85
r~'IrIlaT 0138937

Prevcnfing Tobacco Use Among Young People
BEWLEY BR, BLAND JM. Smoking and respiratory symp-
toms in two groups of schoolchildren. Preventive Medicine
1976;5(1):63-9.
BEWLEY BR, HALIL T, SNAITH AH. Smoking by primary
schoolchildren prevalence and associated respiratory symp-
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1973;27(3):150-3.
BIGLAN A, LA CHANCE PA, BENOWITZ NL. Experi-
mental analyses of the effects of smokeless tobacco depriva-
tion. Unpublished data.
BLAKE GH, ABELL TD, STANLEY WG. Cigarette smoking
and upper respiratory infection among recruits in basic com-
bat training. Annals of Internal Medicine 1988;109(3):198-202.
BLAND M, BEWLEY BR, POLLARD V, BANKS MH. Effect of
children's and parents' smoking on respiratory symptoms.
Archive of Disease in Childhood 1978;53(2):100-5.
BLUM A. Smokeless tobacco. Journal of the American Medical
Association 1980;244(2):192.
BOCK G, MARSH J, editors. The biology of nicotine
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BOUQUOT JE. Epidemiology. In: Gnepp DR, editor. Pathol-
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BOUQUOT JE. Reviewing oral leukoplakia: clinical concepts
for the 1990s. Journal of the American Dental Association
1991;122(7):80-2.
BOYD GM, GLOVER ED. Smokeless tobacco use by youth in
the U.S. Journal of School Health 1989;59(5):189-93.
BRADY JV, LUKAS SE, editors. Testing drugs for physical
dependence potential and abuse liability. Monograph No. 52. US
Department of Health and Human Services, Public Health
Service, Alcohol, Drug Abuse, and Mental Health Administra-
tion, National Institute on Drug Abuse._ Bethesda (MD): DHHS
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BRESLAU N, FENN N; PETERSON E. Early smoking initia-
tion and nicotine dependence in a cohort of young adults.
Drug and Alcohol Dependence. 1993;33(2):129-37.
BURCH JB, DE FIEBRE CM, MARKS MJ, COLLINS AC.
Chronic ethanol or nicotine treatment results in partial cross-
tolerance between these agents. Psychopharmacology
1988;95(4)452-8.
CARMELLI D, SWAN GE, ROBINETTE D, FABSITZ R.
Genetic influence on smoking-a study of male twins.
New England Journal of Medicine 1992;327(12):829-33.
CASEY K. If only I could quit: becoming a nonsmoker. Center
City (MN): Hazelden Foundation, 1987.
CENTERS FOR DISEASE CONTROL AND PREVENTION.
Smoking cessation during previous year among adults-United
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CENTERS FOR DISEASE CONTROL AND PREVENTION.
Use of smokeless tobacco among adults-United States, 1991.
Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report 1993b;42(14):263-6.
CENTERS FOR. DISEASE CONTROL AND PREVENTION,
OFFICE ON SMOKING AND HEALTH. Unpublished data.
CHARLTON A. Children's coughs related to parental
smoking. British Medical Journal 1984;288(6431):1647-9.
CHARLTON A, BLAIR V. Absence from school related to
children's and parental smoking habits. British Medical Journal
1989;298(6666):90-2.
CHRISTEN AG, GLOVER ED. Smokeless tobacco: seduction
of youth. World Smoking and Health 1981;6(2):20-4.
CHRISTEN AG, MCDONALD JL, CHRISTEN JA. The impact
of tobacco. use and cessation on nonmalignant and pre-cancerous oral
and dental diseases and conditions. Indiana University School of
Dentistry teaching monograph. Indianapolis: Indiana Univer-
sity, 1991.
CLAYTON RR, RfITER C. The epidemiology of alcohol and
drug abuse among adolescents. Advances in Alcoholism and
Substance Abuse 1985;4(3-4):69-97.
COLLEY JRT, DOUGLAS JWB, REID DD. Respiratory dis-
ease in young adults: influence of early childhood lower
respiratory tract illness, social class, air pollution, and smok-
ing. British Medical Journal 1973;3(5873):195-8.
COLLINS AC. Interactions of ethanol and nicotine at the
receptor level. In: Galantar M, editor. Recent Developments in
Alcoholism. Volume 8. Combined Alcohol and Other Drug
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COLLINS AC, BURCH JB, DE FIEBRE CM, MARKS MJ. Tol-
erance to and cross tolerance between ethanol and nicotine.
Pharmacology, Biochemistry and Behavior 1988;29(2):365-73.
COMSTOCK GW, RUST PF. Residence and peak expiratory
flow rates among Navy recruits. American Journal o f Epidemiol-
ogy 1973;98(5):348-54.
Health Consequences 43
N 0138896
~IM

S«rgeon General's RepvrP
Table 16. Trends in the prevalence (%'o) of current smoking* among white and black young people,
National
Household Surveys on Drug Abuse (NHSDA), Monitoring the Future Project (MTFP), National
Health Interview Surveys (NHIS), United States, 1974-1992
NHSDA+ MTFP NHIS
Year White Black
(aged 17-19 years) White Black
(aged 17-18 years) White Black
(aged 18-19 years)
1974 41.9 47.4 33.6 33.7
1976 43.0 47.2 38.3 39.7
1977 42.9 44.3 38.4 34.4
1978 37.0 31.5 33.3 26.3
1979 44.4# 37.7t 34.9 28.7 32.6 30.8
1980 31.0 25.2 26.1 29.0
1981 30.1 22.3
1982 39.2 20.9 31.3 21.2
1983 31.3 21.2 28.6 18.5
1984 31.0 17.6
1985 28.6 20.8 31.7 18.7 23.4 18.4
1986 32.0 14.6
1987 32.2 13.9 23.4 15.3
1988 33.0 17.6 32.3 12.8 23.7 9.4
1989 32.1 12.4
1990 28.3 7.2 32.5 12.0 22.2 10.3
1991 30.5 11.4, 31.8 9.4 24.9 7.6
1992 ' 31.8 8.2
Sources: NTTS: U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (1972,1976,1979b); NHSDA: Centers
for Disease
Control and Prevention (CDC), Office on Smoking and Health (OSH) (unpublished data on *1974-1991
surveys); MTFP:
Bachman, Johnston, O'Malley (1980a, b,1981,1984,1985,1987,1991); Johnston, Bachman, O'Malley (1980a,
b,1982,1984,
1986, 1991, 1992); Johnston, O'Malley, Bachman (1992a); Institute for Social Research, University of
Michigan (unpublished
data); NHIS: CDC, OSH (unpublished data on 1974-1991 surveys).
*For the NHSDA and the MTFP, current smoking is defined as any cigarette smoking during the 30 days
preceding the
survey. For the NHIS, current smokers are those who report that they have smoked at least 100
cigarettes and who
respond "yes" to the question, "Do you smoke now?"
'In the NHSDA, "white" and "black" include respondents of Hispanic origin, except for 1985.
xThe 1979 NHSDA determined current smoking status only for those respondents who had smoked at least
100 cigarettes
(lifetime). The National Institute on Drug Abuse later published adjusted 1979 estimates using data
from the 1982 NHSDA
(Miller et a1.1983). The adjusted 1979 estimates used the ratio of the 1982 prevalence estimate,
based on the 1979 definition,
to the prevalence estimate based on the definition used in other years (i.e., any smoking in the
last 30 days, regardless of
whether the respondent had ever smoked 1001ifetime cigarettes). This table reports estimates based
on the same adjust-
ment procedure.
1987-1988 NHIS (Figure 2). The data confirm that women
in the United States have started to smoke at increasingly
younger ages. The largest differences exist for women
who were at least 45 years old at the time of the survey.
The initiation curve for 18- through 24-year-old females
surveyed in 1987 and 1988 is, by age 18, lower than that
for 18- through 24-year-old females surveyed in 1978
through 1980, which is consistent with the notion that the
prevalence of cigarette smoking has declined recently
among young females (Table 15).
Johnston, O'Malley, and Bachman (1992a) used
retrospective reports from MTFP high school seniors to
describe trends in the initiation of daily smoking among
seniors. Theirdata show that the likelihood of becoming
a daily smoker at an earlier grade level increased sharply
during the early to middle 1970s for the 1976 through
1978 senior dasses. From 1975 through 1977, this likeli
hood decreased, and the grade of initiation declined or
leveled for the 1979-1986 and 1988 classes. The lifetime
76 Epidemiology
TIMN 0138928

Surgeon General's Report
The trend of cessation is similar to the trend for current
smoking prevalence. Substantial progress occurred in
the late 1970s, but this progress slowed considerably in
the 1980s.
Trends in Knowledge and Attitudes About
Smoking
Trends in Perceived Health Risks of Smoking
Data from the MTFP allow comparisons of trends
in beliefs about the risks associated with cigarette smok-
ing and in actual smoking behavior. The decline in the
prevalence of ever smoking has been associated with an
increase in the percentage of high school seniors who
believe that smoking one or more packs of cigarettes
each day is a serious health risk (Figure 5). This associa-
tion has been observed for both genders and for whites
and blacks (Bachman, Johnston, O'Malley 1980a, b, 1981,
1984, 1985, 1987, 1991; Johnston, Bachman, O'Malley
1980a, b, 1982,1984,1986,1991; ISR, University of Michi-
gan, unpublished data). For example, during the early
1980s, the percentage of black high school seniors who
felt that there is great risk associated with smoking a
pack or more per day increased substantially. At the
same time, the percentage of black youth who had smoked
at all and who had smoked daily declined rapidly. In
1989, over 50 percent of smokers and 74 percent of non-
smokers reported that they believed that smoking a pack
or more per day is a serious health risk (1989 MTFP,
CDC, OSH, unpublished data).
The percentage of seniors who believed that smok-
ing entails a great risk to health increased from 56 per-
cent in 1976 to 69 percent in 1991, and the percentage
who believed that the health effects of smoking had been
exaggerated decreased from 16 percent in 1981 to 14
percent in 1991 (Table 18). Nonetheless, 3 out of 10
seniors in 1991 still did not believe that heavy smoking
poses a serious threat to health.
Among 12- through 18-year-olds in the 1989 TAPS,
32 percent believed that there is no harm in having an
occasional cigarette; 57 percent of smokers in the survey
endorsed that statement (Allen et a1.1993). Twenty-one
percent of smokers and 3 percent of never smokers be-
lieved that it is safe to smoke for only a year or two.
Trends in Perceptions About Smoking -
The percentage of high school seniors surveyed by
the MTFP who considered smoking a "dirty habit" in-
creased between 1981 (66 percent) and 1991 (72 percent)
(Table 18). About 73 percent of white and 74 percent of
black adolescents now feel this way, compared with only
Figure 5. Trends in the percentage of high school seniors who believe that smoking is a serious
health
risk and in the percentage who have ever smoked, Monitoring the Future Project, United
States, 1976-1991
Sources: Bachman, Johnston, O'Malley (1980a, b, 1981, 1984,1985,1987,1991); Johnston, Bachman,
O'Malley (1980a, b, 1982,
1984, 1986,1991, 1992); Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan (unpublished data).
80 Epidemiology
TIMN 0138932

Pre-enting Tobacco Use Amoxg Young People
USDHHS 1989b). Since the recalled age at initiation is
often 10 or more years younger than the age of the
respondent at the time of the survey, recall bias may
affect the reliability of these estimates.
In the 1991 NHSDA, 69 percent of respondents
aged 30 through 39 years reported trying a cigarette by
age 18. Of all persons who had ever tried a cigarette, 88
percent had tried their first cigarette by age 18. The mean
age of first trying a cigarette was 14.5 years. Thirty-five
percent of the respondents had become daily smokers by
age 18. Of those who had ever smoked daily, 71 percent
had smoked daily by age 18. The mean age of becoming
a daily smoker was 17.7 years.
Surveys conducted in 1991 among school-aged stu-
dents, while lacking information on postadolescent ini-
tiation, provide information of more recent initiation
patterns (i.e., during the 1980s and early 1990s). Among
12th-grade students surveyed in 1991,22 percent of TAPS
respondents, 40 percent of NHSDA respondents, 40 per-
cent of MTFP respondents, and 37 percent of YRBS re-
spondents first tried a cigarette by age 14 (Table 8).
About 60 percent of the respondents in the NHSDA, the
MTFP, and the YRBS and about 50 percent of the TAPS
respondents had smoked by their senior year. Daily
cigarette use began by age 16 (or the 10th grade) for 18 to
23 percent of respondents to the NHSDA, the MTFP, and
the YRBS (Table 9). By their senior year, 22 to 29 percent
of these respondents had become daily smokers.
Other Patterns of Smoking
Two of the surveys gathered further information
about smoking patterns-the number of days per month
an adolescent smoked and the number of cigarettes the
adolescent smoked per day. In the 1991 YRBS, responses
indicated that in general, the greater number of days
students reported smoking during the 30 days preceding
the survey, the greater the number of cigarettes they
smoked per day (Table 10). For example, 49 percent of
students who smoked cigarettes on only one or two days
during the preceding 30 days smoked fewer than one
cigarette per day; among students who smoked ciga-
rettes on all 30 days, 47 percent smoked 11 or more per
day.
Smoking patterns were also reported recently by
Moss et al. (1992), using 1989 TAPS data (Table 11).
About 41 percent of teenage smokers-whether male or
female-smoked every day, and about one in four
smoked on fewer than five of the preceding 30 days. The
percentage of smokers who smoked every day increased
with increasing age; 48 percent of 16- through 18-year-
old smokers smoked every day. About twice as many
white as black teenagers smoked every day (42 vs. 22
percent), and blacks were more likely than whites to
have smoked on fewer than five days. Non-Hispanics
were more likely than Hispanics to smoke every day.
Sixteen percent of 12- through 18-year-old TAPS
respondents who smoked during the week preceding
the survey smoked 20 or more cigarettes daily.` Males
smoked more cigarettes daily than females. Older stu-
dents smoked more cigarettes daily than younger stu-
dents; 47 percent of 16- through 18-year-old smokers
and 11 percent of 12- and 13-year-old smokers reported
smoking 10 or more cigarettes daily. Whites smoked
more cigarettes daily than blacks, and non-Hispanics
Table 10. Percent distribution of the number of cigarettes smoked per day, by the number of days on
which cigarettes were smoked during the 30 days preceding the survey, Youth Risk Behavior
Survey, United States, 1991
Cigarettes smoked per day
Number of days
cigarettes were sn[oked-.
< 1
1
2-5
6-10
11-20
> 20
Total
N
1-2 49.2 29.2 18.0 1.7 1.0 0.2 100 756
3-5 25.3 29.2 41.5 3.6 - 0.4 0.0 100 452
6-9 7.0 32.5 54.4 5.8 0.4 0.0 100 273
10-19 7.4 13.0 66.5 10.8 1.8 0.4 100 326
20-29 0.7 4.6 61.4 27.9 5.4 0.0 100 294
30 0.1 0.3 26.5 26.0 36.6 10.8 100 803
Average 14.8 15.0 37.2 14.$- 14.1 4.0 100 -2,904
Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Division of Adolescent and School Health
(unpublished data).
F_H;''_ - 7gy 67
TI~~ 0138919

SurYeon Genrrcr!'S Rcport
Past-month smoking was generally most common
in the north-central region of the United States and least
prevalent in the West and the South (Table 4). Among
the available state and local surveys of high school stu-
dents (Table 3), the percentage of students who were
current smokers ranged from 6 to 31 percent (median 27
percent). From the weighted surveys, current smoking
prevalence was lowest in Puerto Rico and Utah and
highest in South Dakota, New Mexico, and New York
(excluding New York City).
Frequent and Heavy Smoking
In the 1989 TAPS, 8 percent of U.S. adolescents 12
through 18 years old were frequent smokers (i.e., had
smoked on 20 or more of the 30 days preceding the
survey) (Table 5). In 1991, 13 percent of high school
students surveyed in the YRBS were frequent smokers.
In the 1991 NHSDA, 7 percent of persons 12 through 18
years old were heavy smokers (i.e., had smoked at least
one-half pack per day); 10 percent of high school seniors
in the 1992 MTFP survey were heavy smokers. Males
were slightly more likely than females to report frequent
or heavy smoking (Table 5).
To a greater extent than was found for current
smoking, white adolescents were more likely than black
or Hispanic adolescents to be frequent or heavy smokers.
Among white adolescents in the different surveys, fre-
quent and heavy smoking were 2.8 to 7.5 times more
common than among black adolescents and 2.3 to 2.6
times more common than among Hispanic adolescents.
As was noted for both ever smoking and current
smoking, frequent and heavy smoking increased with
increasing age or grade. Frequent and heavy smoking
were more prevalent in the north-central and northeast
regions and less prevalent in the South and the West.
Sociodemographic Risk Factors for Smoking_
In its surveys of high school seniors from 1985
through 1989, the MTFP elicited data on several possible
sociodemographic risk factors for adolescent smoking
(Table 6). The surveys found, for example, that students
who lived alone had the. highest prevalences of past-
month smoking (47 percent) and heavy smoking (28
percent). Living in a single-parent household increased
the risk of past month or heavy smoking only when the
mother was the absent parent. Data from the 1968,1970,
1972, 1974, and 1979 NTTS indicate higher smoking
prevalences among youth living in households with fewer
than two parents or parent surrogates (USDHEW 1972,
1976,1979b). The available published reports, however,
did not provide more detail on the exact structure of the
household.
The 1989 TAPS examined other aspects of family
structure for possible associations with adolescent smok-
ing status (Allen et al. 1993). The survey findings showed
that youths 12 through 16 years old who were current
smokers were almost twice as likely to be home without
a parent or other adult for 10 or more hours a week than
were teens who had never smoked. Furthermore, TAPS
teens who said that they discussed serious problems
with friends rather than with a parent, other relative, or
another adult were two times more likely to be current
smokers than were teens who reported discussing seri-
ous problems with their parents (Moss et al. 1992).
The 1985-1989 MTFP reported an inverse relation-
ship between both past-month and heavy smoking and
the population density of the locales in which the seniors
grew up (Table 6); those seniors who grew up on a farm
or in the country were more likely to smoke than those
who grew up in large cities. The MTFP also found that as
school performance among high school seniors declined
from above average to below average, past-month smok-
ing prevalence increased from 22 to 41 percent, and
heavy smoking prevalence increased from 7 to 21 per-
cent. A similar relationship was observed in the 1989
TAPS (Moss et a1.1992).
Postgraduation plans were another predictor° of
smoking behavior among MTFP seniors. Students who
said they planned to complete four years of college were
less likely to be past-month smokers (24 percent) or
heavy smokers (7 percent) than were those who did not
plan to get a college degree (39 percent were past-month
smokers, 20 percent were heavy smokers). Males who
planned to enter the armed forces after high school were
more likely to be past-month smokers (31 percent) or
heavy smokers (14 percent) than males who did not have
such plans (26 percent were past-month smokers, 10
percent were heavy smokers). This association was neg-
ligible among females.
Among MTFP seniors, past-month and heavy
smoking were least prevalent among those who felt that
religion was very important in their lives and increased
uniformly as the self-reported importance of religion
lessened. Similarly, adolescent smokers in the 1989 TAPS
were more likely to report that they rarely or never
attended religious services (54 percent) than were never
smokers (29 percent) (Allen et a1.1993).
TAPS also analyzed smoking by dropout status.
Respondents who had left school before graduating were
more than twice as likely to report smoking in the past
week as were those who currently attended or had gradu-
ated from high school (43 vs. 17 percent) (CDC 1991a).
Female high school students and graduates were about as
likely as their male counterparts to have smoked in the
past week (17 vs. 18 percent). Female dropouts, however,
62 Epidemiology
TIMN 0138914

bonding with peers, being independent and mature, and
having a positive social image. Since reports from
adolescents who begin to smoke indicate that they have
lower self-esteem and lower self-images than their non-
smoking peers, smoking can become a self-enhancement
mechanism. Similarly, not having the confidence to be
able to resist peer offers of tobacco seems to be an impor-
tant risk factor for initiation. Intentions to use tobacco
and actual experimentation also strongly predict subse-
quent regular use.
The positive functions that many young people
attribute to smoking are the same functions advanced in
most cigarette advertising. Young people are a strategi-
cally important market for the tobacco industry. Since
most smokers try their first cigarette before age 18, young
people are the chief source of new consumers for the
tobacco industry, which each year must replace the many
consumers who quit smoking and the many who die
from smoking-related diseases. Despite restrictions on
tobacco marketing, children and adolescents continue to
be exposed to cigarette advertising and promotional ac-
tivities, and young people report considerable familiar-
ity with many cigarette advertisements. In the past, this
exposure was accomplished by radio and television pro-
grams sponsored by the cigarette industry. Barred since
1971 from using broadcast media, the tobacco industry
increasingly relies on promotional activities, including
sponsorship of sports events and public entertainment,
outdoor billboards, point-of-purchase displays, and the
distribution of specialty items that appeal to the young.
Cigarette advertisements in the print media persist; these
messages have become increasingly less informational,
replacing words with images to portray the attractive-
ness and function of smoking. Cigarette advertising fre-
quently uses human models or human-like cartoon
characters to display images of youthful activities, inde-
pendence, healthfulness, and adventure-seeking. In pre-
senting attractive images of smokers, cigarette
advertisements appear to stimulate some adolescents
who have relatively low self-images to adopt smoking as
a way to improve their.Wm self-image. Cigarette adver-
tising also appears to affect adolescents' perceptions of
the pervasiveness of saoking, images of smokers, and
~-, the function of smoking: Since these perceptions are
psychosocial risk factors for the initiation of smoking,
cigarette advertising appears to increase young people's
risk of smoking.
Efforts to Prevent the Onset of Tobacco Use
Most of the U.S. public strongly favors policies that
might prevent tobacco use among young people. These
policies include mandated tobacco education in schools,
a complete ban on smoking by anyone on school grounds,
8 Introduction
Surgeon General's Repvrt
further restrictions on tobacco advertising and promo-
tional activities, stronger prohibitions on the sale of to-
bacco products to minors, and increases in earmarked
taxes on tobacco products. Interventions to prevent ini-
tiation among young people-even actions that involve
restrictions on adult smoking or increased taxes-have
received strong support among smoking and nonsmok-
ing adults.
Numerous research studies over the past 15 years
suggest that organized interventions can help prevent
the onset of smoking and smokeless tobacco use. School-
based smoking-prevention programs, based on a model
of identifying social influences on smoking and provid-
ing skills to resist those influences, have demonstrated
consistent and significant reductions in adolescent smok-
ing prevalence; these program effects have lasted one to
three years. Programs to prevent smokeless tobacco use
have used a similar model to achieve modest reductions
in initiation of use. The effectiveness of these school-
based programs appears to be enhanced and sustained,
at least until high school graduation, by adding coordi-
nated communitywide programs that involve parents,
youth-oriented mass media and counteradvertising, com-
munity organizations, or other elements of adolescents'
social environments.
A crucial element of prevention is access: adoles-
cents should not be able to purchase tobacco products in
their communities. Active enforcement of age-at-sale
policies by public officials and community members ap-
pears necessary to prevent minors' access to tobacco:
Communities that have adopted tighter restrictions have
achieved reductions in purchases by minors. At the state
and national levels, price increases have significantly
reduced cigarette smoking; the young have been at least
as responsive as adults to these price changes. Maintain-
ing higher real prices of cigarettes provides a barrier to
adolescent tobacco use but depends on further tax in-
creases to offset the effects of inflation. The results of this
review thus suggest that a coordinated, multicomponent
campaign involving policy changes, taxation, mass me-
dia, and behavioral education can effectively reduce the
onset of tobacco use among adolescents.
Summary
Smoking and smokeless tobacco use are almost
always initiated and established in adolescence. Besides
its long-term, effects on adults, tobacco use produces
specific health problems for adolescents. Since nicotine
addiction also occurs during adolescence, adolescent to-
bacco users are likely to become adult tobacco users.
Smoking and smokeless tobacco use are associated with
other problem behaviors and occur early in the sequence
of these behaviors. The outcomes of adolescent smoking
TIMN 0138862

SurReori Geiiernl's Report
Table 1. Sources of national data on tobacco use among young people, 1968-1992
Survey title
Abbreviated title Sponsoring agency
or organization Type of
survey
Years
National Teenage NTTS, TAPS National Clearinghouse Cross-sectional 1968,1970, 1972,
Tobacco Surveys; for Smoking and Health, 1974,1979,1989
1989 Teenage
Attitudes and
Practices Survey
ational Household
SDA National Cancer
Institute, National
Institutes of Health;
National Institute of
Education; Office on
Smoking and Health (OSH),
Centers for Disease Con-
trol and Prevention (CDC)*
National Institute
oss-sectional
74,1976,1977,
Surveys on Drug on Drug Abuse/ 1979,1982,1985,
Abuse Substance Abuse and 1988,1990,1991
Monitoring the
MTFP Mental Health
Services Administration
National Institute
Cross-sectional
1976-1992
Future Project on Drug Abuse; and annual surveys; -
University of Michigan,
Institute for Social longitudinal 1976-1986 respondents
contacted 5-6 years
Research later
Youth Risk Behavior YRBS Division of Adolescent Cross-sectional 1991
Survey and School Health, (national, as
National Health
NHIS CDC
National Center for well as state
and local)
Cross-sectional
1970,1974,
Interview Surveys Health Statistics 1978-1980,1983,
(NCHS), CDC 1985,1987-88,
1990,1991
t
Sources: NTTS: U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (1972,1976,1979b); TAPS: CDC
(1991a); Allen et al.
(1991,1993); Moss et al. (1992 ); NHSDA: Abelson and Atkinson (1975); Abelson and Fishburne (1976);
Fishburne, Ableson,
Cisin (1980); Gfroerer (1993); Miller et al. (1983); U.S. Department of Health and Human Services
[USDHHS] (1988a, 1990a,
1991a, 1992a, 1993); 1991 NHSDA: CDC, OSH (unpublished data); MTFP: Bachman, Johnston, O'Malley
(1980a, b,1981,1984,
1985,1987,1991); Johnston, Bachman, O'Malley (1980a, b,1982,1984,1986,1991,1992); Johnston,
O'Malley, Bachman (1991a, b,
1992a, b, in press);1990-1992 MTFP surveys: Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan
(unpublished data); YRBS:
Kolbe (1990); CDC (1992c, d); Kolbe, Kann, Collins 1993; CDC, Division of Adolescent and School
Health (unpublished data);
NHIS: NCHS (1958,1975,1985,1988a, b, 1989); USDHHS (1992a); 1970,1978-1980,1987-1988 NHIS: CDC, OSH
(unpub-
lished data).
*The 1989 TAPS was partially sponsored by the American Cancer Society.
56 Epidemiology
TIMN 0138908

Gt'ilt'nd Rt'(tlt/'i
Table 29. Percentage of high school students who used tobacco, by participation on sports teams and
steroid use, Youth Risk Behavior Survey, United States, 1991
Category
Number Any
cigarette
use* Current
cigarette
uset Current
frequent
cigarette user Current
smokeless
tobacco use;
Participation on sports teams'
Total
0 teams 5,738 , 73.6 31.3 17.2 6.6
_ 1 team 6,429 67.2 24.3 8.9 13.5
Female
0 teams
3,608
72.0
29.0
14.3
'0.7
>_ 1 team 2,635 66.3 24.8 9.6 2.1
Male
0 teams
2,125
76.1
34.8
21.6
15.5
>_ 1 team 3,794 67.8 23.9 8.4 21.0
Steroid use9
Total
0 times
11,868
69.7
26.8
12.1
9.7
>_ I time 382 87.2 54.8 35.7 38.7
Female
0 times
6,164
69.3
26.9
12.2
1.1
? 1 time 116 88.5 61.8 29.9 16.5
Male
0 times
5,700
70.0
26.6
12.0
18.1
>_ I time 265 86.8 52.6 27.0 44.6
Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Division of Adolescent and School Health
(unpublished data).
* During the respondent's lifetime.
' Cigarette use on > I day during the 30 days preceding the survey.
t Cigarette use on _ 20 days during the 30 days preceding the survey.
' During the 30 days preceding the survey; includes chewing tobacco or snuff.
' During the 12 months preceding the survey; includes sports teams sponsored by school and other
organizations.
9 During the respondent's lifetime, without a doctor's prescription.
92 Epidemiology TIMN 0138944

Scergeon General's Report
Trends in Cigarette Smoking
Ever Smoking
Data from the NTTS, the NHSDA, and the MTFP
suggest that the prevalence of ever smoking among ado-
lescents has declined since the 1970s (Table 14). In the
NHSDA, the prevalence of smoking among youths 17
through 19 years old declined from 78 percent in 1979 to
64 percent in 1991, an average decline of 1.2 percentage
points per year. In the NTI'FP, the prevalence among 17-
and 18-year-olds decreased from 76 percent in 1977 to 62
percent in 1992, an average decline of 0.9 percentage
points per year. In the NHIS, the percentage of 18- and
19-year-olds who had smoked at least 100 cigarettes
dropped from 41 percent in 1974 to 25 percent in 1991, an
average decline of 1.0 percentage points each year.
Current Smoking
NHIS data have been used to examine historical
trends in smoking by reconstructing the prevalence of
cigarette smoking for the decades in this century before
systematic surveillance of cigarette smoking was con-
ducted (USDHHS 1980, 1985, 1991b; Harris 1983). Us-
ing information on a respondent's date of birth, age
at initiation of fairly regular smoking, and duration
of abstinence (for former smokers), the smoking status
of the respondent can be assessed for any given year.
For this report, the reconstructed prevalence of smoking
among those aged 10 through 19 years is reported for the
years 1920 through 1980.
Except for 1980, smoking during this 60-year pe-
riod was more common among white and black ado-
lescent males than among white and black adolescent
females (Figure 1). The prevalence of cigarette smoking
Figure 1. Trends in the reconstructed prevalence* of cigarette smoking among 10-19-year-olds, by
gender and race, United States, 1920 -1980
~ White males
1920
1930
1940
1950
Year
1980
1960
1970
1111111
-
Black males
White females
Black females
Source: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (1991b). Data sources are the
1970,1978,1979,1980, and 1987
National Health Interview Surveys.
*The smoking prevalence for each of the years indicated was calculated for people who would have
been 10-19 years old in
each of those years by using the survey respondents' date of birth, age when fty first began smoking
regularly, and age
when they quit smoking (see Appendix 2).
72 Epidemiology
,rIMN 0138924

>u, ~c( nt Q& rttr,tl'- R",,,yt
Table 21. Direction of change in smoking behavior (9'~) between senior year of high school and 5-6
years
later, Monitoring the Future Project,United States, 1976-1986 senior classes
Smoking status 5-6 years later*
Senior-year
smoking status
(use in past 30 days)
Quit
Less use
Same level
More use
Number
(weighted)
None , 85.6 14.4 9,238
< 1 cigarette/day 57.8 14.4 27.8 1,268
1-5 cigarettes/day 29.6 8.8 17.2 44.4 1,058
About'/~ pack/da,v 18.8 13.6 21.7 46.0 1,000
> 1 pack/day 13.2 17.7 40.2 29.0 869
Source: Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan (unpublished data).
*Entries are row percentages.
Table 22. Smoking intensity 5-6 years after high school, by senior-year smoking status and
expectation to
smoke in 5 years, Monitoring the Future Project, United States, 1976-1986 senior classes
Senior-year Smoking intensity
smoking intensity (past 30 days)
(use in past 30 5-6 years later*
days) and predicted
likelihood of < 1 cigarette 1=5 cigarettes > 1 pack Number
smoking in 5 years None , /day /day 1/2 pack/day /day (weighted)
None
Will smoke
55.3
10.6
19.8
8.3
5.9 30
Will not smoke 84.7 5.6 2.9 2.5 4.3 1,829
Total 84.2 5.7 3.2 2.6 4.3 1,859
< 1 cigarette/day
Will smoke
41.7
18.4
19.5
14.0
6.4 36
Will not smoke 58.4 14.7 9.7 9.7 7.5 208
Total 55.9 15.2 11.1 10.4 7.3 244
1-5 cigarettes/day
Will smoke
32.3
3.0
15.5
23.0
26.2 83
Will not smoke 31.8 5.8 15.9 23.0 23.5 125
Total 32
0 4
7 7
15 23
0 24
6 208
.~ . . . . .
About 1/2 pack/day
Will smoke
15.5
4.9
6.5
21.0
52.1 115
Will not smoke 17.6 2.5 6.5 21.1 52.3 81
Total 16.4 3.9 6.5 21.1 52.2 196
>_ I pack/day
Will smoke
13.3
2.2
3.2
9.6
71.8 153
Will not smoke 13.2 1.6 5.3 6.3 73.6 72
Total 13.3 2.0 3.8 8.5 72.4 225
Grand Total 67.0 6.0 5.2 6.6 15.2 2,731
Source: Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan (unpublished data).
*Entries are row percentages.
86 Epidemiology TIh/1N 0138938

tilfl\t'tUl c,i'Nt'tt7l' Rt':ht/7
Table 26. Percent distribution of high school seniors (N [weightedJ = 21,007), by grade in which
they first
(if ever) used cigarettes and cocaine; Monitoring the Future Project, United States, 1986-1989
Grade when respondent first tried cocaine
Grade when
respondent
first tried
cigarettes <_ 6 7-8
9
0
1
2
Never
used
Row
total
<_ 6 0.1 0.4 0.9 1.2 1.4 0.9 15.-1 20.3
7-8 * 0.2 0.6 1.1 1.3 0.9 15.6 19.7
9 * * 0.2 0.5 0.6 0.3 9.0 10.7
10 * * * 0.2 0.4 0.2 6.1 7.0
11 * * * * 0.2 0.2 4.8 5.2
12 * * * * * 0.1 2.5 2.6
Never used * * 0.1 0.2 0.2 0.3 33.8 34.5
Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Office on Smoking and Health (unpublished data).
* < 0.05.
Note: Totals may not equal the sum of individual percentages because of rounding.
Table 27. Percentage of high school students who used tobacco, by behaviors that contribute to
unintentional and intentional injuries, Youth Risk Behavior Survey, United States, 1991
Risk behavior
Number
Any
cigarette use*
Current
cigarette uset Current
frequent
. cigarette uset Current
smokeless
tobacco use9
Seat belt use'
Ahvavs
2,908
60.2
17.8
6.8
13.5
[Vtost the time/sometimes 5,651 70.1 26.3 11.4 17.6
Rarelv/never 3,548 80.6 40.3 21.8 26.5
Physical fighting1
0 times
6,864
63.9
20.3
8.1
13.9
1-5 times 4,358 77.8 35.4 17.3 23.2
_ 6, times 789 82.6 49.3 30.5 32.1
Weapon carrying**
0 davs
8,703
65.5
22.6
9.4
13.3
> 1 dav 3,171 82.8 41.1 22.2 27.5
Attempted suicidet
0 times
10,060
68.2
24.8
10.6
17.8
>-1 time 824 85.0 52.5 33.8 33.6
Sources: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), Division of Adolescent and School Health
(unpublished data);
CDC, Office on Smoking and Health (unpublished data).
* During the respondent's lifetime.
Cigarette use on >_ I day during the 30 days preceding the survey.
tCigarette use on ? 20 days during the 30 days preceding the survey.
' During the 30 days preceding the surve,v; includes chewing tobacco or snuff; males only.
' When riding in a car driven by someone else.
9During the 12 months preceding the survey.
'*During the 30 days preceding the survey; includes any weapon such as a gun, knife, or club.
90 Epidem,oro3y TIIVIN 0138942

Sttryevn Gertern!': Ref,vrt
that exposures to ETS be reduced to the lowest feasible
concentration (USDHHS 1991b): - A recent monograph
by Gue:in, Jenkins, and Tomkins (1992) updates and
extends these earlier reviews. The U.S. Environmental
Protection Agency (USEPA) also recently reviewed the
evidence on involuntary smoking and respiratory health
(USEPA 1992). These and other health consequences of
passive smoking are discussed later in this chapter.
Many of the components of SS and MS have been
identified in ETS. On the other hand, ETS is an inherently
dynamic mixture that changes in physical and chemical
characteristics as it ages and reacts with other pollutants
in indoor air and with surfaces (USDHHS 1986a; Guerin,
Jenkins, Tomkins 1992). The 1986 Surgeon General's
report concluded, however, that ETS was sufficiently
close to MS and SS to permit generalization of the evi-
dence on the health consequences of active smoking to
passive smoking (USDHHS 1986a).
The human body is most susceptible to these health
consequences along cigarette smoke's path of ingress
through the respiratory tract. The respiratory tract in-
cludes the upper airway (nose, oropharynx, and larynx)
and the lung (airways and the parenchyma). The air-
ways are lined by an epithelium that varies in form and
function at different levels of the respiratory tract. The
parenchyma indudes the alveoli pulmonis (the delicate
gas-ezchanging surface of the lung) and the interstitium
(the location of the blood and lymphatic vessels and of
the lung's supporting connective tissue).
The effects of active' cigarette smoking on these
structures of the lung and on many physiological func-
tions of the lung have been extensively studied (USDHHS
1984, 1990; Bates 1989). Changes in lung physiology
attributable to smoking include the weakening of an
individual's defenses against infectious organisms and
inhaled particles and gases, changes in the numbers and
types of cells present within the lung, and the activation
of potentially damaging proteolytic enzymes and the
inactivation of the proteins that inhibit them. Many of
these effects of smoking have been demonstrated in young
adult smokers who have served as volunteer research
subjects (USDHHS 1984):
The effects of smoking on lung structure and func-
tion have been demonstrated repeatedly in young adult
smokers (USDHHS 1984; Bates 1989). Studies using
spirometry, tests of small airway function, and lungg vol-
ume measurements have shown a higher frequency of
abnormalities in smokers than nonsmokers (USDHHS
1984; Bates 1989). Effects of smoking on lung structure,
particularly the small airways, have been found in smok-
ers in their mid-twenties. Niewoehner, IQeinerman, and
'Unless otherwise indicated, "smoking" will hence refer to
active smoking.
Rice (1974) examined peripheral airways of 20 nonsmok-
ers and 19 smokers who had died from nonrespiratory
causes at an average age of 25. A characteristic lesion,
termed "respiratory bronchiolitis; " was found in all 19 of
the smokers but in only 5 of the nonsmokers. The
affected small airways of the smokers demonstrated
an inflammatory process consisting of aggregates of
pigment-containing macrophages with edema, fibrosis,
and epithelial hyperplasia in adjacent bronchioles
and alveoli.
These observations on the effects of smoking in
young people are consistent with current concepts of
pathogenesis and natural history in adult smokers
(USDHHS 1984, 1990). Severe chronic airflow obstruc-
tion, sufficient to result in a clinical diagnosis of chronic
obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD), follows sustained
smoking and lung injury with progressive loss of respi-
ratory function through adulthood. In smokers who
develop COPD, decline of lung function at a rate well
beyond that associated with aging alone eventually leads
to impairment. Changes in lung function can be demon-
strated in young adult smokers; these losses are consis=
tent with the histopathologic evidence that the small
airways of young smokers are damaged (USDHHS 1984).
Epidemiologic Evidence of Respiratory
Effects
Respiratory Symptoms
The cardinal symptoms of respiratory tract injury
and disease are cough, sputum production, wheezing,
and dyspnea (or shortness of breath). In epidemiologic
studies of respiratory diseases, symptoms are usually
discovered through responses to a standardized ques-
tionnaire (Samet 1978). In adults, the occurrence of cough
and phlegm is causally associated with cigarette smok-
ing; the frequency of the symptoms rises with the num-
ber of cigarettes smoked per day (USDHHS 1984). In
some studies, wheezing is also more frequent in adult
smokers than in adults who have never smoked
(Schenker, Samet, Speizer 1982). The frequency of
dyspnea rises as the extent of smoking-related impair-
ment of lung function increases (Samet 1978).
Questionnaire-based epidemiologic studies of chil
dren and adolescents document that smoking is also a
cause of respiratory symptoms in preteen and teenage
regular smokers (those who smoke at least weekly).
Studies conducted from the 1960s through the 1980s
involving thousands of children provide consistent evi
dence that smoking is associated with the occurrence of
cough and phlegm (Table 1; see Table 31 in Chapter 3 for
additional data). In several studies, smoking also in-
creased the frequency of wheezing and dyspnea. These
associations have been found in studies conducted in the
16 Health Consequences
T1.N1N 0138869

Preveuting Tobacco Use Arnvng Young People
Table 13. Percent distribution of cigarette brands that 12-18-year-old current smokers* reported
usually
buying, by gender, race/Hispanic origin,t age, and region, Teenage Attitudes and Practices Survey,
United States, 1989
Category Number Marlboro
Newport
Camel Winston Benson
&
Hedges
Salem
Kool
Merit Vantage Other
Overall# 865 68.7 8.2 8.1 3.2 1.5 1.4 1.0 0.5 0.1 7.3
Gender
Male
477
68.9
7.3
10.9
3.6
0.5
0.2
1.9
0.7
0.2
6.0
Female 388 68.4 9.4 4.6 2.6 2.9 2.9 0.0 0.3 0.0 8.9
Race
White
807
71.4
5.6
8.4
3.4
1.0 `
1.3
0.6
0.5
0.1
7.6
Black 41 8.7 61.3 3.1 0.0 9.7 3.3 10.9 0.0 0.0 2.9
Hispanic origin
Hispanic
46
60.9
12.8
7.6
0.0
2.8
3.7
5.8
0.0
0.0
6.5
Non-Hispanic 817 69.1 8.0 8.1 3.3 1.5 1.3 0.8 0.5 0.1 7.3
Age (years)
12-15 195
74.8
6.1
8.7
2.5
0.9
0.4
1.1
0.0
0.0
6.5
16-18 670 67.0 8.8 7.9 3.3 1.7 1.6 1.0 0.6 0.1 7.8
Region
Northeast 184
68.4
16.2
4.1
0.0
2.3
0.0
0.0
0.6,
0.5
7.9
Midwest 247 70.2 1.0.0 7.3 3.4 2.2 0.0 1.1 0.5 0.0 5.3
South 281 67.2 5.0 6.1 6.2 1.1 2.9 2.1 0.4 0.0 9.1
West 153 69.6 2.0 18.1 0.7 0.6 2.3 0.0 0.6 0.0 6.2
Overall market
share, 1989
26.3
4.7
3.9
9.1
6.2
3.9
5.9
3.8
2.5
33.7
Sources: Centers for Disease Control (1992b); Maxwell (1992).
*Persons who reported smoking on one or more of the 30 days preceding the survey.
+Excludes the racial category "other" (N = 17). Ethnicity for two persons was unknown.
tData were weighted to provide national estimates_
United States showed°more preference for Camel ciga-
rettes than did smokers from other regions of the nation.
Other studies conducted after TAPS report rates of Camel
preference among adolescent smokers that are consis-
tent with the COMMIT survey results (DiFranza et al.
1991; Pierce, Gilpin, et a1.1991).
In June and July 1992, the George H. Gallup Inter-
national Institute (1992) conducted a telephone survey of
a nationwide sample of 1,125 youths 12 through 17 years
old. Smokers (those who reported having smoked at
least one cigarette during the 30 days preceding the
interview) were disproportionately oversampled, and
the data were weighted to represent the adolescent
population. Smokers were asked, "Thinking now about
the last time you bought cigarettes for yourself, what
brand did you happen to buy on that occasion?"
Marlboro was the brand bought by 53 percent of these
teenage smokers, Camel by 16 percent, and Newport
by 8 percent. The most popular brand among blacks in
this survey was Newport (54 percent preference).
Epidemiology 71
TIMN 0138923

Surgeon Gotcml': Report
smoke a cigarette if one of their best friends were to offer
them one ("definitely yes," "probably yes," "probably
not; "definitely not; " and "don't know"), and (3) whether
they thought they would be smoking cigarettes in one
year ("definitely yes;' "probably yes," "probably not,"
"definitely not," and "don't know"). Never smokers who
answered "no" to the first question, "definitely not" to the
second question, and "definitely not" to the third question
were categorized as "not susceptible" to smoking. Those
who answered these three questions in any other way
were considered susceptible to smoking in the future
(Pierce et al. 1993). According to these criteria, 44 percent
of all TAPS respondents had never tried a cigarette and
were not considered susceptible to smoking, and
10 percent had never tried smoking but were con-
sidered susceptible.
Adolescents who had tried smoking but had not
smoked a whole cigarette accounted for 11 percent of
TAPS respondents; 8 percent were judged to be not
susceptible to smoking in the future, and 3 percent were
judged susceptible. Those who had smoked at least one
cigarette were only asked question 3, above, concerning
whether or not they thought they would be smoking in a
year. A large category (14 percent of all respondents)
was composed of those who had smoked at least 1 but
fewer than 100 cigarettes, who had not smoked in the
preceding 30 days, and who definitely did not intend to
smoke in a year. Another 4 percent had smoked from
I to 99 cigarettes, had not smoked in the preceding
30 days, and were not definite in their resolve to not be
smoking in a year. Slightly more than 1 percent of TAPS
respondents had smoked at least 100 cigarettes but had
not smoked in the preceding 30 days; these respondents
are considered to be former smokers (USDHHS 1989b,
1990b). *
Finally, among the 15 percent of respondents who
smoked in the preceding 30 days, about 45 percent
(6 percent of all respondents) had smoked fewer than
100 cigarettes in their lifetime. Although current smok-
ers, these persons were still at a relatively early stage in
the process of smoking initiation. Among those who
had smoked at least 100, cigarettes and had smoked in
the preceding month, more than three-fourths (7 percent
of all respondents) had smoked on 20 or more of those
30 days.
The distribution of this continuum was similar for
males and females. White adolescents were more likely
to be further along the continuum than were Hispanic
and black adolescents.
Cigarette Brand Preference
Knowing what brands of cigarettes are preferred
by young smokers'may aid the development of
70 Epidemiology
smoking prevention programs and may provide insight
into the influence that cigarette advertising may have on
young people.
In 1978-1980, the NHIS assessed the brands of ciga-
rettes most often used by current smokers (CDC, OSH,
unpublished data). Among 707 respondents who were 18
or 19 years old, the most commonly used brands were
Marlboro (37 percent), Kool (14 percent), Salem (10 per-
cent), Winston (9 percent), Newport (8 percent), Virginia
Slims (5 percent), Merit (4 percent), Benson & Hedges
(3 percent), and Camel (2 percent). Ten percent of females
and no males used Virginia Slims. Among whites,
Marlboro (42 percent), Kool (10 percent), Winston
(10 percent), Salem (8 percent), Virginia Slims (6 percent),
and Newport (6 percent) were the most commonly used
brands. Among blacks, Kool (46 percent), Newport
(25 percent), Salem (20 percent), and Benson & Hedges
(6 percent) were the most commonly smoked brands.
In the 1989 TAPS, adolescent respondents who
generally bought their own cigarettes were asked what
brand they usually purchased. More than two-thirds of
these smokers usually purchased Marlboro (Table.13).
Preference for Marlboro did not differ appreciably by
gender, Hispanic origin, age, or region of the country.
White adolescent smokers were much more likely to
smoke Marlboro cigarettes than were black adolescent
smokers (71. vs. 9 percent).
The next most popular brands, Newport and Camel,
each accounted for only 8 percent of the overall
population's preference. Black smokers, however, were
much more likely to smoke Newport cigarettes than
were white smokers (61 vs. 6 percent), although sample
sizes of blacks were small. Smokers who resided in the
Northeast and the Midwest were more likely to smoke
Newport cigarettes than were smokers in the South and
the West. Among white adolescents, Newport was more
popular in the Northeast (14 percent) and the Midwest
(7 percent) than in the South (1 percent) and the West
(1 percent) (CDC 1992b). The Camel brand was more
popular among male (11 percent) than female smokers
(5 percent), among white (8 percent) than black smokers
(3 percent), and among smokers residing in the West
(18 percent) than among those residing in the other three
regions (from 4 to 7 percent).
Several nonnational studies conducted since the
1989 TAPS suggest that Camel cigarettes may be gaining
in popularity among young smokers. In a 1990 survey of
ninth-grade students in 10 U.S. communities included in
the Community Intervention Trial for Smoking Cessa-
tion (COMMTf) evaluation, 43 percent of smokers who
usually bou$ht their own cigarettes bought Marlboro,
30 percent bought Camel, and 20 percent bought New-
port (CDC 1992b). As TAPS data also indicated, adoles-
cent smokers residing in communities in the western
' TIMN 0138922

other drug use was from 1.6 to 5.2 times more preva-
lent among cigarette smokers than nonsmokers.
Grade When Smoking and Other Drug Use Begins
MTFP data from 1986 through 1989 were merged
to observe the grade at which seniors reported trying
cigarettes, smokeless tobacco, alcohol, marijuana, and
cocaine (Figure 8). Among ever smokers, 31 percent
tried their first cigarette by the sixth grade, and 61 per-
cent first smoked by the eighth grade. Among those who
had used smokeless tobacco, 23 percent had first done so
by the sixth grade, and 53 percent by the eighth grade.
Proportionately fewer users of alcohol, marijuana, and
cocaine initiated use as early as respondents initiated use
of cigarettes and smokeless tobacco. Thirty-four percent
of alcohol users, 26 percent of marijuana users, and 6
percent of cocaine users first tried these drugs by the
eighth grade.
By the 12th grade, only 8 percent of MTFP respon-
dents had not tried cigarettes or alcohol; 68 percent had
tried both, and 24 percent had tried alcohol but no;
cigarettes (Table 24). Of those students who had tried
both cigarettes and alcohol by 12th grade, almost half (49
percent) had tried cigarettes before trying alcohol; 33
percent had tried both at about the same time.
About 30 percent of all students had not tried ciga-
rettes or marijuana by the 12th grade (Table 25); ~ percent
had tried both, and 22 percent had tried cigarettes but not
marijuana. Of those who had tried both by 12th grade,
most students (65 percent) had tried cigarettes before mari-
juana; 23 percent had tried both at about the same time.
About one-third of seniors (34 percent) had not
tried cigarettes or cocaine; 12 percent had tried both, and
over half (53 percent) had tried cigarettes but not cocaine
(Table 26). Of those who had tried both by 12th grade, 90
percent had tried cigarettes before trying cocaine, and 9
percent had tried both at about the same time.
These data support the contention that tobacco use
falls early in the sequence of drug use for young adoles-
cents and therefore may be considered a "gateway" drug.
Figure 8. Grade when respondents (high school seniors) first tried cigarettes, smokeless tobacco,
alcohol;
marijuana, and cocaine, among respondents who had ever used these substances by grade 12,
Monitoring the Future Project, United States, 1986-1989
Grade 12
Grade 11
~ Grade 10
~ Grade 9
~ Grades 7-8
"' Grade 5 6
Cigarettes Smokeless tobacco Alcohol Marijuana Cocaine
Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Office on Smoking and Health (unpublished data).
88 Epidemiology TIMN 0138940

PreveiiFinY Tobacco Use AmoteY Yomng People
. Health Consequences of Smokeless Tobacco Use Among Young People
Introduction
Smokeless tobacco includes two main types: chew-
ing tobacco and snuff. These products are made from the
same type of dark- or burley-leaved tobacco. Most smoke-
less tobacco is grown in Kentucky, Pennsylvania, Ten-
nessee, Virginia, West Virginia, and Wisconsin. Leaves
are generally aged one to three years, but snuff tobacco
leaves are aged longer than chewing tobacco leaves
(Shapiro 1981). People who use chewing tobacco place a
wad of loose-leaf tobacco or a plug of compressed
tobacco in their cheek; snuff users place a small amount
of powdered or finely cut tobacco (loose or wrapped in a
paper pouch) between their gum and cheek (USDHHS
1992b). Smokeless tobacco users then suck on the to-
bacco and spit out the tobacco juices with accompanying
saliva. As a consequence of the way in which smokeless
products are used, smokeless tobacco is sometimes re-
ferred to as spit or spitting tobacco (USDHHS 1992b).
The most notable health consequences associated
with smokeless tobacco use include halitosis (bad breath),
discoloration of teeth and fillings, abrasion of teeth, den-
tal caries, gum recession, leukoplakia, nicotine depen-
dence, and various forms of oral cancer (USDHHS 1986b,
1992a; WHO 1988). Specifically, smokeless tobacco use
has been implicated in cancers of the gum, mouth, phar-
ynx, larynx, and esophagus (USDHHS 1986b; Winn 1988)
and has also been indicated in early reports of the devel-
opment of verrucous carcinoma (Winn 1988). Smokeless
tobacco use may also play a role in cardiovascular dis-
ease and stroke, through increases in blood pressure,
vasoconstriction, and irregular heartbeat (Hsu et al. 1980;
Gritz et al. 1981; Schroeder and Chen 1985). Since nearly
25 percent of adult smokeless tobacco users also smoke
cigarettes (CDC 1993b), the effects on the oral cavity may
be synergistic, and the risks of developing cancer of the
oral cavity and pharynx noticeably increase (Blum 1980).
Epidemiologic Evidence
The 1986 Surgeon General's report on smokeless
tobacco use concluded that there is no safe use of tobacco.
Despite that report and subsequent legislation, restric-
tions, and follow-up reports (USDHHS 1992a, b; see
"Warning Labels on Tobacco Products" in Chapter 6 and
"Smokeless Tobacco Advertising and Promotional Ex-
penditures" in Chapter 5), smokeless tobacco use in the
United States remains a serious concern. The use of
smokeless tobacco by adults has remained relatively con-
stant at about 5 percent for males and 1 percent for
females. However, smokeless tobacco use among high
school males has become markedly more prevalent in the
past two decades; about 20 percent report using smoke-
less tobacco in the past month (see "Current Use of
Smokeless Tobacco" in Chapter 3 for documentation and
further discussion of the prevalence of smokeless tobacco
use). In some states, nearly one out of three high school
males uses smokeless tobacco. There is little indication
that use among young people is significantly declining
(Glover et al. 1988; Boyd and Glover 1989; USDHHS
1992b; see "Current Use of Smokeless Tobacco" in
Chapter 3).
Smokeless tobacco use primarily begins in early ado-
lescence; some research indicates an average age of onset
of 10 years (USDHHS 1992b). Among high school seniors
who had regularly used smokeless tobacco, 23 percent
reported that they had first tried the product by the sixth
grade, and 53 percent by the eighth grade (see "Grade
When Smokeless Tobacco Use Begins" in Chapter 3).
Health Consequences
A recent report of the Office of Inspector General
(USDHHS 1992b) concluded that smokeless tobacco use
causes serious, but generally not fatal, short-term health
consequences among young people. The primary health
consequences during adolescence include leukoplakia,
gum recession, nicotine addiction, and increased risk of
becoming a cigarette smoker. Leukoplakia and/or gum
recession occur in 40 to 60 percent of smokeless tobacco
users (USDHHS 1992b).
Leukoplakia has been defined by the World Health
Organization as a lesion of the soft tissue that consists of
a white patch (mucosal macule) or plaque that cannot be
scraped off (Kramer et a1.1978; Axell et a1.1984). Greer
and Poulson (1983) examined 117 high school students
who were smokeless tobacco users; oral soft-tissue le-
sions were found in 49 percent of these students. Oral
leukoplakias carry a five-year malignant transformation
potential of about 5 percent (Pindborg 1980,1985; Bouquot
1987, 1991). If smokeless tobacco use ceases, the
leukoplakia appears to regress or resolve entirely (Chris-
ten, McDonald, Christen 1991).
Gingival tissue recession (or gum recession) com-
monly occurs in the area of the oral cavity immediately
adjacent to where smokeless tobacco is held. When
smokeless tobacco remains exclusively in a specific
intraoral location, gingival recession occurs among 30
percent (Weintraub et al. 1990) to over 90 percent
(Schroeder et al. 1988) of users. Modeer, Lavstedt, and
Ahlund (1980) found that snuff use among 13- and
Health Catsequences 39
TIMN 0138892

Preaenting Tobacco Use Among Young People
Table 18. Continued
Beliefs and attitudes 1976 1981 1986 1991
About smokers
In my opinion, when a girl my age is
smoking a cigarette, it makes her look
(percentage who agree)
... like she's trying to appear mature and 64.6 65.0 64.1
sophisticated
...insecure
47.4
49.5
52.0
... conforming 26.5 21.7 19.5
... independent and liberated 11.2. 9.5 9.6
... mature, sophisticated 6.9 5.4 4.5
... cool, calm, in control 5.5 4.5 4.1
I prefer to date people who don't 66.5 71.0 74.0
smoke. (percentage who agree)
Smokers know how to enjoy life more
2.8
2.4
3.6
than nonsmokers. (percentage who agree)
I think that becoming a smoker reflects
57.0
59.3
61.0
poor judgment. (percentage who agree)
I strongly dislike being near people who
45.4
48.9
are smoking. (percentage who agree)
I personally don't mind being around
38.2
36.9
33.1
people who are smoking. (percentage
who agree)
Do you disapprove of people (~~ age 18)
65.9
70.0
75.4
71.4
who smoke one or more packs
of cigarettes per day?
(percentage who disapprove)
.
about one-third of smokers preferred to date nonsmok-
ers in 1989 (1989 MTFP; CDC, OSH, unpublished data).
Findings from the 1989 TAPS also suggest that few
adolescents consider smoking a norm for their age group.
Two-thirds of 12- through 18-year-old respondents agreed
with the statement, "Seeing someone smoking turns me
off," and 86 percent (94 percent of never smokers and 51
percent of cuirent smokers) preferred to date nonsmok
ers (Allen et a1.1993). '
Adolescents seem to be more concerned about
people smoking around them. In the MTFP, the percent-
age of high school seniors who strongly disliked being
near smokers increased between 1986 (45 percent) and
1991(49 percent), and the percentage who reported that
they did not mind being around smokers declined (from
38 percent in 1981 to 33 percent in 1991) (Table 18). Males
were consistently more likely than females to mind being
around smokers (Johnston, Bachman, O'Malley 1982,
Epidemiology 83.
TIMN 0138935

Prezenting Tobacco Use Among Young People
69 percent of whites and 54 percent of blacks surveyed in
1981 (Johnston, Bachman, UMalley 1982; ISR, Univer-
sity of Michigan, unpublished data). The perception that
smoking is a dirty habit has increased among males,
females, smokers, and nonsmokers. Fifty percent of
smokers and 81 percent of nonsmokers classified smok-
ing as a dirty habit in 1989 (Johnston, Bachman, O'Malley
1982,1984,1986,1991,1992; Bachman, Johnston, O'Malley
1984,1985, 1991; 1981-1989 MTFP, CDC, OSH, unpub-
lished data).
Between 1977 and 1981, the percentage of seniors
who felt that their close friends would not, or did not,
approve of their smoking increased substantially (Table
18). The percentages reported for 1981 and 1991, however,
were essentially identical. The percentage of seniors who
believed that adults should be prohibited by law from
smoking in certain public places increased from 42 percent
in 1977 to 45 percent in 1986 and remained about the same
in 1991.
TAPS data on 12- through 18-year-olds provide
further information on beliefs about smoking. In 1989,
smokers were from two to five times more likely than
never smokers to report that they believed that cigarette
smoking helps people relax, reduce stress, feel more
comfortable in social situations, reduce boredom, and
keep their weight down (Allen et a1.1993). Smokers may
also deny the addictive properties of cigarettes (USDHHS
1988b). TAPS data indicated that 39 percent of smok-
ers-but only 11 percent of never smokers-believed
that they would be able to quit smoking anytime they
wanted.
Trends in Perceptions About Smokers
The overwhelming majority of high school seniors
surveyed by the MTFP did not believe that cigarette
smoking makes smokers their age look mature, in con-
trol, or independent (Table 18). About half believed that
smoking makes smokers look insecure, and more than
60 percent perceived cigarette smoking as something
smokers use to try to look mature. Between 1981 and
1991, smoking among seniors became less of the behav-
ioral norm; fewer than 20 percent of seniors in 1991
reported feeling that smoking is an attempt to conform
to such a norm.
Responses to the MTFP indicate that the majority
of high school seniors prefer to date nonsmokers and
that this is becoming a trend. Since 1981, the propor-
tion of respondents who prefer to date nonsmokers has
increased by over 10 percent, to about 74 percent. The
most substantial change occurred among black high
school seniors (Figure 6). The percentage of-white
seniors who preferred to date nonsmokers increased
only slightly. Over 85 percent of nonsmokers and
Figure 6. Trends in the percentage of high school seniors who prefer to date nonsmokers, by race,
Monitoring the Future Project, United States,1981-1991
Sources: Bachman, Johnston, O'Malley (1981,1984,1985,1987,1991); Johnston, Bachman, O'Malley
(1982,1984,1986,1991,
1992); Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan (unpublished data).
Epidemiology 81
T11VIN 0138933

tittr~:GtIrt l;0l0,d '. KrE1( mf
Table 33. Percentage of young people who have ever used smokeless tobacco, by gender, race/Hispanic
origin, age/grade, and region; Teenage Attitudes and Practices Survey (TAPS), National
Household Surveys on Drug Abuse (NHSDA), Monitoring the Future Project (MTFP),
United States, 1989, 1991, 1992
Characteristic TAPS* NHSDAr MTFPI§
Overall 18.4 13.2 32.4
Gender
Male
31.3
22.3
53.7
Female 4.4 3.5 12.1
Race/Hispanic origin
White, non-Hispanic
22.4
16.6
38.2
Ma le 38.6 28.4 61.6
Female 4.8 4.4 15.2
Black, non-Hispanic 7.6 4.5 10.7
Male 11.9 6.7 18.0
Female 3.1 2.1 4.9
Hispanic 8.1 4.8 NA'
Male 13.4 8.8 NA
Female 2.3 0.5 NA
Age/grade
12-14 vears
9.6
6.5
15-16 years 20.8 15.0
17-18 vears 28.2 20.9
8th grade 20.7
10th grade 26.6
12th grade 32.4
Region
Northeast
14.0
9.0
25.3
North Central 19.7 14.0 38.6
South 21.4 13.9 31.5
West 15.8 14.5 32.0
Sources: 1989 TAPS: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), Office on Smoking and Health
(OSH) (unpub-
lished data);1991 NHSDA: CDC, OSH (unpublished data);1992 MTFP: Johnston, O'Malley, Bachman (in
press); Institute
for Social Research, University of Michigan (unpublished data).
*1989 TAPS, aged 12-18 years. Based on response to the question, "Have you ever tried using chewing
tobacco or snuff?"
11991 NHSDA, aged 12-18 years. Based on response to the question, "When was the most recent time you
used chewing
tobacco or snuff or other smokeless tobacco? ("Never used smokeless tobacco in lifetime" was a
precoded response.)
r1992 MTFP survey of high school seniors. Based on response to the question, "Have you ever taken or
used smokeless
tobacco (snuff, plug, dipping tobacco, chewing tobacco)?" Respondents who reported that they had
taken or used smoke-
less tobacco at least once or twice were classified as ever users.
'With the exception of data for 8th- and 10th-grade students, all other data points for the MTFP
surveys reflect estimates for
high school seniors.
'NA = Not available.
96 Epidemiology
TIMN 0138948

5N1xoII L,oNt'!',7l'- Ri'po'"
Table 31. Adjusted odds ratios* (and 95~'o confidence intervals) for symptoms of diseases and
smoking status
among high school seniors who have smoked occasionally or regularly, Monitoring the Future
Project, United States, 1982-1989
Have smoked Smoke regularly
Self-reported occasionally, Smoked regularly at now, began daily Smoke regularly now,
symptom/ but not one time, but not in smoking in began daily smoking
indicator* regularly the past 30 days grades 10-12 by grade 9
Shortness of 1.38 (1.24, 1.52) 1.90 (1.56, 2.31) 2.32 (2.03, 2.64) 2.72 (2.40, 3.08)
breath when not
exercising
Chest cold 1.34 (1.23,1.46) 1.34 (1.13,1.60) 1.53 (1.35,1.73) 1.72 (1.52,1.93)
Sinus conges- 1.31 (1.20, 1.44) 0.99 (0.83, 1.19) 1.17 (1.02, 1.34) 1.19 (1.05, 1.35)
tion, runny nose,
sneezing
Coughing spells 1.33 (1.24, 1.43) 1.28 (1.11, 1.48) 2.04 (1.83, 2.27) 2.20 ( 1.98, 2.45)
Cough with
phlegm or blood
Wheezing or
gasping
Sore throat or
hoarse voice
Stayed home
most or all of
day because not
feeling well=
1.42 (1.28, 1.56) 1.73 ( 1.44, 2.09) 2.31 (2.02, 2.63) 2.32 (2.04. 2.64)
1.41 (1.26, 1.48)
1.36 (1.26, 1.48)
1.43 (1.31, 1.55)
1..
2.45 (1.99, 3.01) ' 2.36 (2.06, 2.70)
1.07 (0.92, 1.26) 1.34 ( 1.19, 1.52)
1.38 (1.17,1.62) 1.53 (1.35,1.73)
2.57 (2.25, 2.95)
1.17 (1.04,1.32)
1.56 (1.39,1.76)
Overall physical 1.47 (1.32, 1.63) 2.39 (1.98, 2.90) 1.98 (1.72, 2.28) 2.08 (1.81, 2.38)
healtht'
Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Office on Smoking and Health (unpublished data).
*Adjusted for past-month marijuana use, lifetime cocaine use, parental education, and time. Odds
ratios are relative to
those for seniors who had either never smoked cigarettes or had smoked cigarettes once or twice
only.
'Occurrence during the previous 30 days, with the exeption of overall physical health.
=Also adjusted for past-month alcohol use.
'Odds ratios based on the percentage who reported that their health was poorer than average during
the preceding year.
94 Epidenciotogy
TIMN 0138946

PYtz't'NkU!\' Tobt7CiV Ust' ANIU71g ) tt!!Nti `~t'tt~t~<'
Table 24. Percent distribution of high school seniors (N [weighted]= 19,831), by grade in which they
first
(if ever) used cigarettes and alcohol, Monitoring the Future Project, United States, 1986-1989
Grade when respondent first tried alcohol
Grade when
respondent
first tried
cigarettes
_ 6
-8
9
0
1'
2
Never
used
Row
total
<_ 6 4.2 7.2 4.9 2.5 1.5 0.6 0.3 21.2
7-8 1.3 8.0 6.4 3.1 1-.3 0.5 0.2 20.8
9 0.4 2.0 4.9 2.4 1.0 0.4 0.1 11.1
10 0.3 1.1 1.9 2.8 1.0 0.3 * 7.-1
11 0.2 0.5 1.2 1.6 1.6 0.3 0.1 5.3
12 0.1 0.3 0.5 0.6 0.6 0.6 0.1 2.7
Never used 2.0 3.8 5.3 5.3 4.7 2.8 7.5 31.4
Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Office on Smoking and Health (unpublished data).
* < 0.05.
Note: Totals may not equal the sum of individual percentages because of rounding.
Table 25. Percent distribution of high school seniors (N [weighted] = 20,657), by grade in which
they first
(if ever) tried cigarettes and marijuana, Monitoring the Future Project, United States, 1986-1989
Grade when respondent first tried marijuana
Grade when
respondent
first tried
cigarettes
_ 6
-8
9
0
1
2
Never
used
Row
total
<_ 6 2.0 4.5 3.3 2.2 1.4 0.8 6.2 20.3
7-8 0.3 4.1 4.4 2.9 1.5 0.8 5.8 19.8
9 0.1 0.5 2.5 2.3 1.2 0.6 3.5 10.7
10 0:2, = 0.2 0.5 1.7 1.4 0.5 . 2.6 6.9
11 * 0.1 0.3 0.4 1.3 0.6 2.5 5.2
12 * * 0.1, . 0.2 0.2 0.5 1.5 2.6
Never used 0.2 0.5 0.9 0.9 0.9 0.6 30.5 34.5
Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Office on Smoking and Health (unpublished data).
.~
0.05.
Note: Totals may not equal the sum of individual percentages because of rounding.
EpidemiulogU 89
TIMN 0138941.

J'A,O rtitl~ 1-AWL iv LLL. .l,11rrr~: 1('COl)lL .
one-half pack-ur even as little as one to five cigarettes-
per day in high school. Expectations were predictive
only for those smokers who smoked less than one ciga-
rette per day; 58 percent of those who thought they
probably or definitely would be smoking in the future
did, in fact, continue to smoke, whereas only 42 percent
of those who did not expect to smoke in the future did
smoke. Among seniors who had never smoked, less
than 2 percent thought they would be smoking in five
years (Table 19). This small group did, in fact, have a
higher rate of subsequent smoking (45 percent) than
never smokers who did not expect to be smoking in five
years (15 percent) (Table 22).
Thus, the expectation to avoid smoking seemed to
make some difference among nonsmokers and very light
smokers in high school, although very few seniors in these
groups reported an expectation to smoke. On the other
hand, among light, moderate, and heavy daily smokers, the
expectation to abstain from smoking in the future seemed
overwhelmed by the strong forces that tend to maintain or
advance smoking behavior once it is established. One
implication of these results is that young people should be
made aware of the strongly addictive nature of nicotine and
its ability to overwhelm future good expectations. Clearly,
prevention is the major goal, but immediate cessation is of
critical importance for adolescents, even for those who
smoke very little in high school.
Smoking and Other Drug Use
In Chapter 2, tobacco use is d iscussed as a pussible
predictor of other drug use (see "Smoking as a Ri~k
Factor for Other Drug Use" and "Smokeless Tobacco
Use as a Risk Factor for Other Drug Use"). The present
chapter presents detailed information on high school
seniors' usage patterns for cigarettes, alcohol, marijuana,
cocaine, inhalants, and smokeless tobacco. Both preva-
lence of past-month use and comparisons of the self-
reported age at first use of each will be presented.
Prevalence of Smoking and Other Drug Use
Among high school seniors in the MTFP studies,
the majority of alcohol users (60 percent) and smokeless
tobacco users (57 percent) did not smoke (Table 23). The
majority of marijuana (62 percent), cocaine (68 percent),
and inhalant (56 percent) users smoked cigarettes. Ciga-
rette smoking prevalence was from 1.9 to 3.9 times higher
among users of these drugs than among nonusers.
Although most drinkers (60 percent) did not
smoke, almost all smokers (88 percent) were drink-
ers. Almost one-half (45 percent) of cigarette smok-
ers were also marijuana smokers, 11 percent were
cocaine users, 5 percent used inhalants, anc:33 per-
cent used smokeless tobacco (which will be discussed
separately' later in-this chapter). The prevalence of
Table 23. Prevalence (%) of cigarette smoking among users of other drugs and prevalence of other
drug
use among smokers,* high school seniors, Monitoring the Future Project, United States,
1985-1989
ther substances Prevalence of
smoking among
users of other
drugs Prevalence of
smoking among
nonusers of
other drugs
Prevalence of
drug use among
smokers
Prevalence of
drug use among
nonsmokers
Alcohol 40.0 10.3 87.6 54.8
Marijuana 62.1 20.3 44.9 11.2
Cocainet 68.1 27.2 10.9 2.1
Inhalantsi 56.1 28.5 4.8 1.5
Smokeless tobacco' 43.0 22.4 32.5 15.6
Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Office on Smoking and Health (unpublished data).
*Any use of cigarettes or other drugs during the. past month.
'Includes "coke," "crack," and "rock."
tGlue, aerosols, laughing gas, etc.
'.'vtales only, 1986-1989 senior classes only.
Epidemioiogy 87
' TTpdIN 0138939

Surgeon Gerteral's Report
Table 11. Percentage of current smokers by the number of days smoked during the past month and the
average number of cigarettes smoked daily, by gender, age, and race/Hispanic origin, Teenage
Attitudes and Practices Survey, United States, 1989
Number of days Number of cigarettes
smoked during past month* smoked daily*
Category
< 5
5-9
10-29 Every
day
< 5
5-9
10-19
? 20
Overall 24.1 8.7 26.4 40.8 37.9 20.4 25.7 16.0
Gender
Male
23.9
8.5
26.6
41.0
33.9
19.3
27.6
19.2
Female 24.3 8.9 26.2 40.6 42.7 21.6 23.5 12.1
Age (years)
12-13
51.9
8.3$
23.3
16.5#
64.3
24.6t
11.0t
0.0
14-15 28.4 9.8 34.5 27.3 55.5 17.2 23.0 4.3#
16-18 20.0 8.4 24.1 47.5 31.6 21.1 27.2 20.1
Race
White
23.4
8.4
26.2
42.0
36.6
20.1
26.5
16.8:
Black 37.0 15.0* 26.5 21.6 60.3 20.5t 16.3x 2.9*
Hispanic origin
Hispanic
30.7
11.2t
31.9
26.3
59.2
22.5
11.6t
6.6t
Non-Hispanic 23.5 8.5 26.0 42.0 36.3 20.2 26.9 16.7
Source: Moss et al. (1992).
*Excludes unknown number of days smoked.
'Excludes unknown number of cigarettes smoked daily and none smoked during the past week.
#Estimate does not meet standards of reliability or precision (< 30 percent relative standard
error).
were heavier smokers than Hispanics. Thus, not only
were black and Hispanic adolescents less likely to smoke
than whites, but those who did smoke, smoked fewer
cigarettes each day than their white adolescent counter-
parts.
On average, persons 12 through 18 years old who
smoked the week befor-~the survey (N = 1,099) smoked 9
cigarettes each day. Males smoked 10 cigarettes daily
and females smoked 8. Whites averaged 9 cigarettes per
day and blacks averaged 6(1989 TAPS, CDC, Office on
Smoking and Health [OSHI, unpublished data). The
overall average for adult smokers is 19 cigarettes a day
(CDC 1992a).
Initiation Continuum of Smoking
The 1989 Surgeon General's report on smoking
and health described the continuum of smoking be-
havior as one that occurs in four stages: initiation,
experimentation, regular smoking, and dependence
or addiction (USDHHS 1989b). The report also ac-
knowledged a preparatory stage that occurred before
any initial smoking (Flay et a1.1983). These five stages
are examined in detail in Chapter 4 (see "Develop-
mental Stages of Smoking").
Data from the 1989 TAPS were used to create an
initiation continuum similar to the smoking continuum
for adults that was described in the 1989 Surgeon
General's report (Pierceand Hatziandreu 1990; USDHHS
1989b). This initiation continuum incorporates mea-
sures of smoking behavior and measures of the possibil-
ity that a respondent will smoke in the future. In 1989,
54.5 percent of persons 12 through 18 years old reported
that they had never smoked a cigarette, not even a few
puffs (Table 12). Theserespondents were asked to report
(1) whether they thought they would try a cigarettesoon
("yes," "no;" and "don't know"), (2) whether they would
68 Epidemiology
TIMN 0138920

PYl i t'/dtfl(1' TllhdClO U?t' } 0ull'~ Pt'0Ej1t'
Cigarette use is most likely to precede use of other sub-
stances and to be prevalent among users of other drugs.
Cigarette Smoking and Other Health-Related
Behaviors
Available data on the relationships between ciga-
rette smoking and other health-related behaviors are
derived from cross-sectional studies and thus suggest
that other behaviors may covary with adolescent smok-
ing. Even if the direction of influence is not established,
information on the extent of these relationships is useful
for intervention, since such data may suggest a syn-
drome of health-compromising behaviors that need to
be considered together.
Data from the 1991 YRBS indicate that high school
students who reported practicing other selected health-
risk behaviors were more likely to be past-month or
frequent smokers than were those who reported fewer
selected health-risk behaviors. For example, students in
the survey were more likely to be past-month or fre-
quent smokers if they rarely or never wore seat belts, had
participated in a physical fight six or more times during
the preceding year, had carried weapons one or more
days during the preceding month, or had made une or
more suicide attempts during the preceding year (Table
27). Students were also more likely to be past-month or
frequent smokers if they had ever had sexual intercourse,
had had sexual intercourse with four or more partners
during their lifetime, or had not used a condom during
their most recent sexual intercourse (Table 28). These
relationships for sexual risk behaviors held for males
and females, regardless of age (CDC, OSH, unpublished
data). Lastly, students were more likely to be past-
month or frequent smokers if they had not participated
on any sponsored sports teams during the preceding
year or if they had used steroids without a doctor's
prescription (Table 29).
Cigarette Smoking and Health Status
Pregnancy and Smoking
Data on maternal smoking status during pregnancy
are recorded on birth certificates in 43 states and the
District of Columbia (NCHS 1992b). In these states, the
overall maternal smoking prevalence was 20 percent in
1989. Maternal smoking among adolescent women
Table 28. Percentage of high school students who used tobacco, by sexual risk behaviors, Youth Risk
Behavior Survey, United States, 1991
Any
cigarette Current
cigarette Current
frequent Current
smokeless
Risk behavior Number use* user cigarette use= tobacco use9
Sexual intercourse'
No
5,011
55.1
13.8
3.1
12.9
Yes 6,508 82.6 38.8 20.7 23.9
Number of sexual partners'
1-3
4,048
81.0
33.8
15.4
23.2
>- 4 2,443 85.4 47.9 30.3 24.9
Condom use9
No
2,494
86.4
46.2
27.5
23.8
_
Yes 2,091 79.3 36.0 18.5 26.6
Sources: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), Division of Adolescent.and School Health
(unpublished data);
CDC, Office on Smoking and Health (unpublished data).
* During the respondent's lifetime.
' Cigarette use on _ 1 day during the 30 days,preceding the survey.
t Cigarette use on _> 20 days during the 30 days preceding the survey.
° Any smokeless tobacco use, including chewing tobacco or snuff, during the 30 days preceding the
survey; males only.
' During the respondent's lifetime.
q During last sexual intercourse, among students who had sexual intercourse during the 3 months
preceding the survey.
Epide»tivlogy 91
4
TIMN 0138943

Surgeon General's Report
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E-IORGER BA, GILES MK, SCHENK S. Preexposure to am-
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TIMN 0138899

Surgeon Gerteral's Report
remained higher among white adolescent males than
among black adolescent males. Smoking prevalence
gradually increased among white males during the six
decades covered by the data. Among black males, preva-
lence declined between 1950 and 1980.
Among female adolescents, the reconstructed
prevalence of current smoking increased steadily from
1920 through 1980; in 1980, the prevalence among fe-
males surpassed that among males for the first time
during the six-decade study period. Prevalence among
white females has been higher than among black females
since 1950. The data indicate a sharp increase in female
smoking prevalence between 1970 and 1980.
Trends in current smoking prevalence over the past
two decades indicate that for both males and females,
past-month smoking declined sharply in the late 1970s or
early 1980s (Table 15). Progress then slowed consider-
ably, especially for males. In the MTFP surveys, the past-
month smoking prevalence among males actually
increased from 27 percent in 1981 to 29 percent in 1992; in
the NHSDA and the NHLS, male smoking prevalence was
about the same in 1985 and in 1991. The prevalence among
adolescent females in the MTFP and NHIS surveys was
only slightly lower in 1991 and 1992 than in 1985; in the
1991 NHSDA, female smoking prevalence was about the
same as in 1985. By the early 1980s, smoking was gener-
ally more common among females than among males.
By 1991, however, adolescent females and males had
almost equivalent smoking prevalence.
In all three surveys with information on race, the
prevalence of current smoking declined during the late
1970s or early 1980s for both black and white older
adolescents (Table 16). In the middle 1970s, current
smoking was almost equally common among blacks and
whites. At the end of that decade, black adolescents
were less likely to be current smokers than white adoles-
cents; this trend continued during the 1980s. Among
white high school seniors in the MTFP, current smoking
was more prevalent in 1992 (32 percent) than in 1981 (30
percent). In all three surveys, prevalence among older
white adolescents was slightly higher in 1991 and 1992
than it was in 1985.
Wallace and Bachman (1991) reported that white
high school seniors were more than twice as likely as black
high school seniors to report smoking in the past month,
even after statistical control was made for factors such as
parental education, number of parents living at home,
urban or rural location, educational plans, academic per-
formance, and religious attitudes and practices.
MTFP trend data are available for daily smoking
among racial ar4d ethnic subgroups (Bachman eta1.1991).
In general, for Asian, black, white, Hispanic, and Ameri-
can Indian male and female high school seniors, the
preva lence of daily smoking declined from 1976-1984. The
decline continued at a reduced rate during the late 1980s for
most groups and ceased altogether among white males.
Overall, the prevalence of daily smoking among
high school seniors was 29 percent in 1976,21 percent in
1980, and 17 percent in 1992. Among males, the preva-
lence was 28 percent in 1976,19 percent in 1980, and 17
percent in 1992; among females, 29 percent smoked daily
in 1976, 24 percent in 1980, and 17 percent in 1992.
Among whites, the prevalence of daily smoking de-
clined from 29 percent in 1976 to 22 percent in 1980; the
prevalence was 20 percent in 1992. Among blacks, the-
prevalence of daily smoking declined from 27 percent in
1976 to 16 percent in 1980 and continued to decline to 4
percent in 1992 (Bachman, Johnston, O'Malley 1980a,
1981; ISR, University of Michigan, unpublished data).
Data on smoking among the nation's high school
seniors have also been reported as a function of parental
education (NCHS 1993). Interestingly, the prevalence of
past-month smoking decreased slightly from 1980
through 1991 among those seniors whose parents had
completed fewer years of formal education and increased
slightly during that period among those seniors whose
parents had relatively more years of formal education.
For example, among those seniors whose parents, on
average, did not graduate from high school, the preva-
lence of past-month smoking decreased from 33 percent
in 1980 to 31 percent in 1991; among seniors whose
parents graduated from high school, prevalence of smok-
ing was 34 percent in 1980 and 29 percent in 1991. Among
seniors whose parents had some postgraduate educa-
tion, the prevalence of smoking was 24 percent in 1980
and 27 percent in 1991.
Age or Grade When Smoking Begins
The age at which people become regular cigarette
smokers has been measured in national surveys con-
ducted in 1955, 1966, 1970, 1978, 1979, 1980, 1987, and
1988 (Haenszel, Shimkin, Miller 1955; NCHS 1970;
USDHHS 1980, 1989b, 1991b; CDC 1991b). Data from
the 1955 Current Population Survey (Haenszel, Shimkin,
Miller 1955) suggest that during the first half of the
century, people became regular smokers at progressively
younger ages. The data for males are limited, however,
because before 1974 many of the reports for men were
provided by proxy respondents.
To reduce proxy responses, Ahmed and Gleeson
(NCHS 1970) limited their analysis of data from the 1966
Current Population Survey to females. These investiga-
tors concluded that between 1955 and 1966, U. S. women
began smoking at an earlier age.
For the present report, the likelihood of having
become a regular cigarette smoker by age 18 was deter-
mined for females surveyed in the 1970,1978-1980, and
74 Epidemiology
~~~~ 01389Z6

Surgeon Getreral': Report
1984,1986,1991,1992; Bachman, Johnston, O'Malley 1984,
1985, 1991; ISR, University of Michigan, unpublished
data). The percentage of female seniors who did not
mind being around smokers changed little over time.
From 1981 through 1991, the proportion of high school
seniors who did not mind being around people who
were smoking decreased by about 50 percent among
blacks and by only 5 percent among whites (Figure 7).
Smokers' acceptance of being around other smokers re-
mained constant, at approximately 70 percent, from 1981
through 1989, whereas the percentage of nonsmokers
who did not mind being around smokers decreased
from 25 to 21 percent (1981-1989 MTFP surveys, CDC,
OSH, unpublished data).
Adult Implications of Adolescent Smoking
Some notable findings regarding young people's
expectations to smoke, or to abstain from smoking,
have emerged from the MTFP (see Johnston, O'Malley,
Bachman 1992b). In their senior year, respondents who
answered one of five questionnaire forms were asked,
"Do you think you will be smoking cigarettes five years
from now?" Overall, about 1 percent said they "definitely"
would be smoking in five years, 14 percent said they "prob-
ably" would, 27 percent said they probably would not, and
58 percent said they definitely would not (Table 19). About
55 percent of past-month smokers and about 45 percent of
daily smokers stated that they probably would not or defi-
nitely would not be smoking in five years.
Of the seniors in the full panel, 68 percent indicated
that they had not smoked in the 30 days preceding the
senior-year survey; 9 percent had smoked less than one
cigarette per day; 8 percent had smoked one to five ciga-
rettes per day; 7 percent had smoked about one-half pack
per day; and 8 percent had smoked a pack or more per day
(Table 20). Five years after graduation, the same total
proportion (32 percent) were past-month smokers. Some-
what more (26 vs. 23 percent), however, were daily
smokers. Further, for each smoking group defined by
senior-year smoking level, those who continued to smoke
increased their frequency of smoking (Tables 20-21).
Of the respondents who were nonsmokers at the
end of their senior year, 86 percent remained nonsmok-
ers five to six years later, whereas only 13 percent of
those who smoked one pack each day in their senior
year became nonsmokers (Table 20). Those students
who smoked one-half pack per day in their senior year
were nearly as likely to continue use as were those
students who smoked one pack daily; 81 percent of half-
pack-a-day smokers still smoked, and the majority of
them increased their rate of smoking (Table 21). Seventy
percent of respondents who in their senior year smoked
one to five cigarettes per day continued to smoke five
years later; most of these continuing smokers increased
their rate of use. Even among the seniors who smoked
the least * (less than one cigarette per day), 42 percent
continued to smoke five to six years later, and two-thirds
of these had increased their rate of smoking.
When earlier smoking behavior is controlled, se-
niors' expectations to smoke had very limited power to
predict subsequent smoking behavior (Table 22). Many
seniors.who smoked one pack per day had expectations
of discontinuing use. These expectations showed no
relationship to the actual rate of smoking five to six years
later. The same is true for those seniors who smoked
Table 19. High school seniors predicting whether they will be smoking in five years, by smoking
status in
senior year, Monitoring the Future Project, United States,1976-1986 senior classes
Predicted likelihood of smoking in five years (%)*
Senior year
smoking status
(use in past 30 days)
Definitely
will
Probably
will
Probably
will not
Definitely Number
will not (weighted)
None 0.4 1.3 21.0 77.3 1,926
< 1 cigarette/day 0.5 14.7 56.5 28.3 248
1-5 cigarettes/day 1.8 37.6 44.1 16.5 211
About %z pack/day 0.6 57.7 30.3 11.3 197
> I pack/day 5.1 62.9 26.7 5.2 228
Total ' 0.9 14.2 27.0 58.0 2,810
Source: Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan (unpublished data).
*Entries are row percentages.
84 Epidemiology
TIIVIN 0138936

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
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SHIFFMAN S, FISCHER LB, ZETTLER-SEGAL M, BENOWf IZ
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Health Consequences 49
TIMN 0138902

;I
SurXrcui Goncn:l's RrlnOrr
Conclusions
1. Tobacco use primarily begins in early adolescence,
typically by age 16; almost all first use occurs before
the time of high school graduation.
2. Smoking prevalence among adolescents declined
sharply in the 1970s, but the decline slowed signifi-
cantlv in the 1980s. At least 3.1 million adolescents
and 25 percent of 17- and 18-year-olds are current
smokers.
3. Although current smoking prevalence among fe-
male adolescents began exceeding that among males
by the mid- to late-1970s, both sexes are now equally
likely to smoke. Males are significantly more likely
than females to use smokeless tobacco. Nationally,
104 Epidemiology
white adolescents are more likely to use all forms of
tobacco than are blacks and Hispanics. The decline
in the prevalence of cigarette smoking among black
adolescents is noteworthy.
4. Many adolescent smokers are addicted to cigarettes;
these young smokers report withdrawal symptoms
similar to those reported by adults.
5. Tobacco use in adolescence is associated with a range
of health-compromising behaviors, including being
involved in fights, carrying weapons, engaging in
higher-risk sexual behavior, and using alcohol and
other drugs.
T.Il.VdN 01389561

tilt!'til'trH Gc'IR'P,fl" kqrrrrr
Figure 9. Trends in the percentage of high school seniors who believe that regular use of smokeless
tobacco is a serious health risk and who have ever used smokeless tobacco, Monitoring the
Future Project, United States, 1986-1989
40
38
36
34
32
26
24
22
20 '
-
1986 1987
Ever use
11 ..... Great risk
1988 1989
Year
Sources: Bachman, Johnston, O'Malley (1987, 1991); Johnston, Bachman, O'Malley (1991, 1992).
Smokeless Tobacco Use and Other Drug Use
Prevalence of Smokeless Tobacco Use and Other
Drug Use
The majority of male high school seniors in the
1986-1989 MTFP who used alcohol, marijuana, cocaine,
or inhalants did not use smokeless tobacco (Table 37).
Smokeless tobacco use, however, was from 1.5 to 3.9 times
higher among users of thesedrugs than among nonusers.
Most notably, 90 percentof smokeless tobacco users were
also alcohol drinkers. Almost one-third (31 percent) of
smokeless tobacco users also used marijuana, 7 percent
used cocaine, and 5 percent used inhalants. The preva-
lence of other drug use was from 1.4 to 1.9 times greater
among smokeless tobacco users than nonusers.
Grade When Use of Smokeless Tobacco and
Cigarettes Begins
In the 1986-1989 MTFP, 28 percent of all males had
never tried cigarettes or smokeless tobacco by the 12th
grade; 44 percent had tried both; 18 percent had tried
cigarettes but not smokeless tobacco; and 9 percent had
tried smokeless tobacco but not cigarettes (Table 38). Of
those male seniors who had tried both, 37 percent had
tried cigarettes before smokeless tobacco, 24 percent had
tried smokeless tobacco before cigarettes, and 40 percent
had first tried both at about the same time.
Smokeless Tobacco Use and Other Health-
Related Behaviors
In the 1991 YRBS, male high school students were
more likely to report past-month use of smokeless tobacco
if they rarely or never wore seat belts, were frequently
involved in physical fights, carried weapons during one
or more of the preceding 30 days, and had made one or
more suicide attempts during the preceding 12 months
(Table 27). These students were also more likely to
currently use smokeless tobacco if they had ever had
sexual intercourse (Table 28). Smokeless tobacco use did
not vary appreciably (compared with cigarette smoking)
102 Epidemiology TIMN 0138954,

Initiation of Smokeless Tobacco Use 140
p,a
Sociodemographic Factors in the Initiation of Smokeless Tobacco Use 140
Environmental Factors in the Initiation of Smokeless Tobacco Use 1-II
Factors That Influence Acceptability and Availability 141
Interpersonal Factors 141
Parental Use 141
Sibling Use 111
Peer Use 141
Perceived Environmental Factors 141
Norms 141
Social Support 142
Parental Reaction to Smokeless Tobacco Use 1-12
Behavioral Factors in the Initiation of Smokeless Tobacco Use 142
Academic Achievement 142
Smoking as a Risk Factor for Smokeless Tobacco 143
Other Adolescent Behaviors 143
Smokeless Tobacco Use as a Risk Factor for Smoking, Alcohol, and Other
Drug Use 1 44
Risk Taking and Rebelliousness 144
Participation in Athletics 144
Personal Factors in the Initiation of Smokeless Tobacco Use 145
Knowledge of Long-Term Health Consequences 145
Functional Meanings 145
Social Image 145
Personality Traits 146
Smokeless Tobacco Use as a Risk Factor for Continued Use 146
Intentions to Use Smokeless Tobacco 146
Current Use of Smokeless Tobacco 1-16
Summary of Psychosocial Risk Factors for Smokeless Tobacco Use 147
Implications of Research for Preventing Tobacco Use: Modifying
Psychosocial Risk 147
Conclusions 148
References 149
TIMN 0138974

P1't i t7IfUI1' ToluccJ Llst' AINWIg ~ UIUIg PCople
Table 40. Smokeless tobacco use among young people in the United States - sources of national data,
definitions of use, and measures of use, 1989-1991
Age/grade
when respon-
Ever use of dent first Current Former use Steps to
smokeless used smoke- smokeless of smoke- improve data
Source tobacco less tobacco tobacco use less tobacco validity
1989 Teenage Ever used Age when first
Attitudes and chewing started using
Practices tobacco or
Surveys snuff
(TAPS)
National Ever used
Household chewing
Survevs on tobacco or
Drug Abuse snuff or
(NHSDA) other smoke-
less tobacco
* Ever regu-
larly used
chewing
tobacco or
snuff, but
not now
Assured
confidentiality
* Any use of * Assured
chewing confidentiality
tobacco or
snuff or other
smokeless
tobacco
during the
past 30 days
Monitoring Taken or Grade when
the Future used smoke- first tried
Project less tobacco smokeless
(MTFP) (snuff, plug, tobacco (snuff,
dipping plug, or
tobacco, chewing
chewing tobacco)
tobacco ) at
least once or
twice
Any use of No smoke- Assured
smokeless less tobacco confidentiality
tobacco use during
during the ' -the past 30
past 30 days days among
people who
have ever
used smoke-
less tobacco
regularly
Youth Risk * * Use of chew-
Behavior ing tobacco,
Survev snuff, or both
(YRBS) during the
past 30 days
* Assured
anonymity
Sources: TAPS: Allen et al. (1991, 1993); Moss et al. (1992); NHSDAc Abelson and Atkinson (1975);
Abelson and
Fishburne (1976); Fishburne, Abelson, Cisin (1980); Miller et al. (1983); U.S. Department of Health
and Human Services '
(1988a, 1990a, 1991a,'1992a,1993);1991 NHSDA: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC),
Office on Smoking
and Health (unpublished data); MTFP: Bachman, Johnston, O'Malley (1987,1991); Johnston, Bachman,
O'Malley (1991,
1992); Johnston, O'Malley, Bachman (in press); YRBS: Kolbe (1990), CDC (1992c, d).
* Not all potential sources of data on youth smokeless tobacco use are used in this report.
Epiderniology 113
. TIMN 0138965

Grade When Smokeless Tobacco Use Begins
The MTFP asks high school seniors to report the
school grade, if any, in which they first tried smokeless
tobacco, including snuff, plug, or chewing tobacco.
Attempts to Quit Using Smokeless Tobacco
In the MTFP, former smokeless tobacco users are
defined as respondents who ever used smokeless to-
bacco regularly but who have not used smokeless to-
bacco in the past 30 days. TAPS provides information on
the number of times current and former smokeless
tobacco users have tried to quit.
Validity of Measures of Smokeless Tobacco
Use
Literature is sparse on the use of biochemical mark-
ers to assess the validity of self-reported use of smokeless
tobacco, and the few studies available are inconsistent.
Cohen et al. (1988) reported that the use of a bogus
pipeline before collecting self-reported data on smoke-
less tobacco use among a sample of 282 male seventh-
and eighth-grade students resulted in self-reports hav-
ing 86 percent agreement with cotinine measurements
(excluding smokers). These authors found that without
the bogus pipeline, smokeless tobacco use was
overreported. Bauman et al. (1989) studied 12- through
14-year-old adolescents in the southeastern United
States. These investigators measured cotinine levels to
indicate the use of some form of tobacco and distin-
guished cigarette smokers from smokeless tobacco us-
ers by values of thiocyanate and carbon monoxide. The
authors found that fewer than half of the adolescents
identified through chemical tests as smokeless tobacco
users had reported such use in the past three days on a
self-administered questionnaire in the home. Discrimi-
nation between smokers and smokeless tobacco users
was also obtained by lVoland et al. (1988) through mea-
sures of saliva cotinine and thiocyanate. As was noted
in this report's discussion of the validity of smoking
measures (see Appendix 2), the home setting may be
conducive to underreporting. Ernster et al. (1990)
studied a sample of 1,109 major and minor league
baseball players and found that serum cotinine (< 12
ng/mL) and serum thiocyanate (< 85 mmol/L) cor-
rectly classified 95 percent of nonusers of smokeless
tobacco and cigarettes. Other methods for validating
smokeless tobacco use are being investigated, includ-
ing the use of strontium in the buccal epithelium of
smokeless tobacco users (Roberston and Bray 1988).
114 Epraemtolog,, ; TIMN 0138966

~ 4 il'~' .
}tcr~e'cut Gc'itc'ntl'. l:~r c ,t
Table 36. Percentage of young people who currently (within the past 30 days) use cigarettes and/or
smokeless tobacco, by gender, race/Hispanic origin, region, and age/grade, National Household
Surveys on Drug Abuse (NHSDA), Monitoring the Future Project (MTFP), Youth Risk
Behavior Survey (YRBS), United States,1991,1992
Characteristic NHSDA* MTFP' YRBSt
Overall 15.1 33.2 31.8
Gender
Male
17.1
38.8
35.8
Female 13.0 27.3 27.6
Race/Hispanic origing
White, non-Hispanic
17.9
38.4
36.2
Male 20.3 43.0 40.0
Female 15.4 33.3 32.0
Black, non-Hispanic 6.0 8.8 13.7
Male 6.6 14.3 16.0
Female 5.4 4.5 11.6
Hispanic 10.9 NA" 28.1
Male 10.8 NA 33.6
Female 10.9 NA 23.1
Age/grade
12-14 years
5.1
15-16 years 16.2
17-18 vears ' 28.5
8th grade 20.5
9th grade 26.7
10th grade 27.6 29.6
11 th grade 36.3
12th grade 33.2 34.7
Region
Northeast
28.2
35.1'
North Central 17.0 37.7 40.8
South 14.5 30.3 28.8
West 14.2 30.0 27.6
Sources: 1991 NHSDA: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), Office on Smoking and Health
(unpublished
data); 1992 MTFP: Johnston, O'Malley, Bachman (in press); Institute for Social Research, University
of Michigan (unpub-
lished data); 1991 YRBS: CDC, Division of Adolescent and School Health (unpublished data).
*1991 NHSDA, aged 12-18 years. Based on responses to the questions, "When was the most recent time
you smoked a
cigarette?" and "When was the most recent time you used chewing tobacco or snuff or other smokeless
tobacco?"
'1992 MTFP surveys of high school seniors. Based on responses to the questions, "How frequently have
you smoked
cigarettes during the past 30 days?" and "How frequently have you taken smokeless tobacco during the
past 30 days?"
t1991 YRBS, grades 9-12. Based on responses to the questions, "During the past 30 days, on how many
days did you smoke
cigarettes?" and "During the past 30 days, did you use chewing tobacco, such as Redman, Levi
Garrett, or Beechnut, or
snuff, such as Skoal, Skoal Bandits, or Copenhagen?"
NA = Not available.
100 Epidemiology
TIMN 0138952

Chapter 4
Psychosocial Risk Factors for
Initiating Tobacco 'Use
Introduction 123
Initiation of Cigarette Smoking
124
Introduction 121
Developmental Stages of Smoking
124
Sociodemographic Factors in the Initiation of Smoking 125
Socioeconomic Status 127
Parental Education 127
Number of Parents Living in the Home 127
Developmental Challenges of Adolescence 127
Gender 128
Ethnicitv 128
Environmental Factors in the Initiation of Smoking 128
Factors That Influence Tobacco Acceptability and Availability 129
Interpersonal Factors 129
Parental Smoking 129
Sibling Smoking 130
Peer Smoking and Peer Behaviors 131
Social Bonding 131
Perceived Environmental Factors 131
Norms 732
Social Support for Smoking 132
Parental Reaction to Smoking 132
Adult Discrepancy 133
Behavioral Factors in the Initiation of Smoking 133
Academic Achievement 133
Other Adolescent Behaviors 133
Risk Taking, Rebelliousness, and Deviant Behaviors 134
Peer Groups 134
Participation in Athletics and Other Health-Enhancing Behaviors 134
Behavioral Skills 135
Personal Factors in the Initiation of Smoking 135
Knowledge of Long-Term Health Consequences 135
Functiorial Meanings of Adolescent Smoking 136
Subjective Expected Utility 136
Self-Esteem 136
Self-Image 136
Self-Efficacy 137
Personality Factors 137
Psychological Well-Being 137
Adolescent Smoking Behavior as a Risk Factor for Subsequent Smoking 138
Intentions to Smoke 138
Present Smoking Status 138
Summary of Psychosocial Risk Factors for Cigarette Smoking 138
TIMN 0138973,

Preiienting Tobacco Use Among Young People
Human research is more limited than animal re-
search in this area, but there is evidence that cigarette
smoking is associated with up-regulation of nicotine
receptors in the human brain. Balfour (1989, 1991a)
has conducted a series of studies that included the
examination of postmortem brain tissue from smokers
and nonsmokers. He and others found evidence of signifi-
cantly elevated concentrations of nicotine binding sites as
well as smoking-related changes in other binding sites
(such as 5-hydroxytryptamine) (Benwell, Balfour, Ander-
son 1988; Balfour 1989, 1991a; Grant, McMurdo, Balfour
1989; Bock and Marsh 1990). Morphologic changes in the
nervous system are presumed to reflect part of the body's
adaptation (resulting in tolerance and physical depen-
dence) to a prolonged exposure to nicotine (Marks and
Collins 1982; Marks, Burch, Collins 1983; Marks et aL 1985,
1986; Marks, Stitzel, Collins 1985,1986,1987; USDHHS 1988).
Physical Dependence
Nicotine administered to animals and humans pro-
duces altered spontaneous electroencephalograph (EEG)
and evoked electrical potentials of the brain, altered local
cerebral glucose metabolism, modulation of hormonal
output by the adrenal glands, increased heart rate, and
changes in skeletal muscle tension (USDHHS 1988). Most,
if not all, of these effects are related to the dose of nicotine
given, and tolerance develops to differing degrees across
these effects. After a period of nicotine exposure that is
assumed to be at least several weeks (APA 1987), physi-
cal dependence on nicotine develops. The dependent
person then appears to be functioning normally when
under the influence of nicotine; conversely, the person
may report feeling "abnormal" or "not right" when de-
prived for more than a few hours (Casey 1987).
Although basic pharmacologic research on nico-
tine has been conducted primarily with adults, most
people begin to smoke in adolescence and develop char-
acteristic patterns of nicotine dependence before adult-
hood (USDHHS 1988,1991a). That adolescents develop
physical dependence, as evidenced by their experience
of withdrawal symptoms, has been well documented by
the NHSDA (USDHHS 1991c). Moreover, quantitative
characteristics of tlie withdrawal syndrome appear to be
the same in adolescents and adults (McNeill et a1.1986;
McNeill, Jarvis, West 1987).
The magnitude of the withdrawal syndrome is
related to the previous level of nicotine intake, although
differences in just a few cigarettes a day may not be
correlated with the severity of the syndrome (Killen et al.
1988; USDHHS 1988). Environmental context is also a
factor; in a novel environment (e.g., a hospital setting),
the symptoms of nicotine withdrawal may be less than
in the smoker's usual environment, with its various
psychological cues for smoking (Hatsukami, Hughes,
Pickens 1985). The time course of withdrawal symptoms
varies among individuals and for different responses.
Most withdrawal symptoms peak within the first few
days of nicotine abstinence and then begin to recover
along a variable course; the most severe total withdrawal
syndrome usually lasts about three to four weeks
(USDHHS 1988; Gross and Stitzer 1989). For example,
certain measures of brain function (such as P300-evoked
electrical potential) recover within a few days, but others
may take weeks or more (such as N100-evoked potential,
hunger, and craving). Powerful urges to smoke may
recur for many years (Hughes and Hatsukami 1986;
USDHHS 1988).
Although questions remain, the pathophysiology
of nicotine dependence clearly involves the brain, the
endocrine system, and behavior, and the process begins
when cigarette smoking is initiated. Moreover, although
the effects of nicotine administration and deprivation are
complex, they are orderly and are related to factors such
as the amount of nicotine administered and the time
since the last dose.
The Clinical Course of Nicotine Dependence
Like other drug addictions, nicotine dependence is
a progressive, chronic, relapsing disorder. The level of
dependence on nicotine in adults has been found to be
inversely related to the age at initiation of smoking when
measured by diagnostic criteria (APA 1987) of the APA
(Breslau, Fenn, Peterson 1993) and by the Fagerstrom
Tolerance Questionnaire Score (Henningfield et a1.1987).
As is true for most drug addictions, tobacco use is
not always constant from initiation on; the process of
graduation from first use to addiction can take months or
even years (USDHHS 1988). In fact, initial experiences
with tobacco, as with other addictive substances, are
sometimes negative and require social pressures and
other factors to maintain exposure until the addiction
develops (Haertzen, Kocher, Miyasato 1983). The per-
centage of people who progress from smoking a few
cigarettes to smoking at a regular, addictive level has
been estimated to range from 33 to 94 percent. For
example, Russell (1990) has reported that a survey of
adults in Great Britain in the mid-1960s indicated that 94
percent of those who smoked more than three cigarettes
became'long-term regular smokers." These data, which
precede widespread public awareness of the hazards of
smoking, may have a limited applicability to current
smoking behavior. Recently collected data in the United
States and Great Britain suggest that between 33 and 50
percent of people who try smoking cigarettes escalate to
regular patterns of use (Hirschman, Leventhal, Glynn
1984; McNeill 1991; Henningfield, Cohen, Slade 1991).
Health Consequences 33
TIMN 0138886

Prc^,vritur,~ T0haCiO ll;C.-l~rtL)iIg 1'riuig ('roE4c
Number of cigarettes
smoked each day
Lifetime
smoking
Average number of cigarettes 11-item scale
smoked, per day during the (TAPS)
past 7 days (TAPS)
Average number of cigarettes
smoked per day during the
past 30 days
*
Average number of cigarettes 5-item scale
smoked per day during the 6-item scale
past 30 days
Average number of cigarettes
smoked on the days smoked
during the past 30 days
*
.
.
Frequent and Heavy Smoking .
Measures of more frequent or heavy use are avail-
able from four of the surveys. In TAPS and the YRBS, the
reported number of days smoked in the previous 30
days is used to describe the frequency of use. For this
report, frequent smoking is defined as smoking on 20 of
the 30 days preceding the survey. The MTFP asks re-
spondents how frequently they have smoked during the
previous 30 days. Possible responses are "not at all,"
Former
smoking
Steps to
improve data
validity
No smoking during the past Assured
30 days among respondents confidentiality
who have smoked at least
100 cigarettes (TAPS);
quit attempts during the
previous 6 months (TAPS)
Assured
confidentiality
No smoking during the Assured
past 30 days among people confidentiality'
who have ever smoked
regularly; interest
in quitting;
difficulty quitting
*
Assured
anonymity
Does not smoke cigarettes Assured
now; length of time confidentiality
since last smoked
cigarettes regularly
"less than one cigarette per day; ' "one to five cigarettes
per day," "about one-half pack per day,." "about one
pack per day," "about one and one-half packs per day;'
and "two packs or more per day,." The NHSDA uses a
similar question with similar response categories to clas-
sify usewithin the previous 30 days. For this report,
heavy smoking is defined as smoking at least one-half
pack of cigarettes per day. MTFP participants who re-
sponded that they smoked at least one to five cigarettes
Epidemiology . 109
TIMN 0138961

51/YNe'UII Ge'7le'Yril '; Re'pVYi
Figure 10. Self-reported prevalence of smoking one or more cigarettes per day during the past month
and
reported prevalence of smoking among friends, high school seniors, Monitoring the Future
Project, United States, 1976-1991
....... Most or all of friends smoke
~- 1+ cigarettes per day
10
1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991
Year
Sources: Bachman, Johnston, O'Malley (1980a,1981,1984,1985,1987,1991); Johnston, Bachman, O'Malley
(1980a, b, 1982,
1984, 1986, 1991, 1992); Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan (unpublished data).
Appendix 3. Measures of Smokeless Tobacco Use
Although little research has focused on how smoke-
less tobacco use develops from trial use to current use, it
is probable that, like smoking, smokeless tobacco use
occurs over time and in multiple stages. Several mea-
sures can be derived from the national surveys to de-
scribe this process (see Table 40).
Ever Use of Smokeless Tobacco
TAPS, the NHSDA, and the MTFP include ques-
tions on initial (and thus "ever") use of smokeless tobacco.
TAPS asks respondents whether they have ever tried
using chewing tobacco or snuff. The NHSDA asks how
recently respondents have used chewing tobacco or snuff
or other smokeless tobacco; "never used smokeless to-
bacco in lifetime" is a precoded response category. In the
112 Epidemiology
MTFP, respondents are asked, "Have you ever taken or
used smokeless tobacco (snuff, plug, dipping tobacco,
chewing tobacco)?" Respondents who report that they
have taken or used smokeless tobacco at least "once or
twice" are classified as ever users.
Current Use of Smokeless Tobacco
Current use of smokeless tobacco is assessed in the
MTFT', the NHSDA, and the YRBS. Any reported use of
smokeless tobacco in the 30 days preceding the survey has
been classified in this report as "current use." Because
TAPS creates a subcategory of current regular use from
the category of respondents who have ever used smoke-
less tobacco regularly, this report does not use TAPS data
to assess the current use of smokeless tobacco.
TIMN 0138964

SurYeori Gtnrrii!'s Report
infer that the risk of smoking-related cancer for sites other
than the lungs would increase, at a given adult age,
in inverse proportion to the age an adolescent begins
smoking.
Recent studies indicate that earlier onset of
cigarette smoking is also associated with heavier smok-
ing (Taioli and Wynder 1991; Escobedo et al. 1993).
Nicotine Addiction in Adolescence
Heavier smokers are not only more likely to experience
tobacco-related health problems, they are the least likely
to quit smoking (Hall and Terezhalmy 1984; USDHHS
1989). Early use of cigarettes thus appears to influence
intensity as well as duration of use and increases the
potential for long-term health consequences.
Introduction
Nicotine dependency through cigarette smoking is
not only the most common form of drug addiction but
the one that causes more death and disease than all other
addictions combined (USDHHS 1988). Most human
research on nicotine addiction has been conducted with
adult subjects, but the basic biologic processes that
underlie this dependency appear to be similar in ad-
olescents and adults. The research literature on nicotine
addiction examines its chemistry and addiction poten-
tial, its severity, and its pathophysiology and clinical
course.
Background and Nomendature
Drug addiction is the term most widely used to
label vario,us medical and social disorders related to the
compulsive ingestion of psychoactive chemicals. The
primary criteria for drug dependence are that the behav-
ior is highly controlled or compulsive, the chemical is
one whose mood-altering or psychoactive effects are
central elements of the drug's activity, and the drug itself
has the demonstrated capability of reinforcing behavior
(Table 4). The American Psychiatric Association (APA)
has identified two medical disorders that pertain to nico-
tine addiction: nicotine dependence and nicotine
withdrawal (APA 1987).
Nicotine dependenceisclassified asa psychoactive
substance-use disordeF characterized by "a cluster of
~~,,d cognitive, behavioral,-and physiologic symptoms that
indicate that the person has impaired control of
psychoactive substance use and continues use of the
substance despite adverse consequences" (APA 1987,
p. 166). In the case of nicotine, the most common form of
use is cigarette smoking, in part because the rapid ab-
sorption of nicotine through the processes of smoking
"leads to a more intensive habit pattern that is more
difficult to give up" than other forms of use (APA 1987,
p. 181). Nicotine dependence also occurs through other
routes of delivery, including smokeless tobacco and
nicotine gum.
30 Health Consequences
Nicotine withdrawal, an organic mental disorder
induced by the removal of psychoactive substance, is
described as "a characteristic withdrawal syndrome due
to the abrupt cessation of or reduction in the use of
nicotine-containingsubstances (e.g., cigarettes, cigars and
pipes, chewing tobacco, or nicotine gum) that has been at
least moderate in duration and amount. The s-yndrome
includes craving for nicotine; irritability, frustration, or
anger; anxiety; difficulty concentrating; restlessness; de-
creased heart rate; and increased appetite or weight gain"
(APA 1987, p. 150).
Physical dependence refers to the condition in which
withdrawal symptoms have been observed. Physical
dependence can complicate the process of achieving and
Table 4. Criteria for drug dependence
Primary criteria
Highly controlled or compulsive use
Psychoactive effects
Drug-reinforced behavior
Additional criteria
Addictive behavior often involves the following:
Stereotypic patterns of use
Use despite harmful effects
Relapse following abstinence
Recurrent drug cravings
Dependence-producing drugs often manifest the
following:
Tolerance
Physical dependence
Pleasant (euphoric) effects
Source: Adapted from USDHHS (1988).
TIMN 0138883

!'r<vrrrtrrr,t T01,a«O List' 1't mri~: ,Y0E1lC
Table 35. Percentage of high school students who use smokeless tobacco, by gender, Youth Risk
Behavior
Surveys, United States and selected U.S. sites, 1991
Smokeless tobacco use*
Site Female Male Total
Weighted data
National survey
1
19
10
State survevs
Alabama
2
31
16
Georgia 2 22 12
Idaho 3 24 14
Nebraska 2 26 14
New Mexico 4 27 16
New York' 2 19 11
Puerto Ricot 0 5 2
South Carolina 2 20 11
South Dakota 10 29 20
Utah 2 12 7
Local surveys
Chicago
2
5
3~
Dallas 1 7 4
Fort Lauderdale 1 9 4.
Jersey City 1 6 3
Miami 1 6 3
Philadelphia 2 6 4
San Diego 1 7 4
Unweighted data'
State surveys
Colorado'
6
32
19
District of Columbiax 2 5 4
Hawaii 2 14 8
Montana 7 33 20
New Hampshire 4 22 13
New Jersey' 2 14 7
Oregon 5 28 16
Pennsvlvania* 2 29 16
Tennessee 1 34 17
Wisconsin 3 19 11
Wyoming 5 31 19
Localsurveys
Boston
1
5
3
New York City 1 5 3'
San Francisco 2 6 4
Source: Centers for Disease Control (1992d).
*Respondents used chewing tobacco or snuff on 1 or more of the 30 days preceding the survey.
'Surveys did not include students from the largest city.
tCategorized as a state for funding purposes.
°Fourteen sites had overall response rates below 60 percent or had unavailable documentation;
weighted estimates
were not reported.
Epidemiology 99
TIMN 0138951

tiurxccvi Gon,ndl', Rr00r;
Table 39. Smoking among young people in the United States-sources of national data, definitions of
use, 1968-1991
Source
National
Teenage
Tobacco
Surveys
(NTTS)
and
1989 Teenage
Attitudes
and Practices
Survey (TAPS)
National House-
hold Surveys on
Drug Abuse
(NHSDA)
Ever smoking
Any smoking, even a
few puffs (TAPS);
smoke now or have
smoked at least 100
cigarettes (for
trends, 1968-1979)
Age/grade when
respondent first
tried smoking
Age when smoked first
whole cigarette
Current
smoking status
Smoke now (1968-1979);
any smoking during
the past 30 days (TAPS);
number of days
smoked during
the past 30 days (TAPS)
Ever tried a cigarette;
ever smoked daily
Monitoring Smoked cigarettes at
the Future least once or twice
Project
(MTFP)
Age when first tried a
cigarette; age
when first started
smoking daily
Any smoking during
the past 30 days
Grade when smoked first Any smoking during
cigarette; grade when the past 30 days
first smoked on
a daily basis
Youth Risk Any smoking, even one Age when first smoked Any smoking during
Behavior or two puffs; a whole cigarette; age the past 30 days;
Survey ever smoked regularly when first started number of days smoked
(YRBS) , e c least one cigarette smoking regularly during the past 30 days
Wlery day for 30 days) (at least one cigarette
every day for 30 days)
National Smoked at least 100 Age when first started Smoke cigarettes now;
Health Interview cigarettes in entire smoking cigarettes reconstructed prevalence
Surveys (NHIS) life fairly regularly of smoking
Sources: NTTS: U.S. Ltepartment of Health, Education, and Welfare (1972,1976,1979b); TAPS: Allen et
al. (1991,1993);
Moss et al. (1992); NHSDA: Abelson and Atkinson (1975); Abelson and Fishbume (1976); Fishburne,
Abelson, Cisin
(1980); Miller et al. (1983); U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (USDHHSI (1988a, 1990a,
1991a, 1992a, 1993);
MTFP: Bachman, Johnston, O'Malley (1980a, b,1981,1984,1985,1987,1991); Johnston, Bachman, (YMalley
(1980a, b,
1982,1984,1986, 1991,1992); Johnston, aMalley, Bachman (in press); YRBS: Kolbe (1990); Centers for
Disease Control
(1992c, d); NHIS: National Center for Health Statistics (1958, 1975, 1985, 1988a, b, 1989); USDHHS
(1991b).
*Not all potential sources of data on youth smoking are used in this report.
TIMN 0138960
108 Epidemiology

Surgevn Geircral's Report
determine if they are psychoactive and if they can serve
as reinforcers in animals and humans (Brady and Lukas
1984; USDHHS 1988; Fischman and Mello 1989;
Henningfield, Cohen, Heishman 1991). These methods
to test for abuse liability are reliable enough for the Food
and Drug Administration (FDA) and the World Health
Organization (WHO) to use them to develop policies
regarding regulation of new drugs with possible addic-
tion potential (USDHHS 1988; Barcelona Conference
1991). Nicotine meets the criteria for addiction potential
in all of the standardized tests used by the FDA and the
WHO (USDHHS 1987, 1988, 1991a). In humans and
animals, nicotine produces discrete subjective effects more
similar to those produced by cocaine than to those pro-
duced by sedatives, and nicotine injections are biologi-
cally reinforcing to humans and to at least five animal
species (Henningfield, Miyasato, Jasinski 1985;
Henningfield and Goldberg 1988; USDHHS 1988). Such
findings confirm the conclusion of the 1988 report of the
Surgeon General: nicotine is a drug with a liability for
addiction (USDHHS 1988).
Pathophysiology of Nicotine Dependence
The pathophysiology of drug dependence and the
clinical course of nicotine and other drug dependencies
have been described in detail elsewhere (Jaffe 1985;
USDHHS 1988; Benowitz 1992; Henningfield 1992a). In
brief, exposure to a psychoactive chemical leads to re-
petitive self-administration because of the chemical's
capacity to condition behavior. This powerful condi-
tioning action of nicotine is mediated at least in part by
the activation of nicotinic receptors in the brain (USDHHS
1988; Bock and Marsh 1990) and the modulation of levels
of hormones such as epinephrine (adrenaline) and corti-
sol (Pomerleau and Pomerleau 1984; Sachs 1987; USDHHS
1988). The mesolimbic dopaminergic reward system,
which mediates the addicting actions of cocaine, is also
thought to be involved in producing nicotine's addictive
effects (Pomerleau and Pomerleau 1984; USDHHS 1988;
Bock and Marsh 1990; Balfour 1991a, b; Benwell and
Balfour 1992). Behavt~rs that are followed by intense
neural activation can become highly persistent and diffi-
cult to modify (Pomerleau and Pomerleau 1984; Jaffe
1985; USDHHS 1988). Each year, the daily cigarette
smoker may experience 50,000 to 100,000 such pairings
of puffing on cigarettes and resultant effects in the brain,
thus establishing a persistent need for cigarette smoking.
Tolerance
Tolerance refers to a diminishing response to a
drug through iepeated exposures (Jaffe 1985; USDHHS
1988). Tolerance is often demonstrated when increased
dose levels are required to obtain the effects formerly
produced by lower doses. Tolerance to nicotine appears
to be acquired as people progress from initially smoking
a few cigarettes to smoking greater numbers of cigarettes
more often (see "Initiation Continuum of Smoking" and
"Adult Implications of Adolescent Smoking" in Chapter
3 and "Developmental Stages of Smoking" in Chapter 4).
The development of tolerance to the aversive effects
of nicotine, such as nausea and dizziness, may also facili-
tate the development of dependency (USDHHS 1987;
Shiffman et a1.1990; Shiffman 1989,1991; McNeill, Jarvis,
West 1987). Tolerance of nicotine increases over time;
experienced smokers can self-administer doses of nico-
tine that would make nonsmokers ill.
The tolerance the nervous system develops to nico-
tine exposure can be at least partially overcome by
increasing the dose. This effect was studied near the
beginning of the 20th century and has been the subject of
considerable study since then (Langley 1905; USDHHS
1988; Benowitz and Jacob 1993). Tolerance to various
behavioral, physiologic, and subjective effects of nicotine
has been studied (USDHHS 1988). For example,
administering nicotine to a tobacco-deprived cigarette
smoker can produce a substantial increase in heart rate
and measures of euphoria, along with a decrease in the
strength of the knee reflex. With repeated doses, the
heart rate stabilizes at a level between that produced
by the first dose and that which occurs when nicotine-
deprived; subjective effects are minimal, and the knee
reflex may become normal (Domino and Von Baum-
garten 1%9; USDHHS 1988; Swedberg,'Henningfield,
Goldberg 1990).
Some tolerance of nicotine is lost.each night as the
smoker's nicotine levels fall; the nicotine from the first
few cigarettes of the day produces effects on heart rate,
mood, and other measures that are stronger than the
effects produced by subsequent doses during the day
(USDHHS 1988). Repeated exposure to nicotine leads to
morphological changes in the brain that cause the devel-
opment of new binding sites for nicotine receptors, which
mediate the effects of nicotine (Bock and Marsh 1990;
USDI-iHS 1988,1991a).
Animal research has shown that nicotine exposure
results in an increased expression (defined as up-regula-
tion) of nicotine receptors in various regions of the brain
(Ksir et al. 1985; Morrow, Loy, Creese 1985; Nordberg et
al. 1985; Schwartz and Kellar 1985; Ksir, Hakan, Kellar
1987). Prenatal exposure to nicotine also produces up-
regulation of nicotine receptors in tissue collected from
newborn animals (Slotkin, Orband-Miller, Queen 1987;
Slotkin et al. 1991; Smith, Seidler, Slotkin 1991). These
data suggest the broad applicability of this up-regulation
effect, which7may be one of the ways in which tolerance
of nicotine occurs (USDHHS 1989).
32 Health Consequences
TIMN 0138885

Table 34. Percentage of young people who currently (within the past 30 days) use smokeless tobacco,
by
gender, race/Hispanic origin, age/grade, and region, National Household Surveys on Drug
Abuse (NHSDA), Monitoring the Future Project (MTFP), Youth Risk Behavior Survey
(YRBS), United States, 1989,1991, 1992
Characteristic NHSDA* MTFPtx YRBS9
Overall 3.4 11.4 10.5
Gender
Male
6.0
20.8
19.2
Female 0.6 2.0 1.3
Race/Hispanic origin
White, non-Hispanic
4.4
13.5
13.0
Male 8.1 23.9 23.6
Female 0.5 2.5 1.4
Black, non-Hispanic 0.7 2.5 2.1
Male 0.5 5.2 3.6
Female 0.8 0.2 0.7
Hispanic 1.2 IVA' 5.5
Male 2.1 NA 10.7
Female 0.3 NA 0.6
Age/grade
12-14 vears
1.5
15-16 years 3.6
17-18 vears 5.9
8th grade 7.0
9th grade 9.0
10th grade 9.6 10.1
11 th grade 12.1
12th grade 11.4 10.7
Region
Northeast
0.8
8.2
8.8
North Central 3.9 12.3 13.3
South ~' 4.0 12.5 8.6
West 3.9 11.1 10.5
Sources: 1991 NHSDA: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), Office on Smoking and Health
(unpublished
data); 1992 MTFP: Johnston, O'Malley, Bachman (in press); Institute for Social Research, University
of Michigan (unpub-
lished data);1991 YRBS:' CDC (1992c); CDC, Division of Adolescent and School Health (unpublished
data).
*1991 V HSDA, aged 12-18 years. Based on response to the question, "When was the most recent time
you used chewing
tobacco or snuff or other smokeless tobacco?"
+1992 MTFP survey of high school seniors. Based on response to the question, "How frequently have
you taken smokeless
tobacco during the past 30 days?"
iWith the exception of data for 8th- and 10th-grade students, all other data points for the MTFP
survey reflect estimates for
high school seniors.
'1991 YRBS, grades 9-12. Based on response to the question, "During the past 30 days, did you use
chewing tobacco, such as
Redman, Levi Garrett, or Beechnut, or snuff, such asSkoal, Skoal Bandits, or Copenhagen?"
`NA = Not available.
98 Epidemiology
!TIMN 0138950

Preventing Tobacco Use Amon~g Young People
concluded that virtually everyone who used illegal drugs
such as marijuana or cocaine had previously used
cigarettes, alcohol, or both. These findings, primarily
among white youths, have been repeatedly extended
and replicated (e.g., Fleming et al. 1989; Kandel and
Yamaguchi 1993).
More recent data from the Monitoring the Future
Project (MTFP) by NIDA (USDHHS 1988) confirm that
illegal drug use is rare among those who have never
smoked and that cigarette smoking is likely to precede
the use of alcohol or illegal drugs. The 1985-1989 MTFP
showed that first use of tobacco had occurred at the same
age as first use of alcohol for 33 percent of the sample;
cigarettes were used before alcohol by 49 percent of the
sample. The same survey showed that among those who
had used both cigarettes and marijuana, 23 percent be-
gan using both in the same year, and 65 percent smoked
cigarettes before marijuana. The latter relationship was
more pronounced for cocaine: 98 percent of persons who
had used both cocaine and cigarettes smoked cigarettes
first (see Tables 24-26 in Chapter 3).
These findings were extended in another longitu-
dinal study that assessed 12-, 15-, and 18-year-olds in
New Jersey and reinterviewed them at three-year inter-
vals (USDHHS 1987). This study showed that among 15-
year-olds, the use of cigarettes, alcohol, or marijuana was
the strongest predictor of cocaine use when these same
persons were reinterviewed *three years later; at that
time, the persons using cocaine were likely to be using
cigarettes and alcohol as well.
Cigarette smoking in combination with alcohol
use appears to be especially predictive of illegal drug
use. A longitudinal study by Yamaguchi and Kandel
(1984) examined initial data from students in the tenth
and eleventh grades in New York State in 1971. When
the authors reevaluated the same students in 1981 (av-
erage age, 25 years), the mostt common sequence of
drugs used was alcohol, cigarettes, marijuana, illegally
used psychoactive or prescription drugs, and other iIle-
gal drugs. The investigators found that for 87 percent
of the men, alcoholl use preceded marijuana use; alco-
hol and marijuaria_use preceded other illegal drug use;
and use of alcohoarettes, and marijuana preceded
the use of other choactive drugs. For 86 percent of
the women, a sui~r: but not identical, pattern emerged:
alcohol or cigarettes preceded marijuana; alcohol, ciga-
rettes, and marijuana preceded other illegal drugs; and
alcohol and either cigarettes or marijuana preceded
other psychoactive drugs. These findings were repli
cated with 1,108 high school seniors in New York in 1988
(Kandel and Yamaguchi 1993). This study confirmed
the importance of cigarette and/or alcohol use in the
progression of illegal drug use, with early- cigarette.
use being of particular importance in the develop-
ment of other drug use among females. Early onset of
cigarette smoking and/or alcohol use was a strong pre-
dictor of further drug use.
The relationship between alcohol use and cigarette
smoking is more complex than would be suggested by
examining any one survey. In some studies, alcohol is
more likely to precede than to follow cigarette smoking.
This variability might be explained by the differing study
criteria for alcohol use. For example, among many adoles-
cents, alcohol consumption is characterized by the occa-
sional light use of beer or wine-a pattern that often
neither escalates into patterns of heavy drinking nor pre-
dicts other drug use (Kandel, Marguilies, Davies 1978;
Huba, Wingard, Bender 1981; O'Donnell and Clayton
1982). This finding is consistent with the observation that
approximately 85 percent of people who drink alcoholic
beverages do so in patterns that do not meet criteria for
abuse (USDHHS 1988). On the other hand, consumption
of "hard liquor," ' sometimes accompanied by heavy drink-
ing patterns, appears to develop either along with or
following the development of regular patterns of cigarette
smoking (Kozlowski et al: 1993; DiFranza and Guerrera
1990). These observations are consistent with the find-
ings of the 1985 NHSDA, which showed that among 12=
through 17-year-old adolescents who had neversmoked,
only 3 percent had binged (i.e., had five or more drinks in
a row) in the past 30 days, whereas nearly 40 percent of
daily smokers in this age group had binged in the past 30
days (USDHHS 1988).
The progression from cigarette smoking and
occasional consumption of alcoholic beverages to heavier
drinking and illegal drug use does not appear limited to
any single population group. However, there is some
evidence that boys with conduct disorders in school and at
home may be at especially high risk of progression from
any use of tobacco and alcohol to addictive patterns of
multiple-drug use. A recent study of 61 males aged 14
through 18 who had conduct disorders found sequences of
acquisition of drug use similar to those found among adoles-
cents in general, but with higher rates of addictive use of the
tobacco-alcohol-marijuana duster and earlier initiation of
these substances (Mikulich, Young, Crowley 1993).
Cigarette Smoking and Other Drug Use
Cigarette smoking is neither necessary nor
sufficient for other drug abuse or dependence. Not all
cigarette smokers subsequently abuse other drugs, and a
small percentage of abusers of alcohol and illegal drugs do
not use tobacco. However, several studies have
revealed'that cigarette smoking is a predictor of whether
an indi-Adual is using other drugs and of what that
individuaPs level of other drug use is. The 1985 NHSDA
Health Consequences 35
TIMN 0138888

PYi'z'c'i/fN1,~ To1'dtii' U>e Alilollg 1 olUl\ PeUhli
Table 37. Prevalence (%) of smokeless tobacco use among users of other drugs and prevalence of other
drug
use among smokeless tobacco users,* male high school seniors, Monitoring the Future
Project, United States, 1986 -1989
Prevalence of Prevalence of Prevalence of Prevalence of
smokeless smokeless other drug use other drug use
tobacco use tobacco use among smoke- among nonusers
among users of among nonusers less tobacco of smokeless
Other drugs other drugs of other drugs users tobacco
Alcohol 26.3 6.8 89.6 63.8
Marijuana 27.6 17.6 30.9 20.0
Cocaine' 28.7 19.6 7.4 4.6
lnhalants= 32.3 19.6 5.0 2.6
Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Office on Smoking and Health (unpublished data).
*Any use of smokeless tobacco or other drugs during the past month.
'Includes "coke," "crack," and "rock."
t Glue, aerosols, laughing gas, etc.
Table 38. Percent distribution of male high school seniors (N [weighted] = 4,254), by grade in which
they
first used cigarettes and smokeless tobacco (used in the past 30 days), Monitoring the Futuie
`
Project (MTFP), United States, 1986-1989
Grade when respondent first tried smokeless tobacco
Grade when
respondent
first tried
Never
Row
cigarettes <_ 6 7-8 9 10 11 12 used total
<_6 7.1 4.9 2.3 1.4 0.7 0.3 5.8 22.4
7-8 2.1 5.8 2.5 1.3 0.8 0.3 4.7 17.5
9 1.3 2.0 2.3 0.9 0.4 0.2 3.2 10.3
10 0.6 0.7 1.0 1.5 0.2 0.1 2.3 6.4
11 0.1 0.5 0.7 0.5 0.5 0.1 1.5 3.9
12 * 0.3 0.2 0.1 0.1 0.3 0.9 1.9
Never used 2.0 2.7 1.9 1.1 1.3 0.2 28.3 37.6
Column tota], : 13.3 16.9 11.0 6.9 4.0 1.4 46.7 ' 100.0
Source: Centers foc Disease Control and Prevention, Office on Smoking and Health (unpublished data).
'<0.05.
Note: Totals may not equal the sum of individual percentages because of rounding.
by how many lifetime sexual partners these males had team (Table 29). This finding is opposite to
that found
had or by whether they had used a condom during their for cigarette smoking and sports. Smokeless
tobacco use
most recent sexual intercourse. Lastly, students were was also more likely among students who had
used
consistently more likely to currently use smokeless to- steroids without a doctor's prescription.
bacco if they had participated on a sponsored sports
Epidemiolt~gy 103 '
TIMN 0138955

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
LEBOWITZ MD, HOLBERG CJ. Effects of parental smoking
and other risk factors on the development of pulmonary func-
tion in children and adolescents. Analysis of two longitudinal
population studies. American Journal of Epidemiology
1988;128(3):589-97.
LIM TPK. Airway obstruction among high school students.
American Revieu; of Respiratory Disease 1973;108(4):985-8.
MALLOY MH, KLEINMAN JC, LAND GH, SCHRAMM
WF. The association of maternal smoking with age and cause
of infant death. American Journal of Epidemiology 1988;128(1):
46-54.
MARKS MJ, BURCH JB, COLLINS AC. Genetics of nicotine
responses in four inbred strains of mice. Journal of Pharmacol-
ogy and Experimental Therapeutics 1983;226(1):291-302.
MARKS MJ, COLLINS AC. Characterization of nicotine
binding in mouse brain and comparison with the binding of
alpha-bungarotoxin and quinuclidinyl benzilate. Molecular
Pharmacology 1982;22(3):554-64.
MARKS MJ, ROMM E, BEALER S, COLLINS AC. A test
battery for measuring nicotine effects in mice. Pharmacology,
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MARKS MJ, ROMM E, CAMPBELL SM, COLLINS AC. Varia-
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MARKS MJ, STITZEL JA, COLLINS AC. Time course study of
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MARKS MJ, STITZELJA,COLLIIVSAC. Dose-responseanaly-
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.~.~
MARKS MJ, S JA;: ~tO)1dM. E, WEINER JM, COLLINS
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Health Consequences 47
TIMN 0138900

1'rc;'a'ntutSZ TUhaiio Llsc .-l1nou1g Y0nutg t'eoFh'
(under 20 years old) was highest among women aged 18
and 19 (24 percent) and lowest among women younger
than 15 years of age (8 percent) (Table 30). White non-
Hispanic adolescent mothers were more likely to have
smoked during pregnancy than white non-Hispanic
mothers 20 through 49 ,vears old. Black non-Hispanic
adolescent mothers were less likely to have smoked than
those 20 through-19 years old; Hispanic adolescent moth-
ers were about as likely as older Hispanic mothers to
have smoked. Among the mothers who smoked during
pregnancy, about 23 percent of those younger than 15
years of age smoked more than 10 cigarettes per day; 34
percent of mothers 15 through 19 years old, and 44
percent of mothers 20 through 49 years old smoked more
than 10 cigarettes per day during the pregnancy (NCHS
1992b).
Self-Reported Indicators of Health Status Among
Smokers
The MTFP collected data on self-reported indica-
tors of health status among the nation's high school
seniors. A five-category scale of lifetime smoking history
was constructed from questions on lifetime smoking and
on the grade in which the respondent began smoking
daily (Table 31). Nine measures of health status were
analyzed in terms of lifetime smoking history. Adjusted
odds ratios were calculated by regressing the logit-trans-
formed prevalence of each health measure over the prior
year on the variable for lifetime smoking history and on
the covariates of current marijuana use, lifetime cocaine
use, parental education, and time (Hosmerand Lemeshow
1989). Alcohol use was also included as a covariate for
the measures of staving at home because of not feeling
well and of overall physical health. Current smokers
were more likely than never smokers to report all of the
symptoms or indicators listed. A trend test (using the
linear contrast of the estimated regression coefficients for
smoking history [Miller 19861) revealed that these
adolescent smokers were more likely than never smok-
ers to experience all but two of the health status measures
(e.g., sinus congestion and sore throat).
Self-Reported Indicators of Nicotine Addiction
Among Smokers
The research of McNeill (McNeill et al. 1986;
McNeill, Jarvis, West 1987; McNeill 1991) has demon-
strated the presence of nicotine addiction in young smok-
ers (11 through 16 years old) in Great Britain. A majority
of these young smokers experienced withdrawal symp-
toms during abstinence or had some difficulty quitting
(McNeill et al. 1986; McNeill, Jarvis, West 1987). The 1991
NHSDA asked 12- through 18-year-olds questions that
probed various components of nicotine addiction
(USDHHS 1988b). Current smokers who had smoked at
least 100 cigarettes in their lifetime were the most likely
of adolescent smokers to report having experienced sev-
eral indicators of nicotine addiction (Table 32). Four of
every five of these heavier smokers who tried to cut
down on cigarettes during the previous 12 months had
failed. Seventy percent felt that they needed.;or were
dependent on cigarettes,
Persons who had smoked at least 100 cigarettes in
their lifetime but none in the last month were the next
most likely to report that they felt dependent on cigarettes
and that they had experienced withdrawal during the
previous 12 months. These persons were more likelv to
have become regular smokers than were those who had
not yet smoked 100 cigarettes. Though these respon-
dents were more likely to show signs of addiction, they
were evidently able to discontinue smoking for at least
one month-a finding consistent with the observation
that less-addicted smokers are more able to quit
(USDHHS 1988b). Respondents who had not smoked
100 cigarettes by the time they were surveyed appeared
less likely to become addicted to nicotine than those who
had smoked at least 100 cigarettes.
Table 30. Cigarette smoking prevalence (%'a) during pregnancy among mothers of live-born infants, by
age
and race/Hispanic origin, 43 states and the District of Columbia, 1989
Age (years)
Race/Hispanic origin < 15 15-17 18-19 20- 49
Overall 7.7 19.0 23.9 19.1
White, non-Hispanic 21.2 32.1 33.3 20.5
Black, non-Hispanic 2.7 6.2 10.4 20.2
Hispanic 5.9 7.5 8.7 8.0
Source: National Center for Health Statistics (1992b).
0
Epidemiology 93
TIMN 0138945

Surgeon General's Report
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TIMN 0138895

Prc.'t'tttltiS T0l1AiO Lhc'.lttt~~titi 1<<tut~ PcOhlc'
noninstitutionalized adult population of the United States
(NCHS 1958, 1975, 1985, 1989). For the serial cross-sec-
tional analvses, data from surveys conducted during or
after 1974 are used to eliminate proxy reports from the
comparisons. In 1985, the sample design was changed to
produce more precise estimates for blacks by oversampling.
Most interviews were conducted in the home; when re-
spondents could not be interviewed in person, telephone
interviews were conducted. The sample was then
poststratified by age, gender, and racial distribution of the
U.S. population for the survey year and weighted to pro-
vide national estimates. The overall NHIS response rate
for surveys on smoking is at least 85 percent (NCHS 1985,
1988a, b; CDC, OSH, unpublished data).
In other analyses, trends in the recunstntcttd preva-
lence of cigarette smoking among persons 10 through 19
years old are reported using data from the 1970, 1978,
1979, 1980, and 1987 surveys (USDHHS 1992a). In addi-
tion, age at initiation of regular smoking is reported for
respondents to the 1970,1978,1979,1980,1987, and 1988
surveys. The 1978, 1979, and 1980 surveys collected
information on usual brand smoked; these data are re-
ported for 18- and 19-year-old respondents. The 1970
NHIS also collected data on smokeless tobacco use among
persons 17 through 19 years old.
NHIS data on smoking are collected annually, un-
til at least 1995.
Appendix 2. Measures of Cigarette Smoking
As is documented in Chapter 4 of this report (see
"Developmental Stages of Smoking") and in the 1989
Surgeon General's report on smoking and health
(USDHHS 1989b), the development of a pattern of daily
smoking occurs in several stages over time. Several
measures can be derived from the national surveys to
capture patterns of tobacco use among young people
(Table 39).
Ever Smoking
Four surveys-TAPS, the NHSDA, the MTFP, and
the YRBS-have comparable definitions of ever smok-
ing. In TAPS and the YRBS, ever smokers are those who
have tried even a few puffs of a cigarette. In the NHSDA,
respondents who report having tried a cigarette are clas-
sified as ever users. In the MTFP, respondents who
report having smoked at least once or twice are classified
as ever smokers.. Published reports of the 1968-1979
tiTTS merge never smokers and experimenters (those
who have smoked',at least a few puffs, but not as many as
100 cigarettes) info:one category (USDHEW 1972, 1976,
1979b); thus, the NTTS trend information on ever smok-
ing for those years underestimates the actual prevalence
of ever smoking.
Current Smoking
For TAPS, the NHSDA, the MTFP, and the YRBS;
current usage patterns are defined as any use of cigarettes
r
within the 30 days preceding the survey. For tfie 1968-
1979 NTTS, current occasional smokers are defined as
those who smoke less than one cigarette a week, and
cunrent regular smokers a re those who smoke one or more
cigarettes per week or one or more per day (USDHEW
1972, 1976, 1979b). In this chapter, current regular and
current occasional smokers are combined into one
category.
The NHIS defines current smokers as those re-
spondents who have smoked at least 100 cigarettes and
who answer "yes" to the question, "Do you smoke ciga-
rettes now?" NHIS data on age at initiation of regular
smoking and on duration of abstinence for former smok-
-ers have been used to reconstruct the prevalence of ciga-
rette smoking for the decades in this century before
systematic surveillance of cigarette smoking was con-
ducted (USDHHS 1991b). Using information on a
respondent's date of birth, age at initiation of smoking,
and age at cessation (for former smokers), the smoking
status of a respondent can be assessed for any given year.
Similar analyses have been reported in previous Sur-
geon General's reports (USDHHS 1980,1985) and in the
published literature (Harris 1983; Escobedo and
Remington 1989; Pierce, Naquin, et al. 1991). For this
report, the reconstructed prevalence of smoking among
those aged 10 through 19 years is reported for the years
1920-1980. These data are subject to recall bias; for some
respondents, more than 50 years separated the year they
were being surveyed and the recalled year they began
smoking regularly.
Epidemiology 107
TIMN 0138959

Eigure 1. Stages of smoking initiation.among children and adolescents
Preparatory Stage
Psvchosocial risk factors Adolescent forms attitudes
include advertising and and beliefs about
adult/sibling role models the utility of smoking.
who smoke cigarettes.
Never smokes
Psychosocial risk factors
include peer influences
to smoke, the perception
that smoking is normative,
and the availabilitv of
cigarettes.
Trying Stage
Adolescent smokes
first few cigarettes.
No longer smokes
Experimental Stage
Psvchosocial risk factors Adolescent smokes
include social situations and repeatedly but irregularly.
peers that support smoking,
low self-efficacy in ability to
refuse offers to smoke, and
the availability of cigarettes.
' N 1 k
Reg
ular Use
Psvchosocial risk factors
include peers who smoke,
the perception that smoking
has personal utility, and
few restrictions on smoking
in school, home, and community
settings.
0 onger smo es
Adolescent smokes at least
weekly across a variety of
situations and personal
interactions.
Quits smoking
Addiction/Dependent Smoker
Adolescent has developed the
physiological need for nicotine.
Sources: Adapted from Flay (1993); U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (1991).
breakdown and discrepancies between role aspirations behavioral factors, such as normative
expectations of
and achievements may lead to incomplete or inappro- smoking, that affect the choice to use tobacco
(Flay 1993).
priate social development of adolescents. Inappropriate Tobacco use may vary according to broad
factors such as
social development, in turn, can alter personal and an individual's socioeconomic status, familv
126 Psychosocial Risk Factors I TIMN 0138978

Promotional Efforts of the Tobacco Industry 185
Introduction 185
Public Entertainment 185
Sampling and Specialty Items 186
Other Promotional Expenditures 186
Research on the Effects of Cigarette Advertising and Promotional
Activities on Young People 188
Introduction 188
Young People's Exposure to Cigarette Advertising 188
Opinions on Cigarette Advertising and Smoking Behaviors 189
Young People's Responses to Different Types of Cigarette Advertisements 189
Humor in Advertising 190
Responses to Advertisements for the Camel and Marlboro Brands 190
Young People's Self-Image and Implications for Tobacco Use 191
Young People's Misperceptions of Smoking Prevalence and Implications
for Tobacco Use 192
Discussion 194
Conclusions 195
References 196
TIMN 0139010

tirngenrt Gon'ntl" Kq, 'I nr
608 inner-city blacks aged 11 through 13 or in the longi-
tudinal study of 2,209 primarily white 11- through 17-
vear-olds in Minnesota (Mittelmark et al. 1987). In Quine
and Stephenson's (1990) cross-sectional study of over
2,000 Australians aged 10 through 12, parental smoking
was not associated with childreri s smoking but was
related to children's intentions to smoke when older.
Conrad, Flay, and Hill (1992) summarized the find-
ings of 27 prospective studies on the onset of
smoking that have been published since 1980 (see Table
3). In 15 of the studies, parental smoking factors were
investigated. The researchers concluded that parental
smoking was predictive in seven studies, predictive only
for females in two studies, and not predictive in six
others. Chassin et al. (1984) suggested that parental
smoking may influence the preparatory or initial trying
stages, as well as the stability of smoking patterns from
adolescence to adulthood (Chassin et al. 1991), but pa-
rental smoking appeared to be less influential during the
transition to regular smoking.
Sibling Smoking
Over the past two decades, extensive research on
the influence of sibling smoking indicates a primarily
positive relationship between an older sibling's
smoking and a younger (adolescent) sibling's beginning
to smoke. In a 10-year longitudinal study of 6,311 ado-
lescents (initially 11 through 13 years old), sibling smok-
ing was found to be one of four factors that was
predictive of increased risk of initiating regular
smoking and predictive of smoking prevalence after 10
years (Swan, Creeser, Murray 1990). In the McNeill et al.
(1988) longitudinal research with 2,159 British
11- through 13-year-olds, having a sibling who smoked
appeared to increase the odds of smoking initiation
by a factor of 1.69. Botvin et al. (1992) reported that
sibling smoking was one of five variables that accounted
for 29 percent of the variance in smoking in their cross-
sectional study of 522 inner-city blacks aged 11 through
13. O'Connell et al. (1981) found sibling smoking to be
among the first three factors associated with weekly
Table 3. Predictors of smoking onset in 27 prospective studies
Prediction of
smoking onset Number of
supportive
findings Number of
unsupportive
findings
Percent
support
Socioeconomic status 16 5 76
Environmental factors
Family smoking
18
8
69
Family approval 6 8 43
Other adult influences 5 3 63
Peer use and approval 27 5 84
Normative estimates 4 1 80
Offers/availabilitv 7 1 88
Family bonding 9 6 60
Peer bonding 11 4 73
Schoolintluences. 20 5 80
Religious influences 0 1 0
Behavioral factors
Skills
3
0
100
Other behaviors 12 2 86
Personal factors
Knowledge/beliefs
16
9
64
Attitudes 8 3 73
Personalitv factors 23 7 77
Intentions to smoke 8 1 89
Source: Adapted from Conrad, Flay, and Hill (1992).
TIMN 0138982
130 Psi/chosocial Risk Factors

I'nvrnti»,t Tohacco UsC.-1morig }iuug ('euple
Table 32. Self-reported indicators of nicotine addiction among 12-18-year-olds (N = 1,589), by
smoking
history, National Household Surveys on Drug Abuse, United States, 1991
Smoking history*
Have smoked Have smoked Have smoked Have smoked
1-99 ? 100 1-99 > 100
cigarettes, cigarettes, cigarettes cigarettes
but none in but none in and smoked in and smoked in
past month past month past month past month
Indicatort (%) (%) (%) (~c)
Tried to cut down on 43.7 72.2 44.9 73.4
use of cigarettes
Unable to cut down on 46.9 40.4 59.5
81.2
use of cigarettesx
Felt need to have more 10.9 14.2 12.2
27.1
cigarettes to get the same effect
Felt need to have cigarettes 12.2 37.2 16.2
70.1
or felt dependent on
cigarettes
Felt sick because of stopping 15.9 24.9 14.1
37.4
or cutting down on cigarettest
Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Office on Smoking and Health (unpublished data).
*Among people who smoked cigarettes at all in the past 12 months.
'Occurrence during the past 12 months.
tAnalysis limited to people who tried to cut down on cigarettes during the last 12 months.
Smokeless Tobacco Use Among Young People in the United States
Recent Patterns of Smokeless Tobacco Use
Ever Use of Smokeless Tobacco
The overall_ national estimates for adolescents who
had tried smokeLSS, tobacco were 18 percent for 12-
through 18-year-q ids in#he 1989 TAPS, 13 percent for the
same age group ui the 1991 NHSDA, and 32 percent for
high school seniors surveyed by the MTFP in 1992 (Table
33). In all three surveys, males were much more likely
than females to have tried smokeless tobacco. White°,
males were more likely than any other subgroup to have°
tried this product.
The prevalence of adolescents who had used smoke-
less tobacco increased with increasing age. Twenty-
eight percent of 17- and 18-year-old TAPS respondents,
21 percent of 17- and 18-year=old NHSDA respondents,
and 32 percent of high school seniors in the 1992 MTFP
survey reported that they had tried smokeless tobacco.
Adolescents in the northeast region of the United States
were less likely than those in the other regions to have
tried smokeless tobacco.
Current Use of Smokeless Tobacco
Available data suggest that there was an increase
in the use of smokeless tobacco among adolescents
between 1970 and the mid-1980s. The prevalence of
chewing tobacco use was 1.2 percent among 17- through
19-year-old males in the 1970 NHIS (USDHHS 1986,
1989b), 3.0 percent among 16- through 19-year-old males
in the 1985 Current Population Survey (Marcus et al.
1989; USDHHS 1986), and 5.3 percent among 17- through
19-year-old males in the 1986 Adult Use of Tobacco
Epidenciolv~g}t 95
TIMN 0138947

!'r<<'e'ttttHg Tc?ha«o Use .-ltttwts~ } Vtntt l'cvplc'
white adolescents was higher than for Hispanics and
blacks. Tobacco use increased with increasing age and
was most common in the north-central region of the
United States.
Sociodemographic Risk Factors for Smokeless
Tobacco Use
Current use of smokeless tobacco among male
high school seniors varied according to several
sociodemographic indicators, as shown by the 1986-1989
MTFP surveys (N [weighted ]= 5,277). The prevalence of
current smokeless tobacco use was 28 percent among
those who lived alone, 29 percent among those living in
father-only households, 16 percent among those living in
mother-only households, and 20 percent among those
living with both parents. Current use was more common
among male seniors living on farms (34 percent) and in the
country (31 percent) than among those living in medium-
sized to very large cities or suburbs (11 to 17 percent). The
prevalence of current use was greater among students
who rated their academic performance as average (25
percent) or below average (26 percent) than among those
who rated their performance as slightly above average (18
percent) or far above average (16 percent). Smokeless
tobacco use was more common among male seniors who
planned to enter the armed forces after high school than
among those who did not have such plans (23 vs. 19
percent). The self-reported importance of religion did not
affect the prevalence of smokeless tobacco use among
these MTFP seniors.
Grade When Smokeless Tobacco Use Begins
The grade distribution for which MTFP seniors
reported first trying smokeless tobacco was more similar
to that reported for cigarettes than it was for those re-
ported for alcohol, marijuana, and cocaine (Figure 8).
Among seniors who had used smokeless tobacco, 23
percent had first done so by grade six, 53 percent by
grade eight, and 73 percent by the ninth grade.
Attempts to Quit Using Smokeless Tobacco
Twenty-#~wo percent of the male high school
seniors in the 1986-1989 MTFP who had regularly
used smokeless tobacco reported that they had not
used the product during the 30 days preceding the
survey. In the 1986-1989 TAPS, 12- through 18-year-
olds who regularly used smokeless tobacco were
asked to report the number of times they had tried to
quit. Nineteen percent of males and 14 percent of
females reported never making a quit attempt. Thirty-
three percent of males and 72 percent of females had
made one attempt to quit, 27 percent of males and 14
I
percent of females had tried quitting two Ur three
times, and 21 percent of males and no females had
tried to quit four or more times (1989 TAPS, CDC,
OSH, unpublished data).
Smokeless Tobacco Brand Preference
TAPS also asked those who had regularly used
smokeless tobacco what brand they usually bought.
Among males in this subgroup (N = 300), 38 percent
usually bought Copenhagen, 26 percent purchased Skoal
or Skoal Bandits, 9 percent purchased Redman, 6 percent
bought Levi Garrett, 2 percent purchased Beechnut, and
19 percent purchased other smokeless tobacco brands
(1989 TAPS, CDC, OSH, unpublished data).
Trends in Perceived Health Risks of Smokeless
Tobacco Use
High school seniors in the MTFP were asked, "How
much do you think people risk harming themselves
(physically or in other ways) if they use smokeless tobacco
regularly. (chewing tobacco, plug, dipping tobacco,
snuff)?" Overall in 1991, 37 percent reported: that great
risk of harm is associated with smokeless tobacco use
(ISR, University of Michigan, unpublished data); more
females (43 percent) than males (32 percent) and more
blacks (44 percent) than whites (36 percent) were of this
opinion. Western respondents more frequently held this
belief (43 percent) than respondents in the South (37
percent), the Northeast (36 percent), and the north-cen-
tral United States (35 percent). Respondents who planned
to attend college for four years were more likely to report
this belief than those without college plans (39 vs. 33
percent).
When the overall percentage of seniors in the 1986-
1989 MTFP who believed that great risk is associated
with smokeless tobacco use is plotted against the
percentage of seniors who had used smokeless tobacco,
the trends of these percentages are inversely related
(Figure 9). Between 1986 and 1988, the percentage of
seniors who believed that great risk is associated with
smokeless tobacco use increa5ed from 26 to 33 percent.
Between 1988 and 1989, this percentage remained rela-
tively stable. The percentage of seniors who had used
smokeless tobacco increased slightly between 1986 (31
percent) and 1987 (32 percent) and decreased by 1989 (29
percent). This finding is similar to that observed for
cigarette smoking (Figure 5).
In the 1989 TAPS, 94 percent of 12- through 18-
year-old males reported that use of chewing tobacco and
snuff can cause cancer. Ninety-three percent of those
males who had never used smokeless tobacco and 96
percent of those who had regularly used the product
endorsed that statement (Allen et a1.1993).
Epidemiol~gy 101
TIMN 0138953

tilll'\t't~ll Cnvlt' 111 (~t'l't ,
community actions provide external support for par-
ents, teachers, and adolescents to assert their beliefs
about t1-e health hazards of tobacco use and to assist
their demand for tobacco-free environments. Such clear,
normative messages emanating from the community
level reinforce those messages given at school or at
Conclusions
home. Above all, community action at multiple lrvels
of the social environment directly and consistentlv re-
fuEes the notion that tobacco use is an attractive adult
behavior. Community intervention should be a top
priority in poorer communities, where the need for
action is especially great.
1. The initiation and development of tobacco use among
children and adolescents progresses in five stages:
from forming attitudes and beliefs about tobacco, to
trying, experimenting with, and regularly using to-
bacco, to being addicted. This process generally
takes about three years.
2. Sociodemographic factors associated with the onset
of tobacco use include being an adolescent from a
family with low socioeconomic status.
3. Environmental risk factors for tobacco use include
accessibility and availability of tobacco products,
perceptions by adolescents that tobacco use is nor-
mative, peers' and siblings' use and approval of
tobacco use, and lack of parental support and in-
volvement as adolescents face the challenges of
growing up.
148 . Psychosocial Risk Factors
4. Behavioral risk factors for tobacco use include low
levels of academic achievement and school involve-
ment, lack of skills required to resist influences to
use tobacco, and experimentation with any tobacco
product.
5. Personal risk factors for tobacco use include a lower
self-image and lower self-esteem than peers, the be-
lief that tobacco use is functional, and lack of self-
efficacy in the ability to refuse offers to use tobacco.
For smokeless tobacco use, insufficient knowledge
of the health consequences is also a factor.
TIMN 0139000

Prc^e'nttitti T)h7CiU Use'.-lnioitt 1 vtut~ ('coplc
considered survey setting independent of the survey
method, however, these two issues are considered
together.
Zanes and Matsoukas (1979) first reported that
compared with school surveys, home surveys measur-
ably underreported smoking, though the underreporting
was largely limited to students who were frequently
absent. Turner, Lessler, and Devore (1992) found that
past-month smoking prevalence among 12- through 17-
vear-olds were 10 to 30 percent higher if the self-admin-
istered version of the NHSDA home survey was used.
These investigators attributed their finding to the lack of
privacy that is often found in interviewer-administered
home surveys. Luepker et al. (1989) attempted to im-
prove the efficiency of the home survey by using tele-
phone interviews rather than face-to-face interviews, but
found that the telephone method underestimated smok-
ing rates by 10 to 15 percent among 17- through 21-year-
olds. Comparison of the surveys reported in this chapter
suggests that home-based interviews (whether face-to-
face or by telephone) are more likely to underestimate
smoking than school-based, self-administered question-
naires. For example, for persons 17 and 18 years old,
past-month smoking prevalence was estimated to be 28
percent in the 1989 TAPS (telephone home interviews)
and 26 percent in the 1991 1VHSDA (face-to-face home
interviews); the prevalence for the same age group was
30 percent in the 1991 YRBS and 28 percent in the 1991
MTFP (both school-based, self-administered question-
naires). All four studies had high and comparable par-
ticipation rates and were weighted to provide national
estimates. Of 17- and 18-year-olds who remained in
school and participated in the 1989 TAPS, 23 percent
smoked in the past month. Despite the differences in
reporting, surveys using home interviews complement
school-based surveys and provide access to a popula-
tion that is not available at school. Most notable, how-
ever, is the similarity of the patterns of tobacco use
across all of the surveillance systems.
Substantial work to improve the validity of self-
reported data has been limited largely to surveys that
use school-based, self-administered questionnaires.
Among these efforts has been the development of the
"bogus pipeline"~approach (Jones and Sigall 1971) to
school-based surveys, first introduced to cigarette smok-
ing research by Evans, Hansen, and Mittelmark (1977).
The approach has two components: (1) subjects must be
told that the investigator has a biochemical test that will
accurately assess a respondent's smoking patterns, and
(2) this test must be administered (or the biological speci-
men must be collected) when the usual self-reported
data are collected. Several legitimate biochemical tetits
have been used, including measuring carbon monoxide
in expired air and measuring thiocvanate or cotinine in
saliva. Generall,v, tests measuring nicotine and cotinine
levels have higher sensitivitv and specificity-as well as
higher cost-than tests measuring carbon monoxide and
thiocyanate (e.g., Bauman et al. 1989; Biglan et al. 1985;
Etze11990; Fears et a1.1987; Jarvis et al.1987,1988; tioland
et al. 1988; Wall et a1.1988). Sensitivitv to these measures
increases with age, since as adolescents become older,
smoking becomes both more regular and-because it
also becomes more socially acceptable-more likely to
have occurred shortly before a test is administered. The
bogus pipeline procedure has been generally associated
with an increase in the percentage of adolescents who
report smoking (Murray and Perry 1987), but this has not
been shown uniformly (Campanelli, Dielman, Shope 1987;
Hill, Dill, Davenport 1988; Werch et a1.1987). The proce-
dure may also have the negative effect of reducing rap-
port with adolescents by implying that the interviewer
does not trust the respondent to be honest (Velicer et al.
1992).
None of the surveillance systems described in this
chapter used the bogus pipeline procedure. However,
the care that all of the surveillance systems took to assure
respondents of confidentiality or anonymity may have
attenuated the potential for underreporting. Other pos-
sible causes of differences in estimates among systems
are the.varied, composition of the samples (including
which schools and households participated in the stud-
ies) and the varied wording of questions used in the
surveys (Converse and Traugott 1986)'.
Although underreporting will influence a point es-
timate of prevalence, trends are likely to be consistent if
the survey methodology (and thus any underreporting)
remains constant over time. Changes in the social ac-
ceptability of smoking and in attitudes towards smoking
behavior are factors that across time may differentially
affect self-reports (USDHHS 1989b). However, MTFP
data can be used to compare the trends of self-reported
cigarette smoking prevalence with the high school se-
niors' reports of use by their friends, a measure for which
there should be little reason to underreport. The trend in
the percentage of seniors who report that most or all of
their friends smoke is similar to the trend for self-
reported prevalence, particularly over the past 10 years
(Figure 10). These comparable trends hold for males and
females and for whites and blacks (Bachman, Johnston,
O'Malley 1980a, b,1981,1984,1985,1987,1991; Johnston,
Bachman, O'Malley 1980a, b,1982,1984,1986;1991,1992;
ISR, University of Michigan, unpublished data).
Epidemiology 111
TIMN 0138963

~~l~;cvl~lll~ rccb4tl~<'A Ir(c4h,. illh( /ccl't'/t'
and second trv. This observation sugKests that to delav
both the onset of first trials as well as the progression to
Sociodemographic Factors in the Initiation
of Smoking
regular use, it seems critical to examine risk factors for Sociodemographic factors involve the
economic,
first use. Since a young person may become a regular political, social, and educational systems of a
societv.
~moktr in on1v two to three vears, the adolescent period
of development (particularlv middle school, junior high
school, and senior high school) is a crucial time for pre-
vention efforts (Evans et al. 1978).
These factors can be determinants of behavior, such as
tobacco use, even if the svstems thev originate in are not
directly associated with the choice to begin that be-
havior. Within these systems, social disorganization or
Table 2. Characteristics of 27 prospective studies of smoking onset, various countries, 1980-1991
Year of
Study publication
Place Age*
(years) Time' Number=
(months) (nonsmokers)
Ahlgren et al. 1982 Minnesota 10-11, 11-12 6 562
Alexander et al. 1983 NSW Australia' 10,11,12 12 5,065
Arv et al. 1989 Oregon 12-13,14-15,15-16 6 801
Ary and Biglan 1988 Oregon 12-15,15-16 12 737,
Bauman et al. 1984 North Carolina 14-15 12 519
Brunswick and Messeri 1984 New York City 12-16 8-1 3811
Charlton and Blair 1989 Manchester, UK 12-13 4 1,513
Chassin et al. 1984 Indiana 11-16 12 1,207'
Chassin et al. 1986 Indiana 11-16 12 145
Collins et al. 1987 Los Angeles 12-13 16 1,354
iie Vries et a I. 1990 Netherlands Secondary 12 555
Goddard 1990 England 11-15 24 2,251
Kellam, Ensminger, Simon 1980 Chicago 6-7 120 705 '
Krohn et al. 1983 Iowa 12-18 12 NA°
Lawrance and Rubinson 1986 Illinois 12-14 8 346
McCaul et al. 1982 Minnesota 12-13 12 268
McNeill et al. 1988 Bristol, UK 11-13 30 1,261
Mittelmark et al. 1987 Minnesota 12-14,14-16 18 887
Vturrav et al. 1983 Derbvshire, UK 11-12 48 2,217
Newcomb, McCarthy, Bentler 1989 Los Angeles 12-13,13-14,1 4-15 96 NA
Pulkkinen 1982 Finland 8-9 144 135
`Semmer, Cleary, et al. 1987 Berlin-Bremen 12-13 24 761
Semmer, Lippert, et al. 1987 Berlin-Bremen 12-14 6 763
Skinner et al. 1985 Iowa 12-18 24 426
Stacv et al. ~" unpublished Los Angeles 12-13 16 1,116
Sussman et al: 1987 Los Angeles 12-13 16 338
C;rber);, Cheng, Sh 1991 Detroit suburb 13-14,16-17 12 NA
Source: Adapted from Conrad, Flay, Hill (1992).
*Age = Age (in years) of students at the beginning of the study.
'Time = Number of months from the beginning of the study to the final follow-up wave.
2\umber =\umber of nonsmoking students at the beginning of the study.
°tiSW Australia =New South Wales. Australia.
'tiA = Not available.
_Psychosucial Risk Factors
125
TIMN 0138977

PrerenfitW Tobacco Use Among Young People
GRANT DJ, MCMURDO MET, BALFOUR DJK. Nicotine and
dementia. British Journal of Psychiatry 1989 November;155:716.
GREER RO, POULSON TC. Oral tissue alterations associated
with the use of smokeless tobacco by teen-agers. Part I.
Clinical findings. Oral Surgery 1983;5b(3):275-84.
GRITZ ER, BAER-W EISS V, BENOWITZ NL, VAN VUNAKIS
H, JARVIK ME. Plasma nicotine and cotinine concentrations
in habitual smokeless tobacco users. Clinical Pharmacology and
Therapeutics 1981;30(2):201-9.
GROSSJ, STITZER ML. Nicotine replacement: ten-week ef-
fects on tobacco withdrawal symptoms. Psychopharmacology
1989;98(3):334-41.
GUERIN MR, JENKINS RA, TOMKINS BA. The chemistry of
environmental tobacco smoke: composition and measurement.
Chelsea (MI): Lewis Publishers, Inc., 1992.
HAERTZEN CA, KOCHER TR, MIYASATO K. Reinforce-
ments from the first drug experience can predict later drug
habits and/or addiction: results with coffee, cigarettes, alco-
hol, barbiturates, minor and major tranquilizers, stimulants,
marijuana, hallucinogens, heroin, opiates and cocaine. Drug
and Alcohol Dependence 1983;11(2):147-65.
HALL EH, TERZHALMY GT. Oral manifestations of the
smokeless tobacco habit. U.S. Navy Medicine 1984;75(3):4-6.
HATSUKAMI DK, GUST SW, KEENAN RM. Physiologic
and subjective changes from smokeless tobacco withdrawal.
Clinical Pharmacology and Therapeutics 1987;41(1):103-7.
HATSUKAMI DK, HUGHES JR, PICKENS RW. Character-
ization of tobacco withdrawal: physiological and subjective
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HATSUKAMI D, NELSON R, JENSEN J. Smokeless tobacco:
current status and future directions. British Journal of Addiction
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HAYNES WF, KRSTULOVIC VJ, BELL ALL. Smoking habit
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1966;93(5):730-4.
HENNINGFIELD JE. Behavioral pharmacology of cigarette
smoking. In: Thompson T, Dews PB, Barrett JE, editors. Ad-
vances in behavioral pharmacology. Vol. 4. New York: Academic
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HENNINGFIELD JE. Nicotine: an old-fashioned addiction.
In: Sanberg PR, Snyder SH, Jacobs BL, Jaffe JH, editors. The
encyclopedia of psychoactive drugs. New York: Chelsea House
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HENNINGFIELD JE. Occasional drug use: comparing nic-
otine with other addictive drugs. Tobacco Control 1992b;1(3):
161-2.
HENNINGFIELD JE, CLAYTON R, POLLIN W. Involvement
of tobacco in alcoholism and illicit drug use. British Journal of
Addiction 1990;85(2):279-92.
HENNINGFIELD JE, COHEN C, HEISHMAN SJ. Drug self-
administration methods in abuse liability evaluation. British
Journal of Addiction 1991;86(12):1571-7.
HENNINGFIELD JE, COHEN C, SLADE JD. Is nicotine
more addictive than cocaine? British Journal of Addiction
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HENNINGFIELD JE, GOLDBERG SR. Pharmacologic deter-
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ogy, Biochemistry and Behavior.1988;30(1):221-6.
HENNINGFIELD JE, LONDON ED, BENOWITZ NL. Arte-
rial-venous differences in plasma concentrations of nicotine
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HENNINGFIELD JE, MIYASATO K, JASINSKI DR. Abu'se '
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HENNINGFIELD JE, NEMETH-COSLETT R. Nicotine de-
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HENNINGFIELD JE, NEMETH-COSLETT R, GRABOWSKI
J, HAERTZEN C, SNYDER F, RADZIUS A. Acquisition of
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HIRSCHMAN RS, LEVENTHAL H, GLYNN K. The develop-
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HOLLAND W W, ELLIOTT A. Cigarette smoking, respiratory
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Lancet 1968;1(532):41-3.
Health Consequences 45
TIMN 0138898

Chapter 5
Tobacco Advertising and
Promotional Activities
The Role of Advertising and Promotion in the Marketing of
Tobacco Products 159
Introduction 159
Cigarette Advertising and Promotional Expenditures 160
Smokeless Tobacco Advertising and Promotional Expenditures 163
A History of Cigarette Advertising to the Young 164
Ads Targeting Women 164
Ads Targeting Young People 166
Promotion Through Radio and Television 167
Promotion Through Schools 167
Sponsorship of Sports 168
Criticism of Advertising and Promotional Activities 168
Self-Regulatory Cigarette Advertising Codes 170
Candy Cigarettes 170
Changes in the Style of Cigarette Advertising
171
Motivation Research and the Image Era 171
Consequences of Image Advertising 172
Conveying Male and Female Images 172
Historical Perspectives on the Effectiveness of Cigarette Advertising 172
Academic and Industry Analyses 172
Advertising Professionals 173
The Uiitted States Tobacco /ournal 173
The "Maturity" of the Cigarette Market 174
Contemporary Strategies of the Tobacco Industry 175
Researching the Young 175
Portraying Youthful Behavior
176
Conveying Pictures of Health 176
Projecting Images of Independence 176
Images of the American Ideal 177
Historical Content Analyses of Cigarette Advertising 179
Introduction 179
Increasein Visual and Vivid Advertising 179
Becoming Pictures of Health 180
Advertising That Targets Youthful Audiences 181
Imaging Individualism, Independence, and Self-Reliance 182
Other Related Research 183
Perceptions of Models' Ages 183
Ads That Target Women 184
Ads That Target Blacks 184
TIMN 0139009

tiiir~iv»> C;crrcna!'~, IZcF wt
t
per day have been classified traditionallv as "dailv " smok-
ers (USDHHS 1989b; Johnston,O'Malley, Bachman 1991a)
and are so classified in this report. However, some
persons who average one or more cigarettes per day
during a given month may not have smoked on every
day of that month.
Age or Grade When Smoking Begins
Age at initiation is measured as the age when a
respondent first tried a cigarette (NHSDA), smoked the
first whole cigarette (TAPS, YRBS), first became a daily
smoker (YRBS, NHSDA), or started smoking fairly regu-
larly (NHIS). The MTFP records the school grades in
which the respondent first smoked a cigarette and first
smoked on a daily basis. The NHIS measure of the age
when the respondent first started smoking fairly regu-
>larly can be used to estimate the percentage of adults
who became regular smokers during their adolescent
years.
Number of Cigarettes Smoked Each Day
Besides inquiring about the average number of
cigarettes smoked during the 30 days preceding the sur-
vey, TAPS asks respondents to report the number of
cigarettes smoked on each of the seven days preceding
the survev. The YRBS, on the other hand, determines the
average number of cigarettes smoked on the days ciga-
rettes were smoked during the previous 30 days.
Lifetime Patterns of Smoking
The MTFP asks participants if they have ever
smoked cigarettes. The response categories ("never,"
"once or twice," "occasionally, but not regularly;' "regu-
larly in the past," and "regularly now") can be used to
summarize lifetime patterns of use. To assess the
relationship between cigarette smoking and various
health status indicators, a five-item scale is used: never
smoked cigarettes or.snioked once or twice; smoked
occasionally, but never.-regularly; smoked regularly in
the past, but not in the previous 30 days; smoke regularly
now and began daily smoking in grades 10 through 12;
and smoke regularly now and began daily smoking before
grade 10.
A more detailed initiation continuum can be de-
fined through responses to three TAPS questions that
measure the likelihood of smoking in the future. Re-
spondents who have never tried cigarette smoking are
asked, "Do you think you will try a cigarette soon?"
Respondents who have never smoked and respondents
who have had only a few puffs of a cigarette are asked,
"If one of yuur best friends were to otfer you a cigarette,
would you smoke it?" All respondents are asked, "Do
you think you will be smoking cigarettes one year from
now?" By using responses to these questions on per-
ceived susceptibility to smoking in the future and by
using responses to other questions on current smoking
patterns, one can construct an uptake continuum that
records how likely the respondent is to become a smoker
and whether or not a person has tried smoking, smoked
a whole cigarette, smoked 100 cigarettes, smoked at all in
the past 30 days, and smoked on 20 or more of the past
30 days.
Attempts to Quit Smoking
For the MTFP, Johnston, O'Malley, and Bachman
(1991a) have defined "noncontinuance" as no smoking
during the past 30 days among high school seniors who
report that they have smoked regularly. The MTFP also
measures interest in quitting ("Do you want to stop
smoking now?") and difficulty in quitting ("Have you
ever tried to stop smoking and found that you couldn't?").
TAPS respondents who have smoked at least 100 ciga-
rettes and have not smoked in the past 30 days can be
considered former smokers. TAPS also records how
many times a smoker has tried to quit during the previous
six months.
Validity of Measures of Smoking
Smoking patterns among youth are most frequently
assessed through self-reported data. However, because
smoking is not considered a socially desirable behavior
for youth, especially among parents regarding their own
children's smoking, young people may not report hon-
estly. Various survey methods thus try to improve the
validity of self-reported data. Factors that may influence
this validity include (1) the survey setting (e.g., at school
or at home), (2) the survey method (e.g., self-adminis-
tered questionnaire, in-person interview, or telephone
interview), (3) the use of the "bogus pipeline" manipula-
tion, described later, and (4) the degree of anonymity
available to the respondent.
Home- or telephone-based surveys might be ex-
pected to yield higher estimates of adolescent smoking
than school-based surveys, since nonschool surveys are
much more likely to include chronic absentees and drop-
outs-groups known to have dramatically higher levels
of smoking (Pirie, Murray, Luepker 1988; CDC 1991a).
On the other hand, the greater anonymity afforded by
self-administered, school-based surveys might yield
higher estimates of adolescent smoking than face-to-face
or telephone interviews. Because few studies have
110 Epidemiology
TIMN 0138962

1'rt':'t'NftN,t Tohri1-0 Lb~c r11MU/t' 1 Ul/llt' f t'(Th'
Table 1. Domestic cigarette advertising and promotional expenditures, 1963-1990
Total
advertising*
dollars
Year (in millions)
Total
promotional'
dollars
(in millions) Total
advertising and
promotional
dollars
(in millions)
Advertising as
percentage
of total dollars
1963 228.9 13.2 249.5 91.7
1964 240.9 14.6 261.3 92.2
1965 242.3 14.7 263.0 92.1
1966 272.7 17.9 297.5 91.7
1967 285.6 20.3 311.9 91.6
1968 283.1 21.6 310.7 91.1
1969 283.6, 13.4 305.9 92.7
1970 296.6 .64.4 361.0 82.1
1971 220.4 27.0 251.6 87.6
1972 226.7 22.9 257.6 88.0
1973 220.9 15.2 247.5 89.3
1974 266.5 31.1 306.8 86.9
1975 330.8 160.4 491.3 67.3
1976 425.9 213.2 639.1 66.6
1977 505.8 273.6 779.5 64.9
1978 543.1 331.9 875.0 62.1
1979 682.8 400.6 1,083.4 63.0
1980 790.1 452.2 1,242.3 63.6
1981 899.3 648.3 1,547.7 58.1
1982 923.2 870.6 1,793.8 51.5
1983 910.8 990.0 1,900.8 47.9
1984 930.2 1,065.0 2,095.2 44.4
1985 932.0 1,544.4 2,476.4 37.6
1986 796.3 1,586.0 2,382.4 33.4
~
1987 719.2 1,861.3 2,580.5 27.9
1988 824.5 2,450.4 3,274.9 25.2
1989 868.3 2,748.7 3,617.0 24.0
1990 835.2 3,156.9 3,992.0 20.9
Source: Federal Trade Commission (1992).
[ncludes print advertising in newspapers, magazines, billboards, and public transit and (until ban
effective January 1, 1971)
on television and radio.
'Includes promotional allowances, sampling distributions, specialty item distribution, public
entertainment, direct mail,
endorsements, testimonials, coupons, audio-visual, and retail value-added, point-of-sale
advertising, except for 1963-1974
and 1971-1974; for 1963-1969 and 1971-1974, only direct mail expenditures are included ("others"
category not included).
Advertising and Promotion 161
TIIViN 0139013

tilll'"l'rrll Gt'llt'r,iI ~~ kr f
Table 2. Domestic cigarette sales and per capita consumption, 1963-1990
ear
Total number of
cigarettes sold
(in billions)
Cigarette
consumption
(per capita)
Cigarette sales
revenue
(in millions) Total
advertising and
promotional
dollars
(in millions)
1963 516.5 4,286 NA* 249.5
1964 505.0 4,143 NA 261.3
1965 521.1 4,196 NA 263.0
1966 529.9 4,197 NA 297.5
1967 525.8 4,175 " NA 311.9
1968 540.3 4,145 NA 310.7
1969 527.9 3,986 NA 305.9
1970 534.2 3,969 NA 361.0
1971 547.2 3,982 NA 251.6
1972 561.7 4,018 NA 257.6
1973 584.7 4,112 NA 247.5
1974 594.5 4,110 NA 306.8
1975 603.2 4,095 NA 491.3
1976 609.9 4,068 NA 639.1
1977 612.6 4,015 15,594 779.5
1978 615.3 3,965 16,856 875.0
1979 621.8 3,937 17,668 1,083.4
1980 628.2 3,858 19,035 1,242.3
1981 636.5 3,818 20,822 1,547.7
1982 632.5 3,733 22,093 1,793.8
1983 603.6
~w
~ 3,513 25,724 1,900.8
1984 `
6a. 4 3,497 27,370 2,095.2
1985 599,
3 3,400 28
918
2
476
4
;. ' , ,
.
1986 586.4 3,288 30,293 2,382.4
1987 575.4 3,190 32,145 2,580.5
1988 560.7 3,073 33,042 3,274.9
1989 525.6 2,846 37,048 3,617.0
1990 523.7 2,829 39,616 3,992.1
Sources: Federal Trade Commission (1992); U.S. Department of Commerce (1992a, b).
*NA = Not available.
162 Advertising and Promotion
TIMN 0139014

/'rc'c-c'ritui,ti Tt'htc'LO Ll,c.-lrrwnt 1`t,rialt Pcvfdc
Introduction
Tobacco use begins primarily through the
dvnamic interplay of sociodemographic, environ-
mental, behavioral, and personal factors. These
psychosocial risk factors increase a persori s chances both
of beginning to use tobacco and of experiencing the
immediate and long-term health problems associated
with tobacco use. Young people (aged 10 through 18
years) are particularly affected by psychosocial factors
and are thus particularly vulnerable to adopting tobacco
use. Since psychosocial risk factors are the initial
influences in the causal chain that leads to tobacco-related
health consequences, primary prevention efforts to re-
duce smoking prevalence must take these influences
into account.
Psychosocial risk factors for tobacco use can be
viewed as a continuum of proximal to distal factors.
Personal and behavioral factors that directly affect an
individual's choice to use tobacco (when a cigarette is
offered, for example) areconsidered proximal riskfactors,
whereas environmental and sociodemographic factors
(such as billboard advertising and household income)
that indirectly affect the accessibility or acceptability of
tobacco use are classified as distal factors. Proximal
factors are considered more immediate to a persori s
decision to use tobacco than distal factors. Still, as is
shown in Chapter 5 (see "Research on the Effects of
Cigarette Advertising and Promotional Activities on
Young People" ), distal factors acquire potency if they are
pervasive and provide consistent, repetitive messages
across multiple channels. Distal factors are also powerful
because, over time, they affect proximal factors as these
influences become interpreted and internalized, particu-
larly among adolescents as they try to shapea matureself-
identitv.
This review examines each of these sets of risk
factors to provide a comprehensive view of the anteced-
ents of tobacco use;`.first for cigarette smoking, then for
smokeless tobacco, use. The database for this review
includes researcch studies that have been published pri-
marily in peer-refereed journals or books during the past
15 vears.. Results from these studies were grouped
according to psychosocial risk factor, and conclusions
were based on the availabilitv and conclusiveness of the
evidence for a given risk factor. Table 1 summarizes the
major psychosocial risk factors examined in this chapter
and in Chapter 5.
Table 1. Psychosocial risk factors in the initiation
of tobacco use among adolescents
Risk factors Smokeless
Smoking tobacco
Sociodemographic factors
Low socioeconomic status x
Developmental stage x x
Male gender x
Environmental factors
Accessibility x x
Advertising x x
Parental use
Sibling use x
Peer use x x
Normative expectations x x
Social support x
Behavioral factors
Academic achievement x x
Other problem behaviors x x
Constructive behaviors x
Behavioral skills x
Intentions x x
Experimentation x x
Personal factors
Knowledge of consequences x
Functional meanings x x
Subjective expected utility x
Self-esteem/self-image x x
Self-efficacy x
Personality factors x
Psychological well-being x
Psychosocial Risk Factors 123
TIMN 0138975

Surgeon General's Report
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for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion, Of-
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90-8416,1990.
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES.
Drug abuse and drug abuse research. The third triennial report to
Congress from the Secretary, Department of Health and Hu-
man Services. US Department of Health and Human Services,
Public Health Service, Alcohol, Drug Abuse, and Mental Health
Administration. DHHS Publication No. (ADM) 91-1704,1991a.
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES.
Guidelines for the diagnosis and management of asthma. National
asthma education program. Expert panel report. US Depart-
ment of Health and Human Services, National Institutes of
Health. Publication No. 91-3042. Bethesda (MD): 1991b.
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES.
National household survey on drug abuse: main findings 1990.
DHHS Publication No. (ADM) 91-1788,1991c.
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES.
Smokeless tobacco or health: an international perspective. Mono-
graph No. 2. US Department of Health and Human Services,
Public Health Service, National Institutes of Health, National
Cancer Institute. Bethesda (MD): NIH No. 92-3461,.1992a.
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES.
Spit tobacco and youth. US Department of Health and Human
Services, Office of Inspector General. Publication No. OEI 06-
92-00500,1992b.
TINY.N 0138903

Tohlttat Ll:-a' .'I »lt~ilti ~ Ulll 1 PiUFt1i
1988
(in thousands)
% of total 1989
(in thousands)
% of total 1990
(in thousands)
% of total
105,783 3.2 76,993 2.1 71,174 1.8
355,055 10.8 380,393 10.5 328,143 8.2
319,293 9.7 358,583 9.9 375,627 9.4
44,379 1.4 52,294 1.4 60,249 1.5
222,289 6.8 241,809 6.7 303,855 7.6
879,703 26.9 999,843 27.6 1,021,427 25.6
74,511 2.3 57,771 1.6 100,893 2.5
190,003 5.8 262,432 7.3 307,037 7.7
88,072 2.7 92,120 2.5 125,094 3.1
42,545 1.3 45,498 1.3 51,875 1.3
781 - -
874,127 26.7 959,965 26.5 1,183,798 29.6
78,366 2.4 89,290 2.5 62,917 1.6
3,274,853 100.0 3,616,993 100.0 3,992,008 100.0
to women. His cigarette campaign began in the 1920s
with an advertisipg budget of $400,000, which grew to
$19 million by 1931x This budget supported a print
advertising cam that featured women and associ-
t~Sn
ated cigarettes with:the attribute of bodily slimness. The
principal selling idea was that smoking was an aid to diet
behavior and weight control-a notion explicitly com-
municated by the slogan, "Reach for a Lucky Instead of a
Sweet" (Gunther 1960).
The American Tobacco Company viewed the
prospect of reaching the potential female market as
"opening a new gold mine right in our front yard"
(Bernays 1965, p. 383). Through Edward Bernays,
perhaps the nation's most famous public relations con-
sultant, the American Tobacco Company hired A. A.
Brill, a psychoanalyst who advised the company to
promote cigarettes as "symbols of freedom" (Bernays
1965, p. 386). Bernays then organized women to smoke
in public in the 1929 New York Easter Parade (Schudson
1984) and to carry placards identifying their cigarettes
as "torches of liberty" (Bernays 1965, p. 197). Photos
and articles were distributed to small-town newspa-
pers across the nation (Schudson 1984). Bernays called
this public relations activity "the engineering of con-
sent" (Bernays 1965, p. 390)..
Advertising for other firms and brands also in-
creasingly featured women and aimed advertising at
women. In 1926, the Chesterfield brand of Liggett &
Myers displayed a young woman saying, "Blow Some
My Way" (Howe 1984). This ad precipitated public
Advertising and Promotion 165
TIMN 0139017

P1'tvt'titlll~: It'I't7cc tLIc',17Nttif~ 1t4ltiti I'c't'I,It'
structure, age, gender, and ethnicity, especiallv when
examined across an entire population. 'Aanv of these
factors are covered in Chapter 3 (see "Recent Patterns of
Cigarette Smoking").
Socioeconomic Status
Low socioeconomic status (SES) has been shown to
predict smoking initiation in multiple longitudinal stud-
ies (Conrad, Flav, Hill 1992). Semmer, Lippert, et al.
(1987) examined tobacco use among students in two
schools in Germany. These investigators found that
seventh- and eighth-grade students from the school in a
low-income area (children of primarily blue-collar par-
ents) had higher baseline rates of tobacco use than youth
from the school in a higher-income area. Low-income
students were also more likely to begin smoking over the
course of this six-month study. Low-income students
had greater expectations of positive consequences of
smoking, lower self-image scores, and more friends who
smoked. One possible explanation of the impact of SES
supported by these findings is that lower-income stu-
dents may have to cope more often with stressful situa-
tions, such as lacking sufficient resources or living in a
one-parent family, and are therefore more likely to per-
ceive smoking as a quick, easy coping strategy for stress
or loneliness-and as a strategy that is socially accepted
and effective (Semmer, Cleary, et al. 1987). Adolescents
from low-income families mav also have more role mod-
els who smoke and less supervision to discourage ex-
perimentation than adolescents from higher-income
families (Perry, Kelder, Komro 1993).
Parental Education
The level of parental education has been shown to
have a significant impact on adolescent smoking be-
havior in some studies. Although Ary et al. (1983) failed
to find a relationship between parental education and
children's smoking behavior, in a later report,
Arv and Biglan (1988) found that low educational attain-
ment among fathers was predictive of smoking onset
in middle schoolyouth. Waldron and Lye (1990) re-
ported that high-school seniors who had less-educated
parents were more likely to have tried a cigarette and to
have adopted cigarette smoking and were less likely to
have quit smoking. Finally, Mittelmark et al. (1987)
found that both adolescent females at all grade levels and
adolescent males in grades 9 through 11 who began to
smoke during the course of the study had parents with
fewer years of formal educationthan their peers who
remained nonsmokers. However, for seventh-and eighth-
grade males in this study, parental educational level
did not help to predict smoking initiation. See "Trends
<~nal~.i~
in Cigarette Smoking" in Chapter 3 for a trend
of adolescent smoking behavior and level of parental
education.
Number of Parents Living in the Home
Several studies document an association between
beginning tosmoke during childhood or adolescence
and living in a single-parent home (Oei, Egan, Silva 1986;
Elder, Molgaard, Gresham 1988; Isohanni, Moilanen,
Rantakallio 1991; Goddard 1990; see "Sociodemographic
Risk Factors for Smoking" in Chapter 3). These findings
must be interpreted with caution, since most are from
cross-sectional studies that were unable to determine
with certainty which occurred first-living in a single-
parent home or smoking. If a predictive relationship
does exist, a mechanism described by Castro et al. (1987)
may help to explain the causal link. Their analyses
found that living in a disrupted family system is an
initial stressor that appears to predict social nonconfor-
mity and affiliation with cigarette-smoking peers. In
turn, as will be discussed later in this chapter, both social
nonconformity and peer affiliation are significant pre-
dictors of cigarette smoking among adolescenti.
Developmental Challenges of Adolescence
The life stage of adolescence itself has been a con-
sistent predictor of smoking initiation across studies
(Alexander et al. 1983; Coombs, Fawzy, Gerber 1986;
Bauman et al. 1990). The transition vears from elemen-
tary to secondary school seem to be a particularly high-
risk time for adolescent initiation of tobacco use
(Alexander et al. 1983; Coombs, Fawzy, Gerber 1986).
Indeed, both the rate of onset of smoking and the preva-
lence of regular smoking may level off during the high
school years (Kandel and Logan 1984; McDermott et al.
1992). The relationship between adolescence and smok-
ing initiation that is seen in these studies may be related
to the developmental challenges of adolescence and to
the social meaning of smoking.
Adolescence is characterized by three major types
of developmental challenges (Hooker 1991). The first
involves physical maturation, particularly sexual matu-
ration, and the establishment of intimate relationships.
A second group of challenges involves responses to cul-
tural pressures to begin making the transition to adult
roles and responsibilities and to emotional independence
from parents. The third area, the personal, involves
establishing a coherent sense of self and a set of values to
guide future behavior. As adolescence begins, efforts to
meet these various challenges are characterized by ex-
perimentation and risk-taking behaviors (Konopka 1991).
Cigarette smoking is a risk behavior portrayed by
Psychosocial Risk Factors 127
TIMN 0138979

5urNewn Gev+era!'- iieporr
Table 3. Domestic cigarette advertising and promotional expenditures,* 1986-1990
Expenditures ' 1986
(in thousands).
%'~ of total 1987
(in thousands)
% of total
Newspapers 119,629 5.0 95,810 3.7
Magazines 340,160 14.3 317,748 12.3
Outdoor 301,822 12.7 269,778 10.5
Transit 34,725 1.5 35,822 1.4
Point-of-purchase 135,541 5.7 153,494 5.9
Promotional allowances 630,036 26.4 702,730 27.2
Sampling distribution 98,866 4.1 55,020 2.1
Speciality item
distribution 210,128 8.8 391,351 15.2
Public entertainment 71,439 3.0 71,389 2.8
Direct mail 187,057 7.9 187,931 7.3
Endorsements and
testimonials 384 - 376-
Coupons and retail
value-added --
All otherst 252,570 10.6 299,355 11.6
Total= 2,382,357 100.0 2,580,504 100.0
Source: Federal Trade Commission (1992).
*[n U.S. dollars.
'Expenditures for audiovisuals are included in the "all others" category to avoid disclosure of
individual company data.
tBecause of rounding, sums of percentages may not equa1100.
A History of Cigarette Advertising to the Young
Ads Targeting Women
In the first quarter of the twentieth century, ciga-
rette firms demonstrated their ability to target and de-
velop specific market segments. In the 1920s, cigarette
smokers were predominately males, but the industry
recognized females as a large and potentially lucrative
market segment open to development Encouraging the
growth of smoking among women was an explicit goal
of industry leaders and the focus of both advertising and
major public relations efforts. The American Tobacco
Company hired advertising expert A. D. Lasker of Lord
& Thomas to work on Lucky Strike advertising. Previ-
ously, Lasker had successfully handled the delicate prob-
lem of advertising sanitary products (i.e., the Kotex brand)
164 Advertising and Promotion
TIMN 0139016

r
advertising and role models as a way to be attiacfive to
one's peers (see "Contemporary Strategies of the To-
bacco Industry" in Chapter 5), and smoking appears to
contribute to a positive social image in some settings
(Sussman et al. 1987). The functions of smoking estab-
lished by advertising and adult role models coincide
with the challenges of adolescence and thus make this
age group the most vulnerable for experimentation and
initiation.
Gender
Although current smoking prevalence is roughly
equal among males and females in the United States,
different historical trends for men and women are evi-
dent (Grunberg, Winders, Wewers 1991). Between 1974
and 1985, smoking initiation declined from 45 to 33 per-
cent among young men but remained constant at 34
percent among young women (Fiore et al. 1989; see
"Trends in Cigarette Smoking" in Chapter 3). Two stud-
ies have discussed the impact of changing gender roles
(e.g., more women are in traditionally male positions of
authority) on smoking behavior and the resulting differ-
ence in meaning that smoking has for males and females
(Gritz 1984; Gilchrist, Schinke, Nurius 1989). Though
some have suggested that generic factors that influence
smoking initiation, such as appealing to the opposite
gender, become more pronounced for one gender or the
other at certain ages (Chassin et al. 1986), others have
further concluded that the complex combinAtions of risk
factors and processes leading to smoking are fundamen-
tally different for females and males (Brunswick and
Messeri 1984). In a review of research on gender differ-
ences, Clayton (1991) found both considerable similari-
ties (for instance, the influence of peer and parent models)
and a number of possible differences between adoles-
cent females and males who smoke. For example, ado-
lescent girls who smoke are more socially skilled (e.g.,
more at ease with their peers, with strangers, or with
adults) than their nonsmoking peers, whereas adoles-
cent bovs who smok,e~tend to lack such skills. Concern
v,~, ~.... .
about body weight-~d the belief that smoking might
help control body weigItt may also lead adolescent fe-
males to begin smoking (Gritz and Crane 1991; Camp,
Klesges, Relyea 1993). Further longitudinal research is
needed to investigate gender differences in the determi-
nants of tobacco use and thus to clarify the effect of
gender on smoking initiation.
Ethnicity
Research also indicates that the rate of smoking
initiation varies among ethnic groups. Sussman et al.
(1987) found, that among California youth progressing
128 Psychosocial Risk Factors
fr6m sz~~enth to eighth grade, onset rates were higher for
Hispanics and blacks than for whites and were lowest
for Asians. Similarly, Maddahian, Newcomb, and Bentler
(1986) found that among California students followed
from 7th through 12th grades, black youth maintained
higher rates of smoking than youth of other ethnic groups.
White and Hispanic students had intermediate rates of
smoking, and Asian youth reported the lowest levels,
although this difference decreased over time. Other
national reports, however, indicate a higher percentage
of smoking among white adolescents and young white
adults than among their black or Hispanic counterparts
(Remington et al. 1985; Fiore et al. 1989; Bachman et al.
1991; see "Trends in Cigarette Smoking" in Chapter 3).
These findings suggest different onset and quitting pat-
terns among ethnic groups, as well as potential regional
differences in these patterns.
Maddahian, Newcomb, and Bentler (1986) have
proposed antecedents that may help explain these ethnic
differences in tobacco use, including income levels that
preclude or enable the acquisition of cigarettes, different
levels of tobacco availability, and psychosocial influ-
ences associated with belonging to a particular ethnic
group. These investigators found that among California
students, the level of income earned by youth had a
significant impact on explaining ethnic differences in
tobacco use. However,'ethnic differences were virtually
eliminated when availability and ease of cigarette acqui-
sition from friends were considered.
Sussman et al. (1987) found that unique combina-
tions of psychosocial factors may be relevant to the eth-
nic differences in smoking initiation. Three
variables-availability of cigarettes, difficulty in refus-
ing offers of cigarettes, and intentions to smoke in the
future-were significant predictors among youth from
all ethnic groups included in their study. However, only
among select groups were certain other variables impor-
tant predictors of smoking initiation. For instance, social
environmental variables (including peer smoking and
adult smoking) were important predictors for white
youth, but direct personal and social reinforcement vari-
ables (including improved self-image and adult and peer
approval of smoking) were more important variables for
Hispanic youth. General risk-taking behavior was an
important additional predictor for black youth only. The
strongest additional predictors for Asian students in-
cluded lack of general self-esteem and decreased school-
related self-esteem.
Environmental Factors in the Initiation of
Smoking
Environmental factors are those that are exter-
nal (or perceived as external) to adolescents and yet
TIMN 0138980

I 'Pt'i'PiTr!!1\' TUhdlY0 LI>c'.I 11kVlt Ycm tlt I'lvFiIL'
mav influence and affect their behavior. These fac-
tors include the availability of cigarettes in the com-
munity, the acceptability of smoking, peer and
parental smoking, and adolescents' perceptions of
the environment.
Factors That Influence Tobacco Acceptability and
Availability
Factors that increase the acceptability and avail-
ability of cigarette use at a societal or community level
serve also to influence adolescent smoking behavior.
Acceptability and availability are affected, in part, by the
tobacco industry through advertising and other promo-
tional activities; this topic is discussed thoroughly in
Chapter 5. Acceptability of tobacco use may also be
accomplished through persuasive, multiple, attractive
role models who smoke on television programs or in
movies (Bandura 1977). Acceptability is further rein-
forced by community norms and policies that make to-
bacco products relatively accessible for adolescents-for .
example, through sales to underage buyers and unre-
stricted access to cigarette vending machines (see "Re-
strictions on Minors' Access to Tobacco" in Chapter 6).
The National Adolescent Student Health Survey (Ameri-
can School Health Association et al. 1989) found that 79
percent of 8th graders and 92 percent of 10th graders
considered it to be"verv easv" or "fairly easy" to get
cigarettes. Likewise, in the 1991 Monitoring the Future
Project studv (Johnston, O'Mallev, Bachman 1992) 73
percent of 8th graders and 88 percent of 10th graders
reported that it would be "fairly easy" or "very easy" to
get cigarettes. In a study of adolescents in southern
California, Sussman et al. (1987) found that both genders
and all racial/ethnic groups except Asians tended to
believe that they could obtain cigarettes with little diffi-
culty. Findings from a national sample of teenaged (12-
17 years old) smokers confirm these perceptions and
suggest that 1.3 million of an estimated 2.6 million un-
derage smokers buy. their own cigarettes (Centers for
Disease Control CL~C1.1992). Of those who buv their
~,
own cigarettes, . percent purchase them from a small
~% store, 50 percentfi%a;large store, and 14 percent from
~. .:; . .
a vending mach~,,either often or sometimes (CDC
1992). These reports have been substantiated by obser-
vational studies of cigarette buying by young teenagers
(see "Studies of Young People's Access to Tobacco" in
Chapter 6). Several studies have found that the general
availability of cigarettes predicts the onset of smoking
(Bauman et a1.1984; Semmer, Cleary, et a1.1987).
Factors that increase acceptability and availability
support a social milieu in which cigarette smoking may
appear socially functional. On the other hand, a social
milieu can decrease the risk of adolescent smoking-if,
for example, communities choose to restrict vtpu~ure
to tobacco-promoting images or restrict access to tobacco
products (see Chapter 6 for further discussion of Such
restrictions). Currentlv, as more communities and states
adopt a variety of restrictive policies and programs,
evaluation research is needed to examine the effective-
ness of these strategies for reducing onset of tobacco use.
Interpersonal Factors
Interpersonal factors in the initiation of smoking
involve opportunities for adolescents to perceive, through
modeling by adults and peers who smoke, apparent
advantages of smoking. These role models (particularly
peers) also provide the situations (e.g., parties, staving
overnight) in which cigarettes are first tried by adoles-
cents (Lawrance and Rubinson 1986). Interpersonal fac-
tors have also been labeled "social learning variables"
(Bandura 1977; Flay 1993) because the social functions or
meanings of smoking are learned in the context of social
interactions. The research on interpersonal factors has
carefully explored the roles of parents, siblings,_friends,
~
and peers in the process of initiation.
Parental Smoking
The research on the influence of parents' smoking
behavior on their children's cigarette use has included
multiple studies of the relative risk of initiation if one or
both parents smoke. Bauman et al. (1990) found a consis-
tent relationship between parental and adolescent smok-
ing in a cross-sectional study of 12- through 14-year-olds
in 10 urban areas in the southeastern United States. Com-
pared with adolescents whose parents had never smoked,
those whose parents currently smoked were almost twice
as likely to smoke; those whose parents had once smoked
were three times as likely to smoke. A similar influence
of parental smoking was noted by Chassin et al. (1986)
for females in a longitudinal study of 12- through 18-
vear-olds from the°midwestem United States. In Sussman
et al. (1987), a longitudinal study of 11- through 14-year-
olds in southern California, parental smoking was pre-
dictive of a child's smoking for whites but not for
Hispanics, blacks, or Asians. This finding matches that
of Hunteret al. (1987) in a longitudinal study of 8- through
17-year-olds in the southern United States, in which pa-
rental behavior was predictive of children's smoking
initiation for whites but not for blacks.
By contrast, parental smoking behavior was a poor
predictor of smoking initiation in several other studies,
including the longitudinal study McCaul et al: (1982)
conducted among 11- through 14-year-old whites living
in the north-central United States. No relationship was
found in the Botvin.et al. (1992) cross-sectional study of
_ Psychoyncinl Risk Factors 129
TIMN 0138981

PPC'Z't'riflll~ rt'E'rTt.'ir'U-;c'AN/tm~ Pc't'f!h'
Smokeless Tobacco Use" in Chapter 3); lower parental
education (Bauman, Koch, Lentz 1989; Botvin, Baker,
Tortu 1989); blue-collar parental occupation (Burke et al.
1989; Elder, Molgaard, Gresham 1988; Novotny et al.
1989); and rural environment (Olds 1988; Botvin, Baker,
Tortu 1y89; Rouse 1989; Lisnerski et al. 1991; see
"Sociodemographic Risk Factors for Smokeless Tobacco
Use" in Chapter 3). As is reported in Chapter 3 (see
"Current Use of Smokeless Tobacco"), prevalence varies
among regions and is somewhat lower in the Northeast
than in other regions.
Environmental Factors in the Initiation of
Smokeless Tobacco Use
Factors That Influence Acceptability and Availability
Ease of access to smokeless tobacco appears to be
an important factor in initiation, and young people
seem.to have little trouble obtaining smokeless tobacco
(USDHHS 1992a, CDC 1993). In interviews conducted
by the Office of Inspector General (USDHHS 1986), 90
percent of smokeless tobacco users in junior and senior
high school reported that they purchased their own
smokeless tobacco; 94 percent reported that although
they were minors, it was either never or only rarely
difficult for them to purchase smokeless tobacco. Conve-
nience stores were the most frequent purchase site (55
percent); supermarkets and grocery stores accounted for
an additional 33 percent of sales. Barovich et al. (1991)
found that 50 percent of store personnel were willing to
sell to minors. In another study (Leopardi et al. 1989),
junior high school students reported that their leading
sources of smokeless tobacco were friends (43 percent)
and direct store purchase (30 percent); senior high school
students' chief sources were direct purchase (62 percent)
and friends (25 percent). In a recent study in Texas,
minors successfully purchased smokeless tobacco in 59
percent of stores selling the product (CDC 1993).
Interpersonal Factors
Parental Use
As in the research on cigarette smoking, the evi-
dence depicts either a modestly positive or no significant
association between parental use of smokeless tobacco
and adolescent use. The only prospective study that
examined parental use foundd no link to onset or contin-
ued use of smokeless tobacco among youth (Ary,
Lichtenstein, Severson 1987). However, several cross-
sectional studies have reported significant relationships
between concurrent use by parents and youth (Cohen et
al. 1987; Hall and Dexter 1988; Colborn, Cummings,
Michalek 1989; Glcner et al. lytiy; Brownscm et al. lyyl)1.
Bauman, Koch, and Lentz (1989) found that an adcile,;-
cent was more likely to use smokeless tobacco if the
father did, although there was an interaction with the
level of the father's education. Two cross-sectional stud-
ies found no significant association between con-
current use of smokeless tobacco by parents and adoles-
cent offspring (Chassin et al. 1985; Ary, Lichtenstein,
Severson 1987).
Sibling Use
The evidence from cross-sectional studies gener-
ally supports a relationship between a sibling's use of
smokeless tobacco and an adolescent's use. However,
one prospective study did not find significant sibling
relationships (Ary, Lichtenstein, Severson 1987), and an-
other study found no effect for "older family members"
(Chassin et al. 1985). The sole longitudinal study did not
find that sibling use was related to adolescent onset (Ary,
Lichtenstein, Severson 1987).
Peer Use
Although a substantial amount of cross=sectional
research has examined the use of smokeless tobacco by
peers, only two longitudinal studies have been pub-
lished. Every cross-sectional study found that peer use
was significantly related to adolescent use (Cohen et al.
1987; Hall and Dexter 1988; Lucas and Christen 1988;
Glover et al. 1989; Leopardi et al. 1989; Riley, Barenie,
Myers 1989; Brownson et al. 1990; Hunter, Vizelberg,
Berenson 1991). Peer use of smokeless tobacco was
related to the onset of adolescent use at the 9-month
follow-up in one longitudinal study (Ary et al. 1989) but
not in another study (Ary 1989) at the 6- and 12-month
follow-up times. However, peer use was found to be
related to continued use among initial daily users of
smokeless tobacco at 6-, 9-, and 12-month follow-ups
(Ary, Lichtenstein, Severson 1987; Ary 1989).
Perceived Environmental Factors
Norms
Current evidence indicates that most adolescents
who use smokeless tobacco perceive that this behavior is
socially acceptable. The Office of Inspector General
(USDHHS 1986) reported the following findings from a
survey of male adolescents who used smokeless to-
bacco:
86 percent perceived that most or some students at
their school approved of smokeless tobacco use.
Psychosocial Risk Factors 141
TIMN 0138993

rtni%: T',,h it 'k ~1 t/,<.Innori~ 1 (I irrI t 1'olph
Implications of Research for Preventing Tobacco Use: Modifying Psychosocial Risk
Although substantial research has examined the
onset of tobacco use for individual adolescents, there is
clearlv a need to examine how change in community and
cultural factors may modify onset rates. This review of
the literature strongly suggests that the onset_ of to-
bacco use is sociallv learned and is a social behavior for
adolescents, with socially relevant meanings, images,
and functions. Therefore, rather than focusing only on
individuals and families as the primary targets of pre-
vention efforts, atten'.ion should also be directed to the
social environment of adolescents. These efforts should
consistently and persuasively promote the prevention
and cessation of tobacco use and should demonstrate
that the meanings of tobacco use are negative. Preven-
tion efforts should portray tobacco use as a behavior that
is nonnormative, unattractive, addictive, and immature.
Although the meanings of tobacco use are learned
in childhood, earlv to middle adolescence appears to be
the time of greatest need for direct intervention. This
idea is not only supported epidemiologically by the oc-
currence of highest onset rates during this time, but also
developmentally, in that the challenges of adolescence
can expose vouth to the perceived utility of tobacco use.
The meanings of tobacco use that have been established
in our sc~cietv become personally relevant during adoles-
cence. Tobacco use becomes a mechanism to establish
social relationships, display independence, and create a
new, mature identity. Moreover, because many adoles-
cents believe themselves to be all but invulnerable, have
a short perspective on their future, have limited abstract
cognitive abilities, and highly value their associations
with same-age peers, adolescents may view tobacco use
as particularly functional to them and not potentially
harmful. Adolescence is clearlv a vulnerable time when
adult involvement and protection is still warranted and
required. Adults should see the prevention of adoles-
cent tobacco use as an important part of their responsi-
bilitv in the healthful socialization of the young.
The onset of tobacco use is strongly associated with
peer influences, peer smoking, and peer approval of
smoking. Programs that prevent tobacco use should
systematically seek peer-group involvement and enlist
peer role models who do not use tobacco. The emphasis
of this involvement should be to affect peer-related norms
and to persuade adolescents that most people their age
do not use tobacco, that tobacco use has negative social
consequences, and that tobacco use projects an image
that, instead of being "cool," is unattractive, unpopular,
and immature. Parents should also pay attention to the
amount of time adolescents spend with peers, to peers'
behavior, and to unsupervised peer-group activities.
The increased need for social competencies during
adolescence (i.e., the ability of young people to decipher,
cope with, and deal with the social environment) should
be a critical focus of comprehensive efforts to prevent
tobacco use. Adolescents need skills to help them iden-
tifv, resist, and refute environmental influences-whether
from the media, adults, or peers-to use tobacco.
Similarly, adolescents may need to be taught how to
cope better with difficult, stressful situations at home or
at school. Without such skills, many youth may con-
tinue to use tobacco as a mechanism to deal with low
self-esteem, depression, and the feelings of helpless-
ness that can result from the ordinary challenges of
growing up.
Positive social bonding with familyand schools and
health-enhancing behavior, such as physical:. activity,
should be encouraged among youth as protective factors
against tobacco use. Students who perform poorly in
school should be offered tutoring and academic counsel-
ing; besides being personally motivating, such support
can increase students' affiliation with school and decrease
their involvement in tobacco use. Encouraging sports
participation (and countering the negative role models of
some professional athletes by providing explicit mes-
sages about the health consequences of smokeless tobacco
use), regular physical activity, and a healthy diet may
increase adolescents' valuation of, and attachment to,
health and a healthy body that might be compromised by
tobacco use. Parents may also need to demonstrate their
support for academic achievement, health activities, and
a greater link between home and school.
Finally, to substantially modify tobacco use and to
provide adolescents with consistent messages against
tobacco use, the community (and society on the whole)
should embrace the prevention of tobacco use. A focus
on individuals, families, or peer groups is necessary but
not sufficient to address the origins of tobacco's appeal to
young people. Limiting the acceptability of tobacco use
through restrictive policies, such as legislation support-
ing clean indoor air and school policies banning tobacco
use, provides a clear message to adolescents that tobacco
use is not acceptable as a public behavior. Severely
limiting adolescents' access to tobacco products makes it
clear that cigarettes and smokeless products are danger-
ous substances. Mandating tobacco-use prevention pro-
grams in schools signals the importance of this topic
through-the use of explicit, earmarked resources. These
Psychosocial Risk Factors 147
TIMN 0138999

I I''t':'t'17tilI~: l('f'Jt.4 'L I,c'.X 7'I( '11ti ~i'IIII~: I 'tY'1 4c'
cigarette use and the pathways to regular use mav vary
by gender. Finally, differences by ethnic group do not
appear to show a consistent pattern across communities,
particularly when income level and cigarette availability
are considered. The review of sociodemographic factors
thus concludes that a young adolescent from a low-SES
family is at highest risk to begin smoking.
Proximal environmental factors, such as the influ-
ence of peers, friends, and siblings, play a powerful role
in the initiation of adolescent smoking. Smoking initia-
tion appears to be a component of peer associations and
peer bonding in adolescence, as peer groups establish
shared behaviors to differentiate themselves from other
adolescents and from adults. Adolescents usually try
their first cigarettes with their peers; peer groups may
subsequently provide expectations, reinforcement, and
opportunities for continuation. The influence of peers
seems to be particularly potent in the stages of smoking
that precede regular use; in later stages, personal and
pharmacological factors appear to predominate.
Data on the influence of parental smoking are not
as compelling as those on peer influence; only about half
of the prospective studies show a clear predictive rela-
tionship. The influence of parental smoking appears to
be strongest for whites and females, particularly in the
early stages of smoking onset. This review suggests that
parental influence might include other important fac-
tors, such as parents' approval or disapproval of smok-
ing, their involvement in free-time supervision, their
manner and extent of communication on health-related
matters, or theiis promotion or nonpromotion of aca-
demic achievement for their children. Lastly, young
people are exposed not only to role models but also to
the consequences of the behavior of these role models;
having a parent who smokes might even serve to deter
an adolescent from smoking if the parent is struggling
with cessation or displays the health consequences of
tobacco use.
Ho-w adolescents perceive their social environment
also influences their smoking behavior. Adolescents
overestimate the number of young people and adults
who smoke, and those with the highest estimates are
,.,
more likely to become smokers. In addition, young
people are moreYlikely to smoke if they feel that their
peers approve of smoking, and particularly if adults do
not seem to disapprove. In each of these cases, the
perceived environment could accurately reflect the ac-
tual environment. Those who begin to smoke may actu-
ally be exposed to more role models who smoke, more
peers who approve of smoking, and fewer adults who
disapprove than those who never begin to smoke.
Families in which parents are considered' to be
generally concerned and supportive, or in which the
children are involved in family decisions, are home
environments in which adolescents are less at risk tor
smoking initiation. Parental strictness and parental
approval or disapproval of smoking have indirectly
and inconsistently predicted initiation and are there-
fore less influential on adolescent smoking behavior
than the general family environment. The research on
parental skills in coping with adolescent smoking is
limited and warrants further investigation.
The behavioral factors examined were consistentlv
associated with the initiation of cigarette smoking. Pat-
terns of behavior that are associated with smoking in-
clude alcohol and drug use, risk-taking and rebellious
actions, and involvement in peer groups in early adoles-
cence. Patterns of behavior that are associated with less
risk of smoking include academic achievement, involve-
ment in sports (for females), healthy eating and physical
activity patterns, and the ability to resist offers of ciga-
rettes. Thus, encouraging and providing opportunities
for health-enhancing activities and academic achieve-
ment might, by fulfilling some of the needs that smoking
apparently meets for adolescents, prevent some young
people from trying their first cigarette.
The personal factors-those most proximal to the
individual and to the immediate decision'to:smoke a
cigarette-reflect, in part, the adolescent's internaliza-
tion of the social environment. An adolescent's knowl-
edge of the health consequences of smoking is a poor
predictor of subsequent cigarette use, although smoking
risks that are personalized appear to be important. More
significant predictors include the meanings, the perceived
positive functions, and the expected utility of cigarette
use. These aspects are linked to having a positive social
image, bonding with peers, and being "mature"-all of
which are particularly socially relevant for adolescents.
Compared with nonsmoking adolescents, those who
begin to smoke appear to have lower self-images and
lower self-esteem; for them, smoking becomes a self-
enhancement mechanism. Similarly, self-efficacy toward
avoiding cigarettes seems particularly linked with the
ability to resist cigarette offers from peers. Of the person-
ality variables, symptoms of depression, helplessness,
aggression, pessimism, and a limited ability to conceptu-
alize the future were all found to be smoking-predictive
in a small number of studies. The most predictive per-
sonal factors were those linked to the social environ-
ment, to peers, and to the meanings of cigarette smoking
learned in youth.
Intentions to smoke and prior experimentation with
cigarettes strongly predict subsequent smoking. The
adverse physiological reactions to first tries at smoking
wane with repetition, and tolerance levels to nicotine
increase. Adolescents who smoke are more likely than
nonsmokers to discount the negative health consequences
of smoking, report positive functions of smoking, and
Psychosocial Risk Factors 139
TIMN 0138991 -

'Ifi~'*t, ,ti lrtI :! ''i( :\;':
SWAN AV, CREESER R, M(:RRAY M. When and why chil-
dren first start to ~,moke. International lournal of Epulentiology
19y0;19(2023-30.
S6VEANOR D, BALLIN S, CORCORAN RD, DAVIS A,
DEASY K, FERRENCE RG, ET AL. Report of the tobacco
policy research study group on tobacco pricing and taxation
in the United States. Tobacco Control 1992;(1 Suppl) Septem-
ber: S31-S36.
THOMPSON EL. Smoking education programs 1960-1976.
American lottrnal of Pitblic Health 1978;68(3):250-7.
URBERG KA, CHENG C, SHYU S. Grade changes in peer
influence on adolescent cigarette smoking: a comparison of
two measures. Addictive Behavior 1991;16(1-2):21-8.
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HLNAN SERVICES.
Youth use of >>nokeless tobacco: inore than a pinch of trouble. US
Department of Health and Human Services, Office of Inspec-
tor General. Control No. P-06-86-0058,1986.
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES.
Strategies to control tobacco use in the United States: a blueprint for
public health action in the 1990s. Monograph No. 1. US Depart-
ment of Health and Human Services, Public Health Service,
National Institutes of Health, National Cancer Institute.
Bethesda (MD): NIH Publication No. 92-3316, 1991.
US DEPART4IENTOF HEALTH A\D HL%IA\ SERVICES.
Snivkeless tobncco or henltlc an unternahonal her<lectivr. Mcrno-
Kraph No. 2. C;S Department of Health and Human Services,
Public Health Service, National Institutes of Health, Na-
tional Cancer Institute. Bethesda (MD): NIH Publication No.
92-3461, 1992a.
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES.
Spit tobacco and uouth. US Department of Health and Human
Services, Office of Inspector General. Publication No. OEI
06-92-00500,1992b.
WALDRON I, LYE D. Relationships of teenage smoking to
educational aspirations and parents' education. lonrnal of
Substance Abuse 1990;2(2)201-15.
WILLIAMS T, GUYTON R, MARTY PJ, 'viCDERIvIOTT RJ,
YOUNG ME. Smokeless tobacco use among rural high school
students in Arkansas. Journal of School Health 1986;56(7):282-5.
WILLS TA, SHIFFMAN S, editors. Coping and substance use: a
conceptual frarnetvork. New York: Academic Press, 1985.
YOUNG M, WERCH CE. Relationship between self-esteem
and substance use among students in fourth through twelfth
grade. Wellness Perspectives: Research, Theor-y and Practice
1990;7(2):31-44.
156 Psychosocial Risk Factors
TTMN 0139008

tiltYkC~ !I Lolt r'ill ' IZt'I " '~ t
smaller than in subsequent years (Johnston and Bachman
1980). A mtiltistage sampling design is used to ran-
domly select high school seniors in public and private
schools within the 48 contiguous states. Self-adminis-
tered standardized questionnaires are provided by
trained personnel to students in their classrooms. From
125 to 133 high schools are selected each year. From 66
percent to 80 percent of selected schools have partici-
pated, and 77 percent to 86 percent of sampled seniors
have participated (nearly all nonparticipation has been
due to absenteeism) (Johnston, O'Malley, Bachman
1991a). The data are weighted to provide national esti-
mates, and approximately 16,000 completed interviews
are obtained each year.
For this report, longitudinal analyses were also
conducted by using panel data from nationally represen-
tative samples of the senior classes of 1976 through 1986.
These students were then followed up five to six years
after high school, from 1981 through 1991, when the
respondents were 23 to 24 years old (Johnston, O'Malley,
Bachman 1992b). Data from 11 classes were combined to
produce an adequate sample ~ize for analysis, yielding a
total of 13,665 respondents. Of those students sampled,
a random fifth received a question regarding their future
expectations to smoke. From 70 to 80 percent of the
surveyed seniors remained in the panel five years later
(Johnston, O'Malley, Bachman 1991b).
The MTFP collected information on the prevalence
of smokeless tobacco use from 1986 through 1989, and
again in 1992. MTFP data are collected annually; 1993
data were not available for this report.
Youth Risk Behavior Survey
CDC developed the Youth Risk Behavior Surveil-
lance System to measure six categories ofpriority health-
risk behaviors among adolescents: (1) behaviors that
contribute to unintentional and intentional injuries; (2)
tobacco use; (3) alcohol and other drug use; (4) sexual
behaviors thatresult inunintended pregnancy and sexu-
allv transmitted disease, including HIV infection; (5)
unhealthful dietary behaviors; and (6) physical inactiv-
ity. Data were collected through national, state, and
local school-based surveys of high school students dur-
ing the spring of odd-numbered years and through a
1992 national household-based survey of youths aged
12 through 21 (Kolbe 1990; Kolbe, Kann, Collins 1993).
Only the 1991 state and local data are used in this report.
The 1991 national school-based YRBS used a three-stage
cluster sample design. The target population consisted
of all public and private school students in grades 9
through 12 in the 50 states and the District of Columbia.
Schools with substantial.numbers of black and Hispanic
students were sampled at relatively higher rates than all
other schools.
Survey procedures were designed to protect stu-
dent privacy and allow anonymous participation. The
75-item questionnaire was administered in the class-
room by trained data collectors, and students recorded
responses on answer sheets designed for scanning by
computer. Parental notification was completed before
survey administration. The school response rate was 75
percent, and the student response rate was 90 percent. A
total of 12,272 students completed questionnaires in 137
schools. The data were weighted to provide national
estimates of 9th- through 12th-grade students.
In addition to the 1991 national YRBS, individual
surveys were conducted that year among samples of
high school students by 23 state and 10 local depart-
ments of education. CDC reports weighted data when
the overall (school and student) response rates are at
least 60 percent (CDC 1992d). Nine questions on the
survey measured tobacco use. These questions addressed
experimentation with cigarette smoking, age at initiatibn
of cigarette smoking, regular use of cigarettes, age,' at
initiation.of regular cigarette smoking, number of days
cigarettes were smoked during the previous 30 days,
number of cigarettes smoked per day, number of attempts
to quit smoking, and use of smokeless tobacco.
YRBS data are collected every odd year at both the
national and local levels; 1993 data were not available.
To provide greater access to youths who do not
attend school, the CDC and the Bureau of the Census
incorporated a Youth Risk Behavior Supplement to the
1992 National Health Interview Survey. The supplement
was conducted among 12- through 21-year-old youths
from a national probability sample of households. School-
age youths not attending school were oversampled.
The questionnaire for this survey was adminis-
tered through individual portable cassette players with
earphones; after listening to questions, respondents
marked their answers on standardized answer sheets.
This methodology should help young people with
reading problems to complete the survey and should
enhance confidentiality during household administra-
tion (Kolbe, Kann, Collins 1993). Data from this survey
were not available for this report.
National Health Interview Surveys
To determine cigarette smoking trends among older
adolescents (aged 18 and 19), this analysis used data
from NHIS from 1974,1978,1979,1980,1983,1985,1987,
1988,1990, and 1991 (NCHS 1985,1988a, b; CDC, OSH,
unpublished data). Since 1957, NCHS has been collect-
ing health data from a probability sample of the civilian,
106 Epidemiology
TIMN 0138958

lc'hItut ' Uc'.I INiUJ~ ~'il1l~
whites, blacks, and Hispanics in southern California
(Sussman et al. 1987). Role models who smoke are
frequently seen to have socially desirable attributes-
they seem tough, sociable, and sexually attractive
(Chassin, Presson, Sherman 1990). Adolescents who
believe that smoking bestows these attributes may see
smoking as a powerful mechanism for self-enhancement.
These young people may experiment with smoking to
try to adopt a perceived positive social image and thereby
improve the way others, particularly peers, view them
(Chassin, Presson, Sherman 1990; Leventhal et al. 1991).
If peers respond favorably to this strategy, these new
young smokers may continue to smoke, since the behav-
ior has proved functional for them in creating an accept-
able self-image.
Self-Efficacy
An individual's efficacy (ortonfidence) in perform-
ing specified skills and behaviors is a significant media-
tor of peer influences to smoke (Bandura 1986). Ellickson
and Hays (1990-91) found that low self-efficacy, as mea-
sured on a scale of having little or much confidence in
resisting offers of drugs, was associated with drug use,
including smoking. DeVries, Kok, and Dijkstra (1990)
found that self-efficacy in resisting offers to smoke was
the best predictor of smoking among adolescents in the
Netherlands over a one-year interval. Similarly, Lawrance
and Rubinson (1986) found that young adolescents' per-
ceptions of their ability to resist cigarette smoking corre-
sponded to their self-reported smoking. Finally, Stacy et
al. (1992) found in their cross-sectional study of high
school students not only that low self-efficacy in resisting
social influence was a significant predictor of smoking,
but also that high self-efficacy was the only significant
mediator of friends' social influences on smoking. There-
fore, self-efficacy, a personal factor, appears to act as a
buffer that protects adolescents from potent peer influ-
ences to smoke (Conrad, Flay, Hill 1992).
Personality Factora_,
The research on personal factors has also examined
many personalitX factors for their association with onset,
inparttoassesswhetherunderlyingemotionalorpsycho-
logical problems predictadolescentsmoking. Personality
characteristics that are related to deficiencies in self-
control, such as impulsiveness and sensation-seeking
tendencies, are important and were discussed earlier in
this chapter in connection with behavioral factors.
Psychological Well-Being
Several studies have associated cigarette smoking
and symptoms of depression among adolescents. Covey
and Tam (lyy0) showed an indepencient relation ot
depressive mood, friends' smoking behavior, and living
in a single-parent home with cigarette smoking among
205 urban 11th-grade males and females. Depression
scores correlated with the number of cigarettes smoked.
Malkin and Allen (1980) found a significant association
between smoking and depression among males in a
study of 229 rural 8th- and 11th-grade students, a
finding that was replicated for both genders by Kaplan
et al. (1984).
Stein, Newcomb, and Bentler (unpublished data)
found that cigarette use was positively associated with
being extroverted and negatively associated with having
symptoms of depression among junior high school stu-
dents in Los Angeles. Cigarette use, however, signifi-
cantly predicted symptoms of depression in these young
people four and eight years later (Newcomb, McCarthy,
Bentler 1989). These findings may reflect the addictive
quality of tobacco use beyond the earliest experimental
states and the relationship between smoking and de-
pression, since depression is a personality factor that
usually persists over time. Smoking might be a short-
term, self-medicating, response to symptoms associated
with depression. In the long-term, however, this effect
would diminish; as tolerance to nicotine increases, the
possible antidepressant effects of smoking (such as alert-
ness, euphoria, and calm) dissipate (Newcomb,
McCarthey, Bentler 1989). Similarly, Leventhal, Fleming,
and Glynn (1988) found that reported feelings of help-
lessness were associated with more rapid movement to a
second and third experiment with smoking; however,
these feelings were not related to the initial experimenta-
tion. The association of smoking and. suicide attempts,
another clearly serious symptom of depression, is pre-
sented in Chapter 3 (see "Cigarette Smoking and Other
Health-Related Behaviors").
Flay (1993) suggests that symptoms of depression
may be a response to distress associated with stress and
poor family bonding. He points out that stress and
distress have been associated with drug use,, including
tobacco use (Wills and Shiffman.1985). The research of
Kellam, Ensminger, and Simon (1980) suggests that this
cycle may begin early in life. In their study of first-graders
(aged five through seven) in Chicago, they found that
males rated by observers as aggressive or as alternately
shy and aggressive had the highest rate of drug use,
including cigarette use, 10 years later; no long-term psy-
chological predictors were found for females. In another
study (Brunswick and Messeri 1984), adolescent males
were more likely to begin smoking if they were pessimis-
tic about the likelihood of the world becoming any better
or if they held low expectations for their own future; for
adolescent females, a shortened time perspective (i.e., a
Psychosocial Risk Factors 137
TIMN 0138989

[I I/1L [( b'dcc, , L I ~c'.-I /N1~1/ti }cillll~: I Yc~/4c'
The Role of Advertising and Promotion in the
Marketing of Tobacco Products
Introduction
Businesses use advertising and promotion to influ-
ence the marketplace-to prepare a place for their prod-
uct by signaling how it meets an existing or newly
perceived need of the consumer. In the following discus-
sion of such tactics for the tobacco-product marketplace,
"advertising" refers to company-funded advertisements
that appear in paid media (e.g., broadcasts, magazines,
newspapers, outdoor advertising, and transit advertis-
ing), whereas "promotion" includes all company-sup-
ported nonmedia activity (e.g., direct-mail promotions,
allowances, coupons, premiums, point-of-purchase dis-
plays, and entertainment sponsorships).
The general role of advertising is to communicate
accurate information and to influence attitudes and be-
liefs (Kotler 1991). The information that advertising com-
municates can be either factual (e.g., product ingredients
or features) or suggestive (e.g., images of types of people
who might use a product, or associations of a product
with a certain setting or emotion). Much of the regula-
torv activity for advertising is directed at factual cominu-
nication; most of the criticism of advertising is directed at
suggestive communication-at the images it creates and
at the potentially misleading implications of user ben-
efits that can be drawn from those images (Kotler and
Armstrong 1991).
Advertising can be used to create primary de-
mand-that is, to bring new users of a product category
into the marketplace (Ray 1982). These users are at-
tracted by advertising that demonstrates how a particu-
lar product can satisfy a customer need, either physical
or psychological, that is currently either unmet or unsat-
isfied. Users also can be brought into a product market-
place by advertising that causes them to feel a previously
unacknowledged need fora particular product. Primary
demand can be increased through generic category ad-
vertising (such as trade association advertising for com-
modities like milk or beef). The advertising of a specific
brand can sometimes both promote that brand and in-
crease demand for an overall product category; for ex-
ample, advertising fora particular computer can promote
computers in general for first-time buyers:
Advertising also can be used to create selective (or
secondary) demand-that is, to convince consumers to
switch from one specific brand of product to another
(McCarthy and Perreault 1984). Creating selective de-
mand calls for advertising that demonstrates a brand's
superior performance, price, or value. Alternatively,
advertising can create selective demand by projecting
that a brand has a more desirable image than its competi-
tors (such as Avis Rent A Car's well-known slogan,
"We're number two ... but we try harder").
Consumers overestimate the effect of advertising
on overall market factors, but underestimate its effect on
them personally (Bauer and Greyser 1968). Thus, con-
sumers may criticize advertising as being dishonest and
manipulative, but they are unlikely to be able to provide
examples of purchases they have made because of what
they would consider advertising dishonesty or manipu-
lation. In fact, they are unlikely to be able to identify any
purchases they have made because of advertising. For
most products, the role of advertising is to create in the
consumer a structure of attitudes and beliefs about a
product that will facilitate its purchase when the con-
sumer is stimulated by a behavioral prod (Ray 1982).
That prod can come from the social environment (for
example, from another consumer's recommending the
product), from a retailer, or from a promotional incen-
tive, such as a coupon or a free sample.
The actual purchase of a product or service in a
marketplace thus is often achieved by marketers' use of a
specific promotion (Popper 1986; Davis and Jason 1988).
Such activities are used to build on consumers' attitudi-
nal predispositions and lead consumers to act. Promo-
tion, in fact, is the fastest-growing category of all product
marketing activity (Kotler 1991). This growth is partly a
response to the proliferation of advertising as well as to
the limited direct effect that advertising has been found
to have on people's actions. Over the past few decades,
the superabundance of advertising messages has made it
increasingly difficult for a given ad to rise above the
clutter of competing messages both in its own product
category and in the plethora of advertisements in gen-
eral. This competition is particularly true for products
with well-established images and reputations. Thus,
profit return of even a successful advertising expendi-
ture may eventually diminish. Accordingly, the best
sales returns for most industries result from effective
advertising and promotion working in concert.
Promotional activities can take many forms. Pro-
motional expenditures can stimulate retailers to place
and display products in ways that will maximize the
opportunity for purchase (e.g., supplying retailers with
point-of-purchase displays to locate products at
Adrertising and Promotiorr 159
TIMN 0139011

tittr,yt'rn! C~c'rIc'~ul' 1~~'~rrv
98 percent said their best male friends either approved
of, or were neutral toward, their smokeless tobacco
use.
93 percent said their parents knew of their smokeless
tobacco use.
68 percent said their fathers and 45 percent said their
mothers approved of, or were neutral toward, their
smokeless tobacco use.
91 percent said their brothers and 71 percent said their
sisters either approved of, or were neutral toward,
their smokeless tobacco use.
87 percent listed their home as a setting where they
regularly used smokeless tobacco.
43 percent whose dentist knew of their use were not
advised by that professional to quit.
51 percent said their coaches either approved of, or
were neutral toward, their smokeless tobacco use.
These findings were replicated in the 1992 Office of
the Inspector General study on Spit Tobacco and Youth
(USDHHS 1992b). The adolescents in this study who
used smokeless tobacco said that the greatest influences
on their trying smokeless tobacco were peer pressure
and other family members' use. The majority of these
young users felt their parents would agree that their
using smokeless tobacco was preferable to smoking ciga-
rettes (USDHHS 1992b).
In another study, only 14 percent of smokeless
tobacco users reported that their father disapproved of
their smokeless tobacco use, whereas 60 percent said
their mother disapproved (Marty, McDermott, Williams
1986). Williams et al. (1986) found that 55 percent of
smokeless tobacco users indicated that their parents dis-
approved of their use. In a study by Ary et al. (1989),
only 13 percent of daily smokeless tobacco users re-
ported that their dentist had said anything to them
about their use. BrubAer'.and Loftin (1987) found that
smokeless tobacco users reported greater peer accep-
tance of, and less parental opposition to, their use than
did nonusers.
Social Support
Chassin, Presson, and Sherman (1988) examined the
relationship between family social support and current
use of smokeless tobacco. Three cross-sectional analyses
found no pattern of relationships between smokeless to-
bacco use and perceived parental expectations (for'success
or academic accomplishment), parental supportiveness,
parental strictness, agreement between parents, parent-
peer agreement, or the adolescent's reported motivation
to comply with parents. Similarly, two sets of analyses
examining one-year prediction of smokeless tobacco on-
set found no statistically significant effects for the same set
of factors, although the statistical power to detect such
effects was minimal because the sample contained few
cases of smokeless tobacco onset.
Parental Reaction to Smokeless Tobacco Use
Parents appear to be more accepting of smokeless
tobacco use than of cigarette smoking. About 40 percent
of high school smokers reported that their parents knew
about their smoking, whereas smokeless tobacco users
reported that 71 percent of their parents knew of their
use (Chassin et al. 1985). Similarly, young people who
did not use tobacco reported that their parents and peers
were more accepting of smokeless tobacco use than of
smoking (Chassin et al. 1985; Ary et al. 1989). These
findings suggest that adolescents may begin using smoke-
less tobacco partly because they perceive that it is less
deviant than smoking or other drug use and therefore is
more likely to be accepted by their peers and parents
(Hahri et a1.1990).
Some research evidence indicates that the antici-
pated parental response to an adolescent's use of smoke-
less tobacco is related to that youth's likelihood of using
smokeless tobacco. Riley, Barenie, and Myers (1989)
found that high school students' anticipation of their
parents' response was highly predictive of the first trial
of smokeless tobacco and of the level of continued
use. Brubaker and Loftin (1987) found that adolescents
who did not currently use smokeless tobacco but who
intended to become users reported that it would be
unlikely that their parents would respond by taking
away their privileges, reprimanding them, becoming an-
gry, expressing disappointment, or prohibiting them from
continued use. These youth also reported that it was
likely that their parents would ignore their smokeless
tobacco use.
Behavioral Factors in the Initiation of
Smokeless Tobacco Use
Academic Achievement
For males, smokeless tobacco use was related to
poor academic performance (Jones and Moberg 1988)
and to a low grade point average (Brownson et a1.1990).
The NIDA national household survey indicated that for
males, the prevalence of daily use of smokeless tobacco
was highest among school dropouts (13 percent) and
lowest among college students (6 percent) (Rouse 1989).
TIMN 0138994
142 Psychosocial Risk Factors

tiin,tircai (,t1r0nil'. IZCEn0rt
be more inclined to begin smoking to fit iri than`'if they
were aware that only 5 to 7 percent of their peers ac-
tualh smoke.
Vorms
Norms may be defined as what an individual in a
particular group perceives she or he ought to do and
what is perceived as acceptable behavior for a given age
l;rou p, gender, or other subgroup. Gerber and Newman's
(1989) research on smoking-related norms details ado-
lescents' perceptions of the percentage of all adults, peers,
and classmates thev think are smokers. These investiga-
tors found that experimental adolescent smokers who
increased their smoking levels over the course of the
one-year study period perceived more smoking among
their classmates than did those who had decreased their
smoking in the same time period. Similarly, Leventhal,
Fleming, and Glynn (1988) report that youth who partici-
pated in their studies greatly overestimated the propor-
tion of peers and adults who smoke. The adolescents
believed that 66 percent of their peers and 90 percent of
adults «ere smokers, thus overestimating smoking preva-
lence by at least a factor of three.
Collins et al. (1987) examined the predictive influ-
ence of norms in a longitudinal study of 3,295 students
aged i l and 12 in 56 junior high schools in Los Angeles.
Like Chassin et al. (Chassin et a1.1984; Chassin, Presson,
Sherman 1990), thev found that adolescents who made
relatively high estimates of regular smoking prevalence
were more likely to try smoking, to become smokers, or
to increase the amount they smoked over 1 and 1.5 years
of the study. Sussman et al. (1993) discussed further
aspects of normative influence and implications for the
content of prevention programs. Previous smoking and
peer smoking were the main predictors of overestimates
in the Collins et al. (1987) study. In Shean's (1991) re-
search in Australia, beliefs about the number of adoles-
cents and adults who smoke predicted smoking in young
adulthood eight yea~ }ater. In part, these normative
expectations may b~~~i,ction of these beginning smok-
ers' .
ers' actual exposu :a disproportionate number of
smokers, includingaand peers.
Social Support for Smoking
Social support includes perceived approval or dis-
approval of adolescent cigarette smoking by parents,
siblings, peers, and important others, such as teachers or
employers. One way that social support is manifested is
through peer-group pressure, either through support or
discouragement of smoking.
Peer pressure is not always negative; it has been
used successfully in many prevention programs (Klepp,
Halper, Perry 1986). Still, in the study by Hahn et al.
(1990), the urging of one or more acquaintances-most
likely peers or close friends-prompted over half the
instances of adolescents' trying a cigarette for the first
time. In the Chassin et al. (1986) study, females who saw
their friends as more supportive than critical about their
smoking were more likely than those who saw their
friends as less supportive to become regular smokers
one year later. Similarly, many adolescent smokers in
another study reported, "My friends like me because I
smoke" (Hunter et al. 1987). In the same study, smokers
were less likely than nonsmokers to report, "My parents
don't want me to smoke." Peer approval of smoking
was an important predictor for smoking onset among
whites and Hispanics, whereas adult approval was an
important predictor for Hispanics and Asians among
874 southern California 11- through 13-ti ear-olds
(Sussman et a1.1987).
Social support also includes the general support or
approval the adolescent receives from others. This kind
of support appears to play a role in predicting onset:(see
"Trends in Knowledge and Attitudes About Smoking"
in Chapter 3). Chassin et al. (1986) found that those
adolescents who reported that their parents were gener-
ally supportive of them were less likely to begin smoking
or to become regular smokers than were those who
perceived that their parents were not generally support-
ive of them. However, those who reported that their
friends were supportive of them were more likely to
become smokers than were those who did not report
such support. Similarly, males who reported that they
lived in families in which they had limited involvement
in family decisions were more likely to become smokers
than males from families where high involvement in
family decisions was reported (Mittelmark et al. 1987).
Adolescents who reported regularly caring for them-
selves after school were at increased risk of smoking
(Richardson et al. 1989). Finally, adolescents who be-
lieved that parents, siblings, friends, and teachers would
not care if they smoked were at higher risk of initiating
smoking after 2.5 years than were those who believed
that others would care if they smoked (McNeill et al.
1988). Lack of concern by parents appears to increase
risk, particularly for males (Swan, Creeser, Murray 1990).
General parental support of the adolescent and concern
about the adolescent's smoking appears to decrease risk.
Parental Reaction to Smoking
Parental reaction to use and perceived
parental strictness have- also been associated with
onset Hansen et al. (1987) examined the influence of
perceived parental reactions to cigarette smoking (as
well as alcohol and marijuana use) among 293 Los Ange-
les 10- through 12-year-olds. Parental anger toward the
132 Psyclrosocial Risk Factors
TIMN 0138984

I'rt,crnr,~ Tolat<<, uA.lr~,{~ l'rOF'lt
smoking among 6,22-1 students aged 10 through 12 in
New South Wales, Australia. Mittelmark et al. (1987)
found that experimenting with cigarettes was associated
with sibling smoking only for females and.l l- through
13-vear-old students. This finding was similar to the
Chassin et al. (1984) research that found sibling smoking
more influential in the early stages of cigarette use than
in the later stages.
Gender and race differences in the effect of sibling
smoking have also been noted. Hunter et al. (1987)
found sibling smoking predictive for white males, a
sister s smoking predictive for white females, and a
brother's smoking predictive for black males and fe-
males. Brunswick and Messeri (1983) found sibling smok-
ing influential only for males. In the Muscatine Study
(Krohn, Naughton, Lauer 1987), the maintenance (not
initiation) of smoking was associated with a brother's
smoking. Finally, in Conrad, F1ay, and Hill's (1992) re-
view of 27 prospective studies, four of the five studies
that examined this factor indicated that sibling smoking
was associated with onset.
Peer Smoking and Peer Behaviors
One of the areas of widest investigation in the
antecedents of cigarette smoking concerns peer smoking
and related peer behaviors. Peers may be, defined as
persons of about the same age who feel a social iden-
tification with one another. The influence of peers has
been posited as the single most important factor in deter-
mining when and how cigarettes are first tried. Flay et
al. (1983) suggest that smoking may primarily represent
an effort to achieve social acceptance from peers and that
it may particularly be an experimental "adult" activity
that is shared with the peer group. Leventhal and
Keeshan (1993) suggest that adolescents are not only
influenced b,v, but also influence and construct, their
peer groups. These researchers propose that small groups
of adolescents "construct shared social environments in
which they perceive themselves and other(s) as having
mutual cognitive, ennofional, and valuative reactions....
~..l the intersubjectivi ~ created by sharing generates a sense
of wellness. This °' of mutuality enhances the attrac-
tiveness of the and may lead to incorporation of
the self-image of tJie 6thers into the image of one's own
self" (p. 269).
Multiple cross-sectional and longitudinal studies
worldwide substantiate the relationship between
smoking onset and peers' (or friends') smoking (Shean
1991; O'Connell et al. 1981; Ogawa et a1.1988). In their
research, Bauman et al. (1990) found that smoking most
often occurred. in the presence of best friends. Sixty
percent of 11- through 17-year-olds reported that they
had first smoked, and 72 percent reported that they had
most recently smoked, with close friends (Hahn et al.
1990). Among 12- through 14-year-olds, those whose
best friend smoked were four times more likely to be
smokers than those whose best friend did not smoke.
Best friend's smoking predicted both smoking experi-
mentation and prevalence among urban San Diego ado-
lescents from a variety of ethnic groups (Elder, Molgaard,
Gresham 1988) and among white and black 8- through
17-year-olds in Louisiana (Hunter, Vizelberg, Berenson
1991). Best friend's cigarette use was predictive of the
first try at smoking, whereas having a majority of friends
who smoke was predictive of the second cigarette
(Leventhal, Fleming, Glynn 1988).
In the Conrad, Flay, and Hill (1992) review of the
recent prospective research, friends' smoking was pre-
dictive of some phase of smoking in~ all but one
(Newcomb, McCarthy, Bentler 1989) of 16 studies. A
positive association of peer smoking with onset of smok-
ing in 88 percent 'of these more rigorous, longitudinal
studies suggests a clear link between peers' smoking and
cigarette use. This link may be mediated by personal
factors, such as self-efficacy (or self-confidence), and ap-
pears to be most potent in the earlier stages of sirioking
(Pomerleau 1979; Pederson and Lefcoe 1986; Chassin,
Presson, Sherman 1990).
Social Bonding
The interpersonal environment has also been char-
acterized by the degree of social bonding, or attach-
ment, between the adolescent and important others or
institutions.
The findings on family bonding variables in smok-
ing onset, particularly attachment to mothers or fathers,
have been inconsistent; those related to peer bonding,
including the number of friends, level of social life,
participation in antisocial activities, and having a boy-
friend or girlfriend, were all found to be predictive of
onset (Conrad, Flay, Hill 1992). Bonding with peers who
smoke appears to increase the risk of smoking, perhaps
because such bonding takes precedence over attachments
to the family.
Perceived Environmental Factors
The perceived environment includes the smoking-
related norms, social support, expectations, reactions,
and barriers that adolescents sense in their environment.
The perceived environment may be a more proximal
influence on smoking initiation than the actual environ-
ment (Jessor and Jessor 1977). For example, 12-year-olds
who believe that "lots of people" their age smoke may
Psychosocial Risk Factors 131
TIMN 0138983

Initiation of Cigarette Smoking
Introduction
Early public health efforts to prevent smoking
among adolescents were largely informed by health-
related and demographic findings from research stimu-
lated by the landmark 1964 Surgeon General's report
on smoking and health (Public Health Service 1964;
Chassin, Presson, Sherman 1990). By the mid-1970s, the
ineffectiveness of these attempts to reduce rates of smok-
ing onset among adolescents further stimulated research
into what motivates young people to begin smoking
(Thompson 1978). Significant support for such research
was provided by the National Clearinghouse for Smok-
ing and Health, the National Institutes of Health, the
National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA), and various
private health organizations, including the American
Lung Association, the American Cancer Society, and the
American Heart Association.
The application of psychosocial theories to the area
of adolescent smoking behavior provided a major break-
through in the understanding of smoking initiation and
development, pioneered by the conceptual and pilot work
of Leventhal (1968), Bandura (1977), Evans et al. (1978),
McAlister, Perry, and Maccoby (1979), and McGuire
(1984). Rather than view cigarette smoking as a health
behavior, these researchers examined smoking as a so-
cial behavior, with social causes, functions, and rein-
forcements. Although this early work involved mostly
correlational research, such as examining the relation-
ship between parental smoking and childreri s smoking
behavior, research became increasingly theory-driven,
longitudinal, prospective, and multivariate during the
1980s (Chassin, Presson, Sherman 1990). Conrad, Flay,
and Hill (1992) recently reviewed 27 prospective studies
on smoking initiation published since 1980 (see Table 2
for characteristics of these studies). The large number of
such methodologically sophisticated studies provides a
sufficient base of knowledge to begin drawing conclu-
sions about the relative importance of a variety of risk
factors for the onset of tobacco use.
The process of onset requires clarification. Regard-
less of the age at which they smoke their first cigarette,
young people appear to progress through a sequence
of stages that takes them from receptivity
to dependence on tobacco use (Leventhal and Cleary
1980; Flay et al. 1983). Not all young people who try a
cigarette become daily smokers; still, almost all of
those who become daily smokers have experienced simi-
lar, well-defined stages in the behavior-acquisition
124 Psychosocin! Risk Factors
process. The risk factors for each of these stages appear
to differ; this variation suggests that even within the
seven years of adolescence (ages 11 through 17), devel-
opmentally appropriate prevention programs should be
used (Leventhal, Fleming, Glynn 1988).
Developmental Stages of Smoking
Flay (1993) discusses the five primary stages of
smoking initiation among children and adolescents (Fig-
ure 1). During the first or preparatory stage, attitudes
and -beliefs about the utility of smoking are formed. At
this stage, even if no actual smoking behavior is enacted,
the child or adolescent may see smoking as functional-
as a way to appear mature, cope with stress, bond with a
new peer group, or display independence (Perry, Murra,v,
Klepp 1987). The second or trying stage encompasses
the first two or three times an adolescent smokes. Peers
are usually involved in situations that encourage trying
(Conrad, Flay, Hill 1992). Whether the physiological
effects of smoking are perceived to be negative and
whether these tries are socially reinforced determine if
an adolescent will proceed to the next stage (Leventhal,
Fleming, Ershler, unpublished data), experimentation,
which includes repeated but irregular smoking. At this
third stage, smoking is generally a response to a particu-
lar situation (such as a party) or to a particular person
(such as a best friend). These influences will not vet have
prompted a regular pattern of use. In the fourth stage,
regular use, an adolescent smokes on a regular basis,
usually at least weekly, and increasingly across a variety
of situations and personal interactions. The final stage,
nicotine dependence and addiction (see "Nicotine Ad-
diction in Adolescence" in Chapter 2), is characterized
by a physiological need for nicotine. This need includes
tolerance for nicotine, withdrawal symptoms if the per-
son tries to quit, and a high probability of relapse if the
person does quit (Flay 1993). These stages have been
further quantified and validated by Stem et al. (1987).
The tirine interval from the initial try to the stage of
regular use takes an average of two to three years, with
considerable interval variation among individuals
(Leventhal, Fleming, Glynn 1988). McNeill (1991) found
in a prospective study that of those who experimented
with cigarettes, approximately half were smoking on a
daily basis within one year. Leventhal, Fleming, and
Glynn (1988) suggest that the time interval from the
initial try to the stage of regular use may be extended,
particularly if the time is lengthened between the first
TIMN 0138976

1're vetttuts TohaCiu Utie .-lttuuty Ytutttg 1'rvhle
Suney (ALTS) (USDHHS 1989b). The same surveys
indicated that the prevalence of snuff use was 0.3 percent
among 17- through 19-year-old males in 1970, 2.9 percent
among 16- through 19-year-old males in 1985, and 5.3
percent among 17- through 19-year-old males in 1986.
In the 1986-1989 MTFP surveys, high school se-
niors' past-month use of smokeless tobacco declined
slightly for all respondents (from 12 to 8 percent), for
whites (from 13 to 10 percent), and for males (from 22 to
16 percent) (Bachman, Johnston, O'Malley 1987, 1991;
Johnston, Bachman, O'Malley 1991, 1992). In the 1992
MTFP survey, however, past-month use of smokeless
tobacco was 11 percent for all respondents, 14 percent for
whites, and 21 percent for males (ISR, University of
Michigan, unpublished data). In the NHSDA, the preva-
lence of past-month use of smokeless tobacco among 12-
through 17-year-old males was 6.6 percent in 1988 and
5.3 percent in 1991 (USDHHS 1989a, 1992a). In the same
survey, use of smokeless tobacco in the past year was
estimated to be 11.1 percent in 1985, 7.0 percent in 1988,
6.1 percent in 1990, and 6.1 percent in 1991. A parallel
decline has been reported among young adults (18
through 25 years old): the prevalence of past-year use of
smokeless tobacco in this group was 11.1 percent in 1985,
8.9 percent in 1988, 9.2 percent in 1990, and 8.7 percent in
1991 (USDHHS 1988a, 1989a, 1991a, 1992a).
The reduction in the late 1980s may be attributed to
increased awareness resulting from several events: (1)
the much-publicized Sean Marsee case, in which a star
high school athlete who used snuff died of oral cancer
(Fincher 1985); (2) the 1986 convening of a major national
conference on smokeless tobacco use and the 1986 release
of a report by the Advisory Committee to the Surgeon
General on smokeless tobacco (Journal of the American
Medical Association 1986; USDHHS 1986); (3) the intro-
duction in 1986 of health warnings on smokeless tobacco
packages and advertising; and (4) the enactment in 1986
of a ban on the advertising of smokeless tobacco prod-
ucts through the electronic media (USDHHS 1989b,
1992b).
The overall national prevalence estimates for cur-
rent smokeless tobacco use (within the 30 days preced-
ing the survey) were 3 percent for past-month users
among persons 12 through 18 years old surveyed in the
1991 NHSDA (reflecting about 800,000 users), 11 percent
for high school seniors in the 1992 MTFP survey, and 11
percent for students in grades 9-12 in the 1991 YRBS
(Table 34). Current use was substantially more preva-
lent among males than females; 6 percent of the males in
the NHSDA and 20 percent of the males in the other two
surveys reported current use, whereas only about 1 per-
cent of the females in the three surveys reported current
use. Smokeless tobacco use was highest among white
males; Hispanic males had the next highest prevalence,
and black males had the lowest. Although reliable na-
tional data are not currently available on smokeless to-
bacco use among American Indian and Alaskan Native
adolescents, local surveys have reported very high preva-
lence (e.g., CDC 1987,1988; Schinke et al. 1987; Hall and
Dexter 1988; see also "Sociodemographic Factors in. the
Initiation of Smokeless Tobacco Use" in Chapter 4).
Smokeless tobacco use increased with increasing
age in the NHSDA survey of 12- through 18-year-olds
and by grade in the 1992 MTFP survev, but did not
change appreciably among students in the four high
school grades surveyed by the YRBS.
Individual YRBS surveys conducted in several state
and local communities found that male high school stu-
dents were far more likely than females to use smokeless
tobacco (Table 35); nonetheless, smokeless tobacco was
used by as much as 10 percent of female respondents in a
given state survey. In some states (Alabama, Idaho,
South Dakota, Colorado, Wyoming, and Montana), males
were as likely to report current smokeless tobacco use as
they were to report current cigarette use (see Table 3).
The 1992 MTFP survey gathered data on the fre-
quency of smokeless tobacco use among approximately
2,600 high school seniors (ISR, University of Michigan,
unpublished data). Users were classified according to
the number of days they had used smokeless tobacco
over a period of 30 days. Thirty-eight percent of male
users and 20 percent of female users reported that they
had used smokeless tobacco at least once every day.
Seventy percent of the female users reported that they
had used the product less than once each week. Thirty-
nine percent of white users and 12 percent of black users
reported daiii use of smokeless tobacco. Almost 60 per-
cent of the iiack users reported that they had used the
product less than once each week. Among past-month
users, 46 percent of those living in the West and 43
percent of those from the South had used smokeless
tobacco at least once each day. Thirty-three percent of
users who lived in the north-central and 22 percent from
the northeast United States used smokeless tobacco on a
daily basis.
Use of Smokeless Tobacco and Cigarettes
As was shown in Table 23,43 percent of male high
school seniors who used smokeless tobacco also smoked
cigarettes. Tobacco, either in the form of cigarettes or
smokeless tobacco, was used by 15 percent of 12- through
18-year-olds in the 1991 NHSDA, 32 percent of high
school students in the 1991 YRBS, and 33 percent of high
school seniors in the 1992 MTFP (Table 36). Males were
substantially more likely than females to use tobacco.
Regardless of gender, the prevalence of tobacco use for
Epidemiology 97
TIMN 0138949

tillr'tt'Ull Cn7/t'r~ll'~ Rt'l~tV!
CENTERS FOR DISEASE CONTROL. Selected tobacco-use
behaviors and dietarv patterns among high schcwt stuaents-
C'nitet.i States, Iq9L. ,1Aorbidity and Murtalittt Werklu Report
lyy'_c:-il('-1):-117 ?1.
CENTERS FOR DISEASE CONTROL. Tobacco, alcohol, and
other drug use among high school students-United States,
Iy91. Morl+iditutlntlMortalittt M'ekltt Report 1992d;-I1(37):698-
;03.
FINCHER J. Sean Marsee's smokeless death. Rc'adc'r'< Dl,`r.~t
1985;127(; 62):107-12.
FISHBURti E PM, ABELSON HI, CISIN IH. National ;u/zmetr cnl
drug ahuse: main findilgti: 1979. US Department of Health and
Human Services, Public Health Service, Alcohol, Drug Abuse,
and Mental Health Administration, National Institute on Drug
Abuse. Bethesda (MD): DHHS Publication No. (ADM) 80-976,
1980.
CENTERS FOR DISEASE CONTROL AND PREVENTION,
DIVISION OF ADOLESCENT AND SCHOOL HEALTH.
Unpublished data.
CENTERS FOR DISEASE CONTROL AND PREVENTION,
OFFICE ON SMOKING AND HEALTH. Unpublished data.
COHEN SJ, KATZ BP, DROOK CA, CHRISTEN AG,
vICDONALD JL, OLSON BL, ET AL. Overreporting of smoke-
less tobacco use by adolescent males. Journal of Behavioral
Medicine 1988;11(4):383-93.
CONVERSE PE, TRAUGOTT MW. Assessing the accuracy of
polls and surveys. Science 1986;234 November:1094-8.
DIFRANZA JR, RICHARDS JW, PAULMAN PM, WOLF-
GILLESPIE N, FLETCHERC, JAFFE RD, ETAL. RJR Nabisco's
cartoon camel promotes Camel cigarettes to children. journal of
the American Medical Association 1991;266(22):3149-53.
ERNSTER VL, GRADY DG, GREENE JC, WALSH M,
ROBERTSON P, DAtiIELSTE, ET AL. Smokeless tobacco use
and health effects among baseball players. Journal of the Ameri-
call Mcdical A:sucitltivtl 1990;264(2):218-24.
ESCOBEDO LG, MARCUS SE, HOTZMAN D, GIOVINO GA.
Sports participation, age of smoking initiation, and the risk of
smoking among U.S. high school students. journal of the Ameri-
can Medical Association 1993;269(11):1391-5.
ESCOBEDO LG, REMINGTON PL. Birth cohort analysis of
smoking prevalence among Hispanics in the United States.
journal of the American Medical Association 1989;261(1):66-9.
ETZEL RA. A review of the use of saliva cotinine as a marker
of tobacco smoke exposure: Preventive Medicine 1990;19(2):
190-7.
EVANS RI, HANSEN WB, MITTELMARK MB. Increasing the
validity of self-reports of smoking behavior in children. journal
of Altplied Psyclwlotit 1977;62(4):521-3.
FEARS BA, GERKOVICH MM, O'CONNELL KA, COOK
MR. Evaluation of salivary thiocyanate as an indicator of
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116 Epidemiology
FLAY BR, D'AVERNAS JR, BEST JA, KERSELL MW, RYAN
KB. Cigarette smoking: why young people do it and ways of
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the findings. Princeton (NJ): George H. Gallup International
Institute, 1992.
GFROERER J. Personal communication. 1993.
HAENSZEL W, SHIMKIN MB, MILLER HP. Tobacco smvking
patterns in the United States. Public Health Monograph No. 45.
US Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Public
Health Service, Office on Smoking and Health. DHEW Publica-
tion No. (PHS) 463,1955.
HALL RL, DEXTER D. Smokeless tobacco use and attitudes
toward smokeless tobacco among Native Americans and other
adolescents in the Northwest. American Journal of Public Health
1988;78(12):1586-8.
HARRIS JE. Cigarette smoking among successive birth cohorts
of men and women in the United States during 1900-80. journal
of the National Cmlcer Institute 1983;71(3):473-9.
HILL PC, DILL CA, DAVENPORT EC. A reexamination of
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HOSMER DW, LEMESHOW S. Applied logistic regression.
New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1989.
INSTITUTE FOR SOCIAL RESEARCH, UNIVERSITY OF
MICHIGAN. Unpublished data.
JARVIS MJ, RUSSELL MA, BENOWITZ NL, FEYERABEND
C. Elimination of cotinine from body fluids: implications for
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JARVIS MJ, TUNSTALL-PEDOE H, FEYERBEND C, VESSEY
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. TIMN 0138968

Prtr,,entinw TL)haccc) Lb;C.-1mUl1S ti"olut,~ l'wple
Appendix 1. Sources of Data
National Teenage Tobacco Surveys and
Teenage Attitudes and Practices Survey
The U.S. Public Health Service (primarily OSH,
which was formerly called the National Clearinghouse
for Smoking and Health) and the U.S. Department of
Education collected data on cigarette smoking patterns
among teenagers (aged 12 through 18) in 1968, 1970,
1972, 1974, and 1979 (USDHEW 1972, 1976,1979b) and
on teenage use of cigarettes and smokeless tobacco in
1989 (Allen et al. 1991, 1993; Moss et al. 1992). These
surveys are referred to collectively as the National Teen-
age Tobacco Surveys. All six surveys were conducted
via telephone. (In 1968, results from in-person inter-
views conducted in households without telephones in-
dicated that the exclusion of such households would not
significantly influence the data obtained from the tele-
phone sample [USDHEW 19721.) However, the 1989
survey, often referred to as the Teenage Attitudes and
Practices Survey, mailed questionnaires to those persons
in the sample who could not be reached by telephone
(Allen et al. 1991, 1993; Moss et a1.1992). (See Table 1 for
sample sizes, types of surveys, response rates, ages, and
sponsoring agencies.)
The response rate was reported only for the 1989
survey (82 percent) (Allen et al. 1991, 1993). Estimates
from the 1968-1979 NTTS were based on unweighted
data; those from the TAPS incorporated survey design
and post-stratification weights. Because of differences in
sampling, weighting, and interviewing procedures, the
1989 survey cannot be readily compared with the earlier
surveys.
TAPS is ongoing. TAPS II, which included a na-
tional longitudinal component, was conducted in spring
1993; data were not available for this report. .
National H_oiisehold Surveys on Drug Abuse
Since 197~NIDA has conducted periodic house-
hold surveys (the: NHSDA) of the civilian, non-
institutionalized population of persons aged 12 and older.
These surveys are now sponsored by SAMSHA. Pub-
lished data are available from surveys conducted by
NIDA for the years 1974, 1976, 1977, 1979, 1982, 1985,
1988,1990,.and 1991 (Abelson and Atkinson 1975; Abelson
and Fishburne 1976; Fishburne, Abelson, Cisin 1980;
Miller et al. 1983; USDHHS 1988a, 1990a, 1991a, 1992a).
Multistage sampling designs were used to ran-
domly sample households in the 48 contiguous states;
the 1991 survey also included Alaska and Hawaii
(USDHHS 1992a). Respondents were interviewed in
their homes by trained personnel. The response rate
averaged 80 percent (Gfroerer 1993), and the data were
weighted to provide national estimates. For all years
except 1979, "ever smokers" were defined as persons
who reported having tried a cigarette, and "current smok-
ers" were defined as persons who had smoked within
the past month. For 1979, only persons who reported
having smoked five or more packs of cigarettes in their
lifetime were asked if they were current smokers; direct
comparison with other NIDA surveys is thus problem-
atic. The results of the 1982 survey have been used to
adjust the 1979 prevalence estimates to be more compa-
rable with other years. From 1974 through 1982, race
information was categorized as either white or races
other than white; from 1985 through 1991, this informa-
tion was categorized as white, black, and other (Abelson
and Atkinson 1975; Abelson and Fishburne 1976;
Fishburne, Abelson, Cisin 1980; Miller et al. 1983;
USDHHS 1988a, 1990a, 1991a, 1992a). Patterns of use
identified by the 1991 survey are described for persons
12 through 18 years old. In addition, the initiation pat-
terns of persons 30 through 39 years of age are used to
estimate the percentage of people who initiate smoking
after 18 years of age. Since 1988, the NHSDA has also
collected data on smokeless tobacco'use.
The NHSDA is conducted annually; 1992 data were
not available for this report.
Monitoring the Future Project Surveys
The University of Michigan's ISR, under grants
from NIDA, has surveyed nationally representative
samples of high school seniors in the spring of each year
since 1975 as part of the MTFP. In 1991 and 1992, 8th-
and 10th-grade students were also surveyed. This report
includes analyses from published or in-press data from
1976 through 1992 (Bachman, Johnston, O'Malley 1980a,
b, 1981, 1984, 1985, 1987, 1991; Bachman et al. 1991;
Johnston, Bachman, O'Malley 1980a, b,1982,1984,1986,
1991, 1992; Johnston, O'Malley, Bachman 1992a, 1992),
from unpublished data for 1989 through 1992 (ISR, Uni-
versity of Michigan, unpublished data), and from analy-
ses of public-use computer tapes for the 1976-1989
surveys (CDC, OSH, unpublished data). The data from
1975'were not included in this report, because a com-
puter tape was not available for 1975 and because the
response rate was much lower and the sample size much
_._ Epidemiology 105
TIMN 0138957

tiur~iun Ginir,tl', Rir-t-t
Figure 1. Selected Marlboro cigarette advertisements, 1937-1992
..-. , ,~ .cs .
. .i~
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SURGEON GENERAI'S WARNING: Smoking
By Pregnant Women May Result in Fetal
Intury. Premature Birth. And low'Rtrth Wetght.
0
Sources: Clockwise from top left: Nezv Yorker 1937; Road &
Track 1990; Road & Track 1992.
In a parallel manner, advertisements for brands
such as Virginia Slims appealed to feminine indepen-
dence. An ad executive who headed the account for a
leading female brand, and who requested anonymity,
was quoted by the Wall Street Journal as stating, "We try
to tap the emerging independence and self-fulfillment of
women, to make smoking a badge to express that"
(Waldman 1989, p. B1).
Over the past few decades, many advertising cam-
paigns have featured race car drivers, and many brands
(such as Camel, Marlboro, and Winston) continue to
sponsor racing events and teams. A commercial study
of three different executions of a 1976 Viceroy adver-
tisement with close-ups of "a young man in auto racing
garb" found that subtle visual differences caused by
the model's appearance, positioning, or other visual
staging devices could greatly affect consumer reactions.
Despite identical verbal copy and layout in all three
advertisements, one of them more strongly suggested
that smokers of Viceroy had the desirable "positive
personality characteristics including courageousness,
178 Advertising and Promotion
TIMN 0139030

tiiu,Xeuii e;cvirral' Re;avt
C:S DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES.
Natie)nal ituu<e-hold :ureyon dntgabuse: population estimatcs 1991.
Revised: November 20, 1992. US Department of Health and
Human Services, Public Health Service, Alcohol, Drug Abuse,
and Mental Health Administration, National Institute on Drug
Abuse. DHHS Publication No. (ADM) 92-1887, 1992a.
US DEPART"vtEtiT OF HEALTH, EDUCATION, AND 1h'EL-
FARE. Snroku~t and health. A report of the Surteon General. US
Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Public Health
Service, Office of the Assistant Secretarv for Health, Office on
Smoking and Health. DHEW Publication No. (PHS) 79-50066,
1979a.
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES.
Smokeless tobacco or health: an international perspective. Mono-
graph No. 2. [;S Department of Health and Human Services,
Public Health Service, National Institutes of Health, National
Cancer Institute. Bethesda (MD): NIH Publication No. 92-3461,
September 1992b.
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES.
National household sun.wy on drug abuse: main findings 1991. US
Department of Health and Human Services, Public Health
Service, Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Admin-
istration, Office of Applied Studies. DHHS Publication No.
(SMA) 93-1980,1993.
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH, EDUCATION, AND WEL-
FARE. Teenage smoking: national patternsofcigarettesmoking,ages
12 throuKh 18, in 1968 and 1970. US Department of Health,
Education, and Welfare, Health Services and Mental Health
Administration, Regional Medical ProgramsServices, National
Clearinghouse for Smoking and Health. DHEW Publication
No. (HSM) 72-7508,1972.
US DEPARTME;\;TOF HEALTH, EDUCATION, AND WEL-
FARE. Teenagesmaking: natiunal patternsofcigarettesmoking,ages
12 through 18, in 1972 and 1974. US Department of Health,
Education, and Welfare, Public Health Service, National Insti-
tutes of Health. DHEW Publication No. (NIH) 76-931,1976.
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH, EDUCATION, AND WEL-
FARE. Teenage smoking. Immediate and long-term patterns. US
Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, National Insti-
tute of Education, November 1979b.
VELICER WF, PROCHASKA JO, ROSSI JS, SNOW MG. As-
sessing outcome in smoking cessation studies. Psycholegical
Bulletin 1992;111(1):23-41.
WALL MA, JOHNSON J, JACOB P, BENOWITZNL. Cotinine
in the serum, saliva, and urine of nonsmokers, passive smokers,
and active smokers. American Journal of Public Health
1988;78(6):699-701.
WALLACE JM, BACHMAN JG. Explaining racial/ethnic dif-
ferences in adolescent drug use: the impact of background and
lifestyle. Social Problems 1991s38(3):333-57.
WERCH CE, GORMAN DR, MARTY PJ, FORBESS J, BROWN
B. Effects of the bogus-pipeline on enhancing validity of self-
reported adolescent drug use measures. Jourrad of School Health
1987;57(6):232-6.
ZANES A, MATSOUKAS E. Different settings, different re-
sults? A comparison of school and home responses. Public
Opinion Quarterly 1979;43(4):550-7.
120 Epidemiology . TIMN 0138972

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
Figure 3. A model of smoking initiation: cigarette advertising as a shaping force of an adolescent's
ideal
self-image
Cigarette advertising
I
Images of smokers
Ideal self-image
7 \
If ideal = self-image
If ideal # self-image
Y
No change in behavior
Alter behavior to be more like
ideal self-image
Less risk of initiation
of smoking
Greater risk of initiation
of smoking
Source: Burton, Moinuddin, Grenier (unpublished data).
no more than a puff of a cigarette were asked how many
of their peers and how many adults smoked. Respon-
dents were aLso asked whether they had ever seen a
cigarette ad and when an ad was last seen.
Los Angeles youth were more likely than Helsinki
youth to overestimate the prevalence of peer smoking
(a 417 percent overestimate vs. a 150 percent one) and of
adult smoking (319 percent vs. 173 percent). Both be-
tween countries and within the Los Angeles respon-
dents, reported cigarette advertising exposure was
positively related to the amount of overestimation of
both adult and peer smoking prevalence. Overestimates
of smoking prevalence were found to be positively re-
lated to intentions to smoke. Interestingly, self-reported
exposure to cigarette advertising and intentions to smoke
had a direct relationship beyond that mediated by
misperceptions of smoking prevalence.
In a recently published study of seventh-and eighth-
graders, Botvin et al. (1993) found that exposure to ciga-
rette advertising in periodicals and newspapers was
predictive of current smoking status. Adolescents with
high exposure to cigarette advertising were significantly
Advertising and Promotion 193
TIMN 0139045

hreCii1hnLt Tt)hA`ci~ LLt~iUnt~ t'cOl'lt'
Association) coined the expression "smokewashing" to
imply that children were being brainwashed by cigarette
advertising (AA 1963q).
The campaign that drew the most specific criti-
cism for its advertising copy was the American Tobacco
Company's 1963 Lucky Strike slogan: "Luckies sepa-
rate the men from the boys, but not from the girls" (AA
1963c). The television schedule stipulated use of all
three networks and spot commercials on 500 stations in
90 markets (USTJ 1963b). A typical print ad showed a
young man looking longingly at an accomplished, ma-
ture man (such as a race car driver) who was enjoying a
cigarette while receiving recognition for a feat (such as a
trophy for winning a race) and being admired by an
attractive woman. The President of the National Asso-
ciation of Broadcasters called the campaign a "brazen,
cynical flouting of the concern of millions of American
parents about their children starting the smoking
habit.... They well know that every boy wants to be
regarded as a man" (AA 1963g, p. 1). Advertising Age
joined in editorial condemnation of the campaign by
stating: "It is a too-clever, too-cynical attempt.... This
is advertising we can do without" (AA 1963t, p. 20).
In the face of this criticism, the six major firms in the
industry dropped virtually all advertising in college me-
dia, football programs, magazines, and newspapers, all
of which they had been supporting with up to $1 million
annually (AA 1963b). This action left in place, however,
other teen-targeting practices, such as R.J. Reynolds's
expenditure of nearly $2.5 million (about half of its spot
radio commitment) on teen radio stations during after-
school hours, a practice the company claimed it discon-
tinued in 1964 (AA 1964b). Advertising Age noted the
political and public relations dilemma thatcigarette firms
faced, since the companies were interested "in picking
up new business from new, young smokers" yet did not
want "to be seen reaching to the young market" (AA
1963f, p. 108).
Industrv executives met in the summer of 1963 to
discuss restrictions on television advertising, using the
Tobacco Institute as a framework to avoid collusion
charges (AA 1963v). One of the Tobacco Institute s sug-
gestions was that programs "whose content is directed
particularly at youthful audiences should not be spon-
sored or used. Thus, good judgment in program con-
tent, rather than arbitrary restriction of sponsorship to
certain hours of the listening or viewing day, should be
the determining factor" (AA 1963j, p. 1). Although the
Tobacco Institute took pains to note that it did not monitor
or regulate the advertising of its members, the chief execu-
tives of all of the major firms, save Brown & Williamson,
instantly endorsed the suggestions, indicating that they
would display the necessary judgment and self-regula-
tory restraint.
The suggestions of the Tobacco Institute d rew scorn
from Senator Maureen Neuberger, a leading Congres-
sional critic of tobacco-marketing practices. The Senator
felt that the suggestions and the entire self-regulatory
process would prove to be an "exercise in futility" that
was "motivated by a desire to head off government
regulation" (AA 1963j, p. 8). Senator Warren Magnuson
complained about sponsorship (for the Kent brand of
cigarettes) of The Ed Sullivan Show for the Beatles' Ameri-
can debut, which exposed millions of teens to cigarette
advertising (AA 1965).
In 1964, the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) noted
that both the messages and the media placement seemed
destined to attract the young:
Whether through design or otherwise, cigarette
advertising is so placed that its audience is substan-
tially and not merely incidentally or insignificantly,
composed of nonadults.... Whether or not the ciga-
rette industry has deliberately attempted to exploit
the large and vulnerable youth market, its advertis-
ing, in emphatically reiterating the pleasures and
attractions of smoking without disclosing°the dan-
gers to health, has exercised an undue influence
over the large class of youthful, immature consum-
ers or potential consumers of cigarettes (FTC 1964,
pp. 110-2).
An analysis of the television schedule sponsored
by cigarette firms in 1963 indicated that almost all firms
bought air time during a large number of shows that had
audiences consisting of 30 percent or more youth (i.e.,
persons under 21 years old). The sponsors, the shows
sponsored, and the percentages of youthful audiences
for the shows included the American Tobacco Com-
pany-Combat (45 percent), The Jimmy Dean Show (32
percent), Monday Night Movie (30 percent), Saturday Night
Movie (30 percent), and The Twilight Zone (30 percent);
Liggett & Myers -The Outer Limits (46 percent), The Price
Is Right (32 percent); Lorillard-The Joey Bishop Show (44
percent), Wide World of Sports (38 percent), Winter Olym-
pics Preview (35 percent), The Dick Van Dyke Show (33
percent); Philip Morris-The Jackie Gleason Show (38 per-
cent), The Red Skelton Show (37 percent), Route 66 (31 '
percent); and R.J. Reynolds-Glynis (44 percent), McHale's
Navy (40 percent), The Beverly Hillbillies (38 percent), 77
Sunset Strip (32 percent), and Saturday Night at the Movies
(32 percent) (Pollay and Compton 1992).
Altogether, cigarette companies sponsored 55 shows
for a total of 125 hours a week. On the assumption that
the average half-hour television show involved two
commercials, teenagers were exposed to more than
1,350 cigarette commercials during 1963, and younger
children were exposed to over 845 commercials during
that year. Analysis of the time slots most frequently
Advertising and Promotion 169
TIMN 0139021

hl"c : il/tnik TJ!'Niit~ (_hC .1Nh'11~: ~ 01U1"~ hi1'l'IC
1'IERCE JP, HATZIANDREU E. Report ot the !y8badt)lt )/.i ot
hohacco sur'w. C;S Department of Health and Human Services,
Public Health Service, Centers for Disease Contrcil, Office on
Smoking and Health. Publication No. OM 90-2004, 1990.
PIERCE JP, NAQUIN M, GILPIN E, GIOVINO G, MILLS S,
MARCUS S. Smoking initiation in the United States: a role for
v.'orksite and college smoking bans. Journal of the National
t=ancer Institute 19N1;83( l4):1009-13.
PIRIE PL, MURRAY DM, LUEPKER RV. Smoking prevalence
in a cohort of adolescents, including absentees, dropouts, and
transfers. American fournal of Public Health 1988;78(20):176-8.
ROBERTSON JB, BRAY JT. Development of a validation test
for self-reported abstinence from smokeless tobacco products:
preliminary results. Prezlentire Medicine 1988;17(4):496-502.
SCHINKE SP, SCHILLING RF II, GILCHRIST LD, ASHBY
VIR, KITAJIMA E. Pacific Northwest Native American youth
and smokeless tobacco use. International Journal of Addictions
1987;22(9):881-4.
SUBSTANCE ABUSE AND MENTAL HEALTH SERVICES
ADMINISTRATION. The 1991 National Household Survey on
Drug Abuse. Unpublished data.
TAIOLI E, WYNDER EL. Effect of the age at which smoking
begins on frequency of smoking in adulthood [letter]. New
En~Zland Journal of Medicine 1991;325(13):968-9.
TURNER CF, LESSLER JT, DEVORE JW. Effects of mode of
administration and wording on reporting of drug use. In:
Turner CF, Lessler JT, Gfroerer JC, editors. Sur'ey measurement
ofdrug use: rncthodolc,tical studies. US Department of Health and
Human Services, Public Health Service, Alcohol, Drug Abuse,
and Mental Health Administration. Rockville (MD): nHHS
Publication No. (ADM) 92-1929, 1992.
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES.
The health consequences of sntoking for u+omen. A report of the
Surgeon General. US Department of Health and Human Ser-
vices, Public Health Service, Office of the Assistant Secretary for
Health, Office on Smoking and Health, 1980.
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES.
The heal th corsequencts of smoking: cancer and chronic lung d isease
in the n'vrkplace. A report of the Surgeon General. US Department
of Health and I-Iuman Services, Public Health Service, Office on
Smoking and Health. DHHS Publication No. (PHS) 85-50207,
1985.
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES.
The health consequences of using smokeless tobacco. A report of the
adz'isory colmnittee to the Surgeon General. US Department of
Health and Human Services, Public Health Service, National
Institutes of Health. NIH Publication No. 86-2874,1986.
LS DEl'ARTME`T OF HEALTH A\D H[:`tA\ tiF.lt% K_(`a
Natioual houseltolct suminton drug ahu:,r: inuw hndiltl 198 5. l.5
Department of Health and Human Services, Public Health
Service, Alcohol, Drug Abuse, and Mental Health Admini5tra-
tion, National Institute on Drug Abuse. DHHS Publication No.
(ADM) 88-1586, 1988a.
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES.
The health consequences of smoking: nicotine addiction. A report of
the SurYeon General. US Department of Health and Human
Services, Public Health Service, Centers for Disease Control,
Center for Health Promotion and Education, Office on Smok-
ing and Health. DHHS Publication No. (CDC) 88-8-I06, 1988b.
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES.
National household survey on drug abuse: population estinmtes:
1988. US Department of Health and Human Services, Public
Health Service, Alcohol, Drug Abuse, and Mental Health Ad-
ministration, National Institute on Drug Abuse. DHHS Publi-
cation No. (ADM) 89-1636,1989a.
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES.
Reducingthehealthconsequencesofsrnoking: 25yearsofprogress. A
report of the Surgeon General. US Department of Health and
Human Services, Public Health Service, Centers for Disease
Control, Center for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health
Promotion, Office on Smoking and Health. DHHS Publication
No. (CDC) 89-8411,1989b.
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES.
National household sur+ey on drug abuse: main findings 1988. US
Department of Health and Human Services, Public Health
Service, Alcohol, Drug Abuse, and Mental Health Administra-
tion, National Institute on Drug Abuse. DHHS Publication No.
(ADM) 90-1682,1990a.
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES.
The health benefits of smoking cessation. A report of the Surgeon
General. US Department of Health and Human Services, Public
Health Service, Centers for Disease Control, Center for Chronic
Disease Prevention and Health Promotion, Office on Smoking
and Health. DHHS Publication No. (CDC) 90-8416,1990b.
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES.
National household survey on drug abuse: main findings 1990. US
Department of Health and Human Services, Public Health
Service, Alcohol, Drug Abuse, and Mental Health Administra-
tion, National Institute on Drug Abuse. DHHS Publication No.
(ADM) 91-1788,1991a.
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES.
Strategies to control tobacco use in the United States: a blueprint for
public health action in the 1990s. Monograph No. 1. US Depart-
ment of Health and Human Services, Public Health Service,
National Institutes of Health, National Cancer Institute.
Bethesda (MD): NIH Publication No. 92-3316,1991b.
TIMN 0138971
Epidentiology 119

Voluntary Compliance with Age-at-Sale Laws for Tobacco
Model Laws to Restrict Distribution of Tobacco to Minors
Warning Labels on Tobacco Products 257
Introduction 257
History of Warning Labels on Tobacco Products 257
Current Status of Warning Labels 260
Limitations of Warning Labels 261
Effectiveness of Warning Labels 261
Effect of Tobacco Taxation 263
Introduction 263
History of Tobacco Taxation 263
Federal Tobacco Taxes 263
State and Local Tobacco Taxes 265
Cigarette Tax Increases and Cigarette Prices 267
Effect of Excise Taxes on Tobacco Use 269
Aggregate Data Studies 269
Microlevel Data Studies 270
Price Responsiveness of Adolescent Smokers 271
Discussion 272
Tax Policies Under Consideration 272
Increasing Tobacco Taxes 272
Earmarking Taxes 274
Conclusions 274
References 276
254
255
TIMN 0139058

bought found that they were significantly correlated with
the proportion of teenagers each time slot afforded (Pollay
and Compton 1992).
A similar analysis in the FTC's annual report to
Congress about cigarette advertising counted 73 televi-
sion programs sponsored by cigarette companies; these
programs appeared collectively 296 times during Janu-
arv 1968 and contained 501 advertisements. Not count-
ing other sponsor identifications, this schedule likely
exposed the average teenage viewer to over 60 full-
length cigarette commercials per month (FTC 1968).
Self-Regulatory Cigarette Advertising Codes
In 1965, the tobacco industry began creating self-
-regulatory cigarette advertising and promotional codes
(U.S. Congress 1965). The standards related primarily to
four areas: advertising appealing to the young, advertis-
ing containing health representations, the provision of
samples, and the distribution of promotional items to the
young. The code prohibited cigarette advertising in
school and college publications, testimonials from ath-
letes or other celebrities perceived to appeal to the young,
the use of advertising through comic books or newspa-
per comics, and the distribution of samples at schools.
Also prohibited were representations that smoking was
essential to social success, representations that the healthi-
nesss of models was.due to cigarette smoking, the use of
models who were participating in physical activity, or
the use of models who were younger (or appeared
younger) than 25 years of age.
As one observer (Baker 1968) noted, the tobacco
industry did not seem to find its code particularly restric-
tive:
Four months after the code was formulated, Vice-
roy ads featured young tennis players lighting up
after a hot game. Salem showed a young couple
playing giggly games alongside a waterfall.... A
TV commercial producer admitted that it didn't
matter how young the models looked, or how youth-
ful were their actions, as long as they possessed
'over twentv-five'~ birth certificates. In fact, his
quest was for old~i models who 'looked young'
(p. 116; italics in original).
The code also prohibited cigarette advertising on
shows whose audience was "primarily" underage-that
is, 45 percent or more of a show's viewers were under 21
years old (AA 1966). This decision rule allowed consider-
able room for interpretation. For example, R.J. Reynolds
continued to sponsor The Beverly Hillbillies even though
the audiences for two selected individual shows exceeded
the code requirement; a later interpretation by the to-
bacco industry held that the code would be applied to
two successive months of audience analyses, rather than
170 Advertising and Promotion
to selected specific shows (AA 1y67b). Later that year,
after monthly data showed high levels of minors, R.J.
Reynolds ceased sponsoring the show (AA 1967c).
The National Association of Broadcasters Code
Authorit,v, which reviewed all advertisements under the
self-regulatory process, noted that the volume and char-
acter of cigarette advertising were likely to influence the
young and were therefore still problematic. In a confi-
dential report, the association expressed its concern:
Despite changes which have been brought about in
cigarette advertising on radio and television, the
cumulative impression created by virtually all of
the individual campaigns supports a finding that
smoking is made to appear universally acceptable,
attractive and desirable.... The difficulty in ciga-
rette advertising is that commercials which have an
impact upon an adult cannot be assumed to leave
unaffected a young viewer, smoker or otherwise.
The adult world depicted in cigarette advertising
very often is a world to which the adolescent as-
pires. The cowboy and the steelworker are symbols
of a mature masculinity toward which he strives.
Popularity, romantic attachment and success are
also particularly desirable achievements for the
young. To the young, smoking indeed may seem to
be an important step towards, and a help in growth
from adolescence to, maturity (National Associa-
tion of Broadcasters 1966, pp. 30-1).
Candy Cigarettes
In 1967, the FTC complained to the tobacco indus-
try that the industry's self-regulatory code permitting
the sale of candy and bubble gum in packages that re-
sembled those of actual cigarette brands amounted to
"an indirect form of advertising aimed at children" (AA
1967a, p. 191). At least five U.S. candy manufacturers
distributed candy cigarettes that imitated existing ciga-
rette brands. The brands imitated (some by more than
one candy company) were Camel, Lucky Strike, L&M,
Marlboro, Pall Mall, Salem, Winston, Chesterfield, Oa-
sis, Lark, and Viceroy. One type of candy cigarette came
from a European source and appeared in packages stat-
ing, "Made under license of Philip Morris Inc., New
York, Mf, USA." The domestic candy cigarettes bore no
such overt evidence of links to the tobacco industry, but
one U.S. candy maker interviewed in Advertising Age
stated that "no [tobacco] company had ever suggested
that it might take action" for unauthorized use of trade-
marks (AA 1967d, p. 97). Another said, "The companies
don't object. That's the point. We've been doing it for
many years. They don't care' (p. 97).
The tobacco companies disclaimed any intent to
lure children with candy cigarettes, but would not say
TIMN 0139022

1'!'c'C'c'llt/i!ti TvNdc'ccl U,t' rllltcvlt } 01vl,~ t','vt1h'
habits and interests of young people, reported that
estimates of smoking rates among adolescents aged 13
through 19 had increased from 25 percent in I, 961 to 35
percent in 1963. That study also found that 44 percent
of graduating seniors smoked. The Fortune article
linked this reported increase to advertising: "Cigarette
ads often portray and seem to be pitched directly at
young people" (p. 120).
Promotion Through Radio and Television
Cigarette sellers were among the most enthusiastic
pioneers in the use of radio network broadcasting for
coast-to-coast advertising. By 1930, the American To-
bacco Company, Brown & Williamson, Lorillard, and
R.J. Reynolds were all buying network radio time (Dunlap
1931). The American Tobacco Company's Lucky Strike
brand sponsored many radio comedies and musical
shows, such as The Jack Benny Show, The Kay Kayser
Kollege of Musical Knowledge, and the best-known and
longest running of the popular music shows, The Lucky
Strike Hit Parade. This radio show, which started in 1928
and ran into the 1950s on television, appealed to a young
audience; it featured, for example, teen idol Frank Sinatra
when he was launching his career (Cone 1969). So popu-
lar was this show in 1938 that when its producers intro-
duced a sweepstakes promotion offering free cartons of
"Luckies" for correctly guessing each week's three most
popular tunes, the promotion drew nearly seven million
entries per week (Hettinger and Neff 1938).
By the early 1930s, R.J. Reynolds was sponsoring
radio programs that were popular with youth, such as
the Canrel Pleasure Hour, The All Star Radio Revue, and the
enduring Camel Caravan, which featured the swing mu-
sic of Benny Goodman (Tilley 1985). In 1938, the Chester-
field brand of Liggett & Myers signed Glenn Miller and
the Andrew Sisters to replace Paul Whiteman (Marin
1980). Artie Shaw appeared for Lorillard's Old Gold
cigarettes, and Tommy Dorsey appeared for Brown &
Williamson's Kool and Raleigh brands (Lewine 1970).
The heavily commercial nature of these shows is hard to
imagine by today'sstandard. A single hour of the Raleigh
Rt vieu, for example, contained 70 promotional refer-
ences to Raleigh cigarettes (Fox 1984).
Market research studies guided the selection of
musical shows and styles that appealed to young people
of various ages. For example, the market research files of
the J. Walter Thompson Company, then advertising Old
Golds for Lorillard, included the following market re-
search studies for 1941 and 1942: Survey of Sales at
Colleges, Survey of Dealers in 32 Colleges, Remembrance
Check on "Apple' Campaign Among College Students,
Report by Crossley on New York City Youth Interests in
Radio Programs, and Radio Preferences Among Teenage
Boys and Girls (Pollay 1988).
The successful use of radio led the cigarette indua-
try to pioneer in television advertising. By 1950, more
than seven hours per week were being sponsored by
cigarette sellers. An editorial in that year's United States
Tobacco Journal pronounced cigarette companies "the
dominant factor in television advertising sponsorship"-
evidence of the companies' faith that "it is an historically
demonstrated certaint,v that the more people subjected to
intelligent advertising, the more people will buy the
product advertised" (USTJ 1950a, p. 4). By the earl,v
1960s, tobacco companies were spending the majority of
their total promotional budget on television advertising
(Advertising Age [AA1 1963m, n). Their trust in the
efficacy of advertising in this medium led to record-
setting promotional spending (AA 1963b, 1964f), corre-
sponding sales growth (AA 1963k), and increased profits
(AA 1963p; LISTJ 1963c).
Promotion Through Schools
Promotional activities sometimes advanced into
the nation's schools. In 1948, Liggett & Myers Tobacco
Company provided high schools with free football pro-
grams; a scorecard at the center of the program was in
effect a two-page advertisement for Chesterfield ciga-
rettes. Public complaints apparently led to the cancella-
tion of this particular campaign, despite the fact that
cigarette advertisers had previously supplied such pro-
grams for football and other high school sports (Tide
1948). In 1953, plastic-coated book covers featuring school
logos on the front and cigarette ads on the back were
being used to promote Old Gold cigarettes to students in
most of the country's 1,800 colleges and in more than a
third of its 25,000 high schools (AA 1953b).
College students in particular held great marketing
potential for the tobacco industry in the 1950s. As Philip
Morris Public Relations Director James Bowling ex-
plained: "Research and experience proved that the con-
sumer, at this age and experience level, is more susceptible
to change, has far-reaching influence value, and is apt to
retain brand habits for a longer period of time than the
average consumer reached in the general market. There-
fore, though the advertising cost per thousand in the
college market is relatively high, the actual expenditure
can be a great deal more efficient" (Gilbert 1957, p. 184).
In the 1950s, the American Tobacco Company tar-
geted college students with its largest ever Lucky Strike
campaign, which used college newspapers, campus ra-
dio stations, football programs, and extensive campus
sampling and tie-in promotions (AA 1953a). A research
firm specializing in young people reported that cigarette
firms were spending about $5 million per year on college
promotions in the 1950s. It noted that most of these
college students had started smoking at earlier ages, and
that "continual exposure to advertising to adults through
Advertising and Promotion 167
TIMN 0139019

J06tccl' Usc'.~~Nll~llt ) oUfl/,ti Pc'oF'h'
Smoking as a Risk Factor for Smokeless Tobacco
Five longitudinal studies examined the prospec-
ti%-c relationsllips between cigarette smoking and the
onset or continued use of smokeless tobacco (Ary,
Lichtenstein, Se-erson 1987; Dent et al. 1987; Murray et
al. 1988; An, 1989; Sussman et al. 1989). (The relation-
ship between smokeless tobacco use and subsequent
cigarette smoking is reviewed later in this chapter.) In a
longitudinal study of eighth graders, Dent et al. (1987)
reported that smoking status at baseline predicted the
onset of smokeless tobacco use one year later. Twenty-
nine percent of regular smokers at baseline-but only 6
percent of those who had never smoked-reported
smokeless tobacco onset at follow-up. Ary, Lichtenstein,
and Severson (1987) used discriminant analvsis to iden-
tify predictors of the onset of smokeless tobacco use nine
months after smoking onset among 7th, 9th, and 10th
graders. The discriminant function accounted for 11
percent of the variance, and having tried smoking was
an important predictor, correlating at 0.64 with the dis-
criminant function. In a similar study using a separate
sample of 7th, 9th, and 10th graders in Oregon, smoking
did not significantly predict smokeless tobacco onset at
6-month or 12-month follow-ups (Ary 1989).' Another
longitudinal study found general support for the influ-
ence of smoking on seventh graders who had tried smoke-
less tobacco (Murray et al. 1988). Longitudinal analysis
of one-year follow-up data from two other samples of
seventh graders indicated that both males and females
exhibited a fairly consistent relationship between the
onset of smokeless tobacco use and pretest smoking
(Sussman et al. 1989).
Three of the longitudinal studies cited above also
examined the prospective relationship between cigarette
smoking and continued use of smokeless tobacco among
adolescents. Arv, Lichtenstein, and Severson (1987) found
that baseline smoking did not predict frequency of later
smokeless tobacco use at nine-month follow-up. In a
separate study, Ary (1989) examined these relationships
and found that frequency of smoking was related to
continued daily sinokeless tobacco use at 12-month
follow-up but not~at 6-month follow-up. A 24-month
follo,,ti-up study of.. ninth graders also found general
support for the influence of smoking on later use of
smokeless tobacco (Murray et al. 1988). Although the
findings from these three prospective studies are incon-
clusive, numerous studies report significant concurrent
relationships between smoking and smokeless tobacco
use. The degree of statistical power exhibited by these
relationships varied' widely, but every study found at
least one significant association between smokeless to-
bacco use and smoking.
Other Adolescent Behaviors
Twelve studies fairly consistently indicated that
smokeless tobacco use is related to concurrent use of
alcohol and marijuana (Lichtenstein et al. 1994; Arv,
Lichtenstein, Severson 1987; Burke et al.1988, 19H9; Jc,nes
and Moberg 1988; Murrav et al. 1988; Arv 1989; Riley,
Barenie, Mvers 1989; Rouse 1989; Sussman et al. 1989;
Riley et al. 1991; Stevens et a1.1991). One of these stud ies
(Sussman et al. 1989) found that seventh- and eighth-
grade females showed no relationship between having
tried smokeless tobacco and concurrently using alcohol,
but two of four samples with male subjects showed
significant relationships. Only three studies examined
the prospective relationships between smokeless to-
bacco use and the use of alcohol and marijuana. In one
study, the onset of smokeless tobacco use among those
who had not used at baseline was related to marijuana
use but not to alcohol use (Ary, Lichtenstein, Severson
1987). In a separate study, initial use of alcohol or mari-
juana did not predict onset of smokeless tobacco use at 6-
month follow-up, but initial alcohol use predicted
smokeless tobacco use at 12-month follow-up (Ary 1989).
In another 12-month longitudinal study, onset of smoke-
less tobacco use among those who at baseline had never
used smokeless tobacco was predicted by initial alcohol
use in one of two samples of seventh-grade females but
not in two samples of males (Sussman et a1.1989). Taken
together, there is some evidence that prior use of either
alcohol or marijuana is related to subsequent onset of
smokeless tobacco use and to continued use of smokeless
tobacco among daily users.
Several studies suggest that adolescents who use
smokeless tobacco are more likely to use multiple drugs
than are adolescents who do not use smokeless tobacco.
Ary, Lichtenstein, and Severson (1987) found that among
male adolescents who reported use of smokeless to-
bacco, cigarettes, alcohol, or marijuana in the week pre-
ceding the survey, 43 percent (47 percent in Ary's separate
study [19891) indicated that they used more than one of
these substances during that week. The percentage of
daily users of smokeless tobacco who reported use of
alcohol during the preceding week was particularly high
(76 percent in Ary, Lichtenstein, and Severson's study
[19871 and 74 percent in Arv's separate study [19891).
Among daily smokeless tobacco users, 83 percent in Ary,
Lichtenstein, and Seversori s study (1987) (80 percent
in Ary's 1989 study) also reported using a drug other
than alcohol, a fact suggesting that daily smokeless to-
bacco users are particularly likely to be multiple drug
users.
TIMN 0138995
Psycliosocial Risk Factors 143

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
psychosocial risk factors-having a low self-image,
attributing positive meanings or benefits to smoking,
and perceiving smoking as prevalent and norma-
tive-strongly predict smoking intentions and smok-
ing onset.
In several countries, concern about the health con-
sequences of smoking and the potential influence of
advertising on consumption has prompted a nationwide
ban on tobacco advertising (UK Department of Health
1992). In 1975, Norway banned all tobacco advertising,
sponsorship, and indirect tobacco advertising. In 1977,
Finland banned all forms of tobacco advertising. Canada
introduced a ban in 1989 on all tobacco advertising,
sponsorship, and indirect advertising of Canadian ori-
gin. New Zealand introduced a ban in December 1990 on
Condusions
1. Young people continue to be a strategically impor-
tant market for the tobacco industry.
2. Young people are currently exposed to cigarette
messages through print media (including outdoor
billboards) and through promotional activities, such
as sponsorship of sporting events and public e.nter-
tainment, point-of-sale displays, and distribution
of specialty items.
3. Cigarette advertising uses images rather than infor-
mation to portray the attractiveness and function of
smoking. Human models and cartoon characters in
cigarette advertising convey independence, health-
fulness; adventure-seeking, and youthful activities-
themes correlated with psychosocial factors that
appeal to young people.
advertising in print media originating in New Zealand,
on advertising in posters, and on sponsorship of sports.
Although the bans in Canada and New Zealand have
been relatively recent, the current evidence indicates that
these actions have had a significant effect on consump-
tion in each of the four countries dUK Department of
Health 1992). In each case, the banning of advertising
was followed by a decrease in smoking rates that per-
sisted even when controlled by changes in other factors,
such as price. These studies focused on total cigarette
consumption; although the bans appear to have influ-
enced smoking rates among young people in Canada
and Norway, more specific data concerning young people
are forthcoming.
4. Cigarette advertisements capitalize on the disparity
between an ideal and actual self-image and imply
that smoking may close the gap.
5. Cigarette advertising appears to affect young people's
perceptions of the pervasiveness, image, and func-
tion of smoking. Since misperceptions in these areas
constitute psychosocial risk factors for the initiation
of smoking, cigarette advertising appears to increase
young people's risk of smoking.
Advertising and Prombtion 195
TIMN 0139047

tiilr~Co 11 Ge'Ne'/'dl '-; Re'{h irt
MAXWELL JC JR. The Maxu~ell consumer reFx>rt: 1991 year-end
mles estinmtes for the cigarette industry. Richmond (VA): Wheat
First Sect: rities. 1992.
NATIONAL CENTER FOR HEALTH STATISTICS. Ad%ance
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Report 1992a;40(8).
MCNEILL AD. The development of dependence on smoking
in children. Briti:h Journal of the Addictions 1991;86(5):589-92.
MCNEILL AD, JARVIS MJ, WEST RJ. Subjective effects of
cigarette smoking in adolescents. Psychopharmacology
1987;92(1):115-7.
MCNEILL AD, WEST RJ, JARVIS MJ, JACKSON P, BRYANT
A. Cigarette withdrawal symptoms in adolescent smokers.
Psychopimrmacolog_y 1986;90(4):533-6.
MILLERRG. Beyondanova: basics ofapplied statistics. NewYork:
John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1986.
MILLER JD, CISIN IH, GARDNER-KEATON H, HARRELL
AV, WIRTZ PW, ABELSON HI, ET AL. National survey on drug
abuse: main findings: 1982. US Department of Health and
Human Services, Public Health Service, Alcohol, Drug Abuse,
and Mental Health Administration, National Instituteon Drug
Abuse. Bethesda (MD): DHHS Publication No. (ADM) 83-
1263, 1983.
MOSS AJ, ALLEN KF, GIOVINOGA, MILLS SL. Recenttrends
in adolescer1t smoking, smoking-uptake correlates, and expec-
tations about the future. Advance Data. US Department of
Health and Human Services, Public Health Service, Centers for
Disease Cowh'ol and Prevention, National Center for Health
Statistics. No. 221, 1992.
MURRAY DM, PERRY CL. The measurement of substance use
among adolescents: when is the 'bogus pipeline' method
needed? Addictive Behaviors 1987;12(3):225-33.
NATIONAL CENTER FOR HEALTH STATISTICS. The statis-
tical design of the Health Household-Interview Survey. By
staff of the US National Health Survey and the Bureau of the
Census. Health Statistics. US Department of Health, Education,
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A2, Washington (DC): US-Governunent Printing Office, 1958.
NATIONAL CENTER FOR HEALTH STATISTICS. Changes
in cigarette smoking habits between 1955 and 1966. Vital and
Health Statistics. Series 10, No. 59. US Department of Health,
Education, and Welfare, Public Health Service, Health Services
and Mental Health Administration. PHS Publication No.1000,
1970.
NATIONAL CENTER FOR HEALTH STATISTICS. Health
interview survey procedures, 1957-1974. Vital and Health Sta-
tistics. Series 1, No. 11. US Department of Health, Education,
and Welfare, Public Health Service, Health Resources Admin-
istration, National Center for Health Statistics. DHEW Publica-
tion No. (HRA) 75-1311,1975.
118 Epidemiology
NATIONAL CENTER FOR HEALTH STATISTICS,
VENTURA SJ. Advance report of new data from the 1989
birth certificate. Monthly Vital Statistics Report 1992b;40(12).
NATIONAL CENTER FOR HEALTH STATISTICS. Health
United States, 1992. Hyattsville (MD): Public Health Service.
DHHS Publication No. (PHS) 93-1232, 1993.
NATIONAL CENTER FOR HEALTH STATISTICS, KOVAR
MG, POE GS. The National Health Interview Survey design,
1973-84, and procedures, 1975-83. Vital and Health Statistics.
Seriesl,No.18. US Departmentof Healthand HumanServices,
Public Health Service, National Center for Health Statistics.
DHHS Publication No. (PHS) 85-1320,1985.
NATIONAL CENTER FOR HEALTH STATISTICS, MASSEY
JT, MOORE TF, PARSONS VL, TADROS W. Design and
Estimation for the National Health Interview Survey,1985-94.
Vital and Health Statistics. Series 2, No. 110. US Department of
Health and Human Services, Public Health Service, Centers for
Disease Control, National Center for Health Statistics. DHHS
Publication No. (PHS) 89-1384,1989.
NATIONAL CENTER FOR HEALTH STATISTICS,
SCHOENBORN CA. Health promotion and disease preven-
tion: United States, 1985. Vital and Health Statistics. Series 10,
No.163. US Department of Health and Human Services, Public
Health Service, Centers for Disease Control, National Center
for Health Statistics. DHHS Publication No. (PHS) 88-1591,
1988a.
NATIONAL CENTER FOR HEALTH STATISTICS,
SCHOENBORN CA, MARANO M. Current estimates from
the National Health Interview Survey, United States, 1987.
Vital and Health Statistics. Series 10, No. 166. US Department of
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Publication No. (PHS) 88-1594,1988b.
NOLAND MP, KRYSCIO RJ, RIGGS RS, LINVILLE LH,
PERRfiT LJ, TUCKER TC. Saliva cotinine and thiocyanate:
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PIERCE JP, FARKAS A, EVANS N, BERRY C, CHUI W,
ROSBROOK B, ET AL. Tobacco use in California. A focus on
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PIERCE JP, GILPIN E, BURNS DM, WHALEN E, ROSBROOK
B, SHOPLAND D, ET AL. Does tobacco advertising target
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,rIT41s4 0138970

tiurXCuri LOuw11l', RCF10nt
ads," the authors concluded, "are clearly violating the
industry's voluntary code that requires models not to
'appear to be less than twenty-five years of age"' (Mazis
et al. 19y2, p. 35).
Ads That Target Women
The history of campaigns that target women has
been reviewed by discussing specific campaigns and
generating data for advertising intensities (i.e., the num-
bers of ads appearing in each magazine) for 1971 through
1984 (Ernster 1985). Tabulation of the number of ads in
Better Homes and Gardens, Ladies Home Journal, and McCall's
revealed that ad intensity grew steadily during the 1970s,
peaked in 1979, and declined thereafter. iVonetheless, in
1984, an average of more than 10 cigarette ads appeared
in each issue of these magazines and of Cosmopolitan,
Family Circle, Glamour, Harper's Bazaar, Mademoiselle,
Redbook, Vogue, and Woman's Day.
A similar report (Howe 1984) on the history of
women and cigarette advertising included graphs of the
frequency of cigarette ads showing women smoking that
appeared in Life (for the period 1936-1972) and Ebony (for
1945-1980). These ads peaked in the mid-1960s, and
again in the early 1970s. The report observed that in
these peak years, the ads generally focused on "women
jogging, biking, backpacking and playing tennis, all while
smoking a cigarette, too. It would be difficult to argue
that these positive images are not influential on young,
image-conscious teenagers" (p. 8).
Ads That Target Blacks
The cigarette ads targeting blacks in Ebony from
1950 through 1965 were studied by Pollay, Lee, and
Carter-Whitney (1992). When the full census of cigarette
ads from Ebony (N = 540) were compared with cigar-
ette ads from a matching sample of Life issues, the inves-
tigators found that the ads targeting blacks were
significantly more likely to use athletes and were two to
three years tardy in announcing to black consumers new
products with tar- and nicotine-reducing filters. Further-
more, cigarette advertising was initially more prevalent
in Life than in Ebony, but after 1960, Ebony issues carried
more cigarette ads.
The cigarette industry's greater intensity in target-
ing blacks through advertising has also been observed in
more contemporary studies. In 1985, a comparison of
advertising in selected magazines directed at white and
black audiences (Cummings, Giovino, Mendicino 1987)
found that the magazines targeting blacks had signifi-
cantly more cigarette advertising and more ads for men-
thol brands, which are preferred by a much higher
proportion of blacks than whites (see "Cigarette Brand
Preference" in Chapter 3). This racial disparity may
mark the cigarette industry's reaction to the notable de-
cline in black adolescent smokers during the past decade
(see "Trends in Cigarette Smoking" in Chapter 3). A
review of cigarette promotional practices in 1985 noted
the diversity of methods for reaching black audiences,
including the growing use of sponsorships of athletic,
cultural, civic, fashion, and entertainment events. Espe-
cially noteworthy was the intensive use of smaller bill-
boards in black communities; these ads accounted fot, 37
percent of all billboards, and most featured menthol
brands. In contrast to the larger highway billboards,
smaller billboards are usually placed low and close to the
street-and thus visible to passersby of all ages.
Recently, R.J. Reynolds attempted to introduce a
new brand of cigarettes, Uptown, to the black community
in Philadelphia (Robinson et al. 1992). Through the efforts
of black leaders, who mobilized their communities, the
Uptown Coalition emerged. The Philadelphia commu-
nity created the agenda rather than allowing the tobacco
industry to dictate it. Media messages were carefully
framed,and UptownCoalition spokespersonsweregiven
clearly prescribed roles. In 1990, RJ. Reynolds abruptly
canceled the launch of Uptown. The Uptown Coalition
was historic because it represented the first community-
based initiative that succeeded in getting the tobacco
industry to take a cigarette out of production.
184 Advertising and Promotion
TIMN 0139036

Surgeon General's Report
Figure 4. A model of smoking initiation: effect of cigarette advertising on perceptions of smoking
prevalence among adults and peers
Perceived
percentage of
adult smokers
Exposure to cigarette
advertising
Intentions to
smoke
Perceived
percentage of
peer smokers
Source: Burton et al. (unpublished data).
more likely to be current, past-day, past-week, or past-
month smokers than were those with low exposure to
cigarette advertising. Significant associations were also
found between exposure to cigarette advertising and
students' estimates of smoking prevalence among their
peers and among adults.
Studies have been equivocal concerning the rela-
tive importance of overestimates of peer smoking com-
pared with overestimates of adult smoking. The general
interpretation is that normative influences are operative
in both cases; that is, smoking is more or less misperceived
to be a usual and appropriate behavior. It also has been
suggested that overes~n~abes of adult smoking serve to
increase the symbolism of smoking as a desired, adult
behavior; smoking therefore acquires greater meaning to
an adolescent in transition to adulthood.
Discussion
Even though the tobacco industry asserts that the
sole purpose of advertising and promotional activities
is to maintain and potentially increase market shares of
adult consumers, it appears that some young people
are recruited to smoking by brand advertising. Two
sources of epidemiologic data support this assertion.
Adolescents consistently smoke the most advertised
brands of cigarettes, both in the United States and else-
where (McCarthy and Gritz 1984; Baker et al. 1987;
DiFranza et al. 1991). Moreover, following the intro-
duction of advertisements that appeal to young people,
the prevalence of use of those brands-or even the
prevalence of smoking altogether-increases. This as-
sociation was seen among adolescent females after the
1968 introduction of the Virginia Slims brand; smoking
prevalence among adolescent females nearly doubled
between 1968 (8 percent) and 1974 (15 percent)
(USDHHS 1980). A similar associated increase was seen
for smokeless tobacco use among adolescent males
after a major advertising and promotional campaign in
the 1970s focused on "beginners" (Tye, Warner, Glantz
1987). More recently, Camel's Old Joe advertising cam-
paign appears to have substantially increased the
brand's market share among persons less than 18 years
old (DiFranza et a1..1991).
Advertising and promotional activities also appear
to influence risk factors for adolescent tobacco use, even
if this is not the intention of the tobacco industry. These
194 Advertising and Promotion
TIMN 0139046

tiitr~rwr C;irto-al" !:tpw;
perceive that their peers are smokers. The shift from
social to more personal reasons for smoking is associated
with increasing nicotine dependence and addiction.
Several other factors that influence smoking
initiation are not covered in this chapter. First, the com-
bined influence of tobacco advertising and promotion
represents a powerful environmental risk factor (see
Chapter 5). Second, cultural or community-level re-
search on the causes of smoking onset is decidedly lim-
ited. ln particular, the effect of taxation, of restrictions to
public smoking, of vending machine regulations, and of
limiting access to tobacco for underage buyers needs to
be addressed prospectively (Chapman and Bloch 1992;
Sweanor et al. 1992; see Chapter 6). Third, even at the
school level, smoking prevalence rates have been shown
to be partly attributable to attendance at a particular
school and to school smoking policies (Best et al. 1984;
Semmer, Lippert, et a1.1987; Pentz et a1.1989; Santi et al.
Initiation of Smokeless Tobacco Use
1990-91; see "Smoking Restrictions in the ScnooY" in
Chapter 6). Still, which aspects of schools contribute to
smoking onset-whether their rules, consistency of rule
enforcement, grade structure, or discipline procedures-
need to be studied. These distal environmental factors
partly determine the meaning for, and acceptability of,
cigarette use at a community level, determine the ease or
difficulty with which adolescents can obtain tobacco,
and reinforce or inhibit the continuation of use into adult-
hood. Proximal factors are strong determinants of use
once the meaning of smoking is established and access
to cigarettes is possible. Therefore, the more distal risk
factors might be considered the proper targets of in-
tervention research efforts, which should test the po-
tency of these factors and provide the clear
community-level message that cigarette smoking among
the young is unacceptable.
Compared with the research literature on smoking
initiation, the knowledge base on smokeless
tobacco initiation is modest. Far fewer longitudinal stud-
ies have been conducted. For the most part, research
efforts on smokeless tobacco have been cross-sectional; a
few have also been guided by behavioral theory. None-
theless, a number of methodologically sound studies
provide knowledge about the risk factors associated with
the initiation of smokeless tobacco use. In parallel with
the research on cigarette smoking among young people,
sociodemographic, environmental, behavioral, and per-
sonall factors have all been explored as correlates of smoke-
less tobacco use. With only a few exceptions, the
consistency of the findings with those found for cigarette
smoking suggests that both smoking and the use of
smokeless tobacco prtxinctss share a common causality
as well as' similar fuitictions and meanings for young
people.
Sociodemographic Factors in the Initiation of
Smokeless Tobacco Use
National survey data on the demographics of
smokeless tobacco use are presented in detail in Chapter
3 (see "Recent Patterns of Smokeless Tobacco Use") and
are only summarized here. These data clearly indicate
that smokeless tobacco use among young people is par-
ticularly prevalent among non-Hispanic white males.
140 Psychosocial Risk Factors
The three youth surveys that assessed smokeless tobacco
prevalence (that is, use during the month preceding the
survey) also found that males were 10 to 15 times more
likely than females to use smokeless tobacco. Although
nationally representative data on American Indian and
Alaskan Native youth are not available, community-
level studies of these populations have reported high
rates of weekly smokeless tobacco use among both males
(43 percent) and females (34 percent), even at very young
ages (Schinke et a1.1987,1989; Bruerd 1990).
The Monitoring the Future Project survey, a na-
tional survey of high school seniors, indicated that 54
percent of males had used smokeless tobacco. Among
those, 23 percent first used smokeless tobacco before or
during the sixth grade, and over 53 percent first used it
before or during the eighth grade (see "Grade When
Smokeless Tobacco Use Begins" in Chapter 3). Data
from a number of other recent surveys suggest that early
adolescence is the peak age for first using smokeless
tobacco (Schaefer et al. 1985; US Department of Health
and Human Services [USDHHS] 1986; Ary, Lichtenstein,
Severson 1987; Ary et al. 1989; Riley, Barenie, Myers
1989; Brownson et a1.1990; Riley et a1.1990,1991).
Limited evidence suggests that the following
sociodemographic factors may also be related to higher
rates of smokeless tobacco use among youth: one or no
parents in the household (Jones and Moberg 1988; Murray
et al. 1988; see "Sociodemographic Risk Facto'rs for
. TIMN 0138992

Chapter 6
Efforts to Prevent Tobacco Use
Among Young People
Introduction 209
Public Opinion About Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
Introduction 210
Public Opinion About Tobacco Education 210
Restrictions on Smoking in Schools 210
Restrictions on Tobacco Advertising and Promotion 211
Restrictions on the Sale of Tobacco Products to Minors 213
Taxes on Tobacco Products 214
Educational Efforts to Prevent Tobacco Use Among Young People 216
School-Based Smoking-Prevention Programs 216
Introduction 216
Early Approaches to Smoking Education and Prevention 216
Information Deficit Model 217
Affective Education Model 217
Correlates of Adolescent Smoking Behavior 217
Instilling Skills for Resisting Social Influences to Smoke 218
Intervention Objectives .218
Overall Program Structure 218
Curriculum Format 219
Exemplary Programs for Resisting Social Influences 220
Social Inoculation 220
Project CLASP 220
Life Skills Training 221
The SODAS Model 222
The Waterloo Smoking-Prevention Program 222
The Minnesota Smoking-Prevention Program 222
International Research on Smoking-Prevention Programs 224
Western Australia 224
Nor~1Karelia Youth Project 224
Uni~d.;IEingdom 224
Meta ~yses of School-Based Smoking Prevention 225
Discussion 225
Preventing Smokeless Tobacco Use 226
Introduction 226
Evaluation of School-Based Efforts 226
The Oregon Research Institute Program 226
Toward No Tobacco Use 227
Project SHOUT 227
Programs for Native American Populations 227
210
TIMN 0139056

Smoking Cessation 227
Introduction 227
Convenience Samples of Adolescents Who Try to Quit Smoking 228
Effect of Smoking-Prevention Programs on Cessation 228
Cessation Interventions in the School 228
Cessation Interventions Based Outside the School 229
Discussion 230 :
Smokeless Tobacco Cessation 230
Introduction 230
Clinical Studies 230
School-Based Efforts 230
Smokeless Tobacco and Cigarettes 231
Research and Programmatic Challenges 231
Clinical Interventions to Prevent Tobacco Use 232
Introduction 232
Recommendations to Clinicians Who Care for Children and Adolescents 232
Role of Health Professionals in the School, in the Community, and in
Policy Formation 233
Community Programs to Discourage Tobacco Use 233
Introduction 233
Communitywide Research Trials on Smoking Prevention 234
State and Federal Tobacco-Control Efforts at the Local Level 235
Community Organizations for Preventing Tobacco Use 236
Prevention Programs Initiated by the Tobacco Industry 237
Prevention Programs Sponsored by Health-Related Organizations 238
Tobacco-Control Advocacy Organizations 238
Role of the Mass Media in Reducing Tobacco Use 239
Introduction 239
Programmatic Use of Mass Media to Reduce Adolescent Tobacco Use 239
Theory and Research on Using Mass Media to Reduce
Adolescent Drug Use 242
Effective Designs for Mass-Media Campaigns 244
Public Policies to Prevent Tobacco Use Among Young People 245
Effect of General-Public Smoking Restrictions on Young People 245
Introduction 245
History of Public Smoking Restrictions 245
Smoking Restrictions in the School 246
Other Public Smoking Restrictions That Affect Youth 247
Effect of Smoking Restrictions on Adolescent Tobacco Use 248
Restrictions on Minors' Access to Tobacco 248
Introduction 248
Tobacco Sources for Youth 248
Studies of Young People's Access to Tobacco 249
State and Local Laws Regarding Tobacco Distribution to Minors 249
Enforcement of Tobacco-Distribution Laws 254
TIIVIN 0139057

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
Introduction
This chapter examines the range and effectiveness
of efforts to prevent tobacco use among young people.
The first section provides data on recent public opinion
of strategies to reduce tobacco use among young people.
The second set of sections focuses on educational efforts
to reduce cigarette smoking and smokeless tobacco use
among young people, including school-based, clinic,
and communitywide programs. The third set of sections
examines the impact of social conditions and public poli-
cies, including the effects of mass media programming,
legal restrictions, warning labels, and tobacco taxation.
Together, these efforts can inoculate against the
psychosocial risk factors discussed in Chapters 4 and 5, as
shown in Figure 1.
Figure 1. Efforts to prevent tobacco use among young people, by stage of initiation
Never Smoker
!
Mass media programming
Counteradvertising
Communitywide programs
Social influences programs
Taxation and cost
Restricting sales to minors
bo- Nonsmoker
Social influences programs
Taxation and cost
~.- Nonsmoker
Regutar Use
Restrictions on smoking at school
Cessation programs
410- Quit
Addiction
Source: Adapted from U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (1991).
Prevention 209
TIMN 0139059

11ITtic" !1 (~c'~ft'~'.lr ~\c~h ~
Personality Traits
~~~.~~,
Some studies have examined relationships beutween
smokeless tobacco use and a number of personality traits.
A positive association was found with anger (Jacobs et
al. 1988), anxiety (Jacobs et al. 1988), assertiveness (Botvin,
Baker, Tortu 1989), depression (Jones and Moberg 1988;
Rouse 1989), and locus of control (Dignan et al. 1986). A
negative association was found with anxiety, curiosity
(Jacobs et al. 1988), and self-concept (Dignan et al. 1985).
Smokeless Tobacco Use as a Risk Factor for
Continued Use
Intentions to Use Smokeless Tobacco
Consistent with data on youth smoking, the re-
search indicates a strong relationship between concur-
rent smokeless tobacco use and intention to use in the
future. Brubaker and Loftin (1987) found that reported
intention to use smokeless tobacco in the week after the
survey was strongly related to current smokeless to-
bacco use in a small sample of fifth- through eighth-
grade males. Intention to use in the next two weeks was
also related to current-use status (Gerber, Newman, Mar-
tin 1988). No studies were found, however, that exam-
ined the prospective relationship between intention to
use smokeless tobacco and the initiation or continuation
of use.
Current Use of Smokeless Tobacco
Ary, Lichtenstein, and Severson (1987) prospec-
tively examined the predictors of frequency of smoke-
less tobacco use at a nine-month follow-up for their
sample of daily users of smokeless tobacco. Current
use of smokeless tobacco was the best predictor of later
use; the initial rate of use was highly correlated with the
rate of use nine months later and accounted for 33
percent of the variance. This finding suggests that the
successful reduction of smokeless tobacco use will re-
quire eariy intervention before the development of physi-
ological addiction.
Summary of Psychosocial Risk Factors for
Smokeless Tobacco Use
The major factors associated with the initiation
and development of smokeless tobacco use found in
this review are shown in Table 1. With the exception of
adequate knowledge of' the health consequences of
smokeless tobacco use and the social acceptance af-
forded by smokeless tobacco use, these factors are nearly
identical .to those found for the onset of smoking. Al-
though most youth perceive that smokeless tobacco use
can be harmful to health, most smokeless tobacco users
do not perceive the risk to be great, particularlv to
themselves, and particularly compared with the health
risk of cigarette smoking. Peer modeling of smokeless
tobacco use seems to be strongly and consistently re-
lated to the onset and continued use of smokeless to-
bacco. Smokeless tobacco use serves social functions
within the peer group that may support experimental
and continued use. The evidence is less conclusive for
modeling by parents and siblings. Peer and, notably,
parental acceptance of smokeless tobacco use is much
higher than for cigarette smoking.
Fairly consistent evidence indicates that smokeless
tobacco use is related to concurrent use of cigarettes,
alcohol, and marijuana. Findings from prospective stud-
ies suggest that the use of smokeless tobacco may pre-
cede the use of these other substances and occurs earl,v in
a sequence of drug use by some adolescents. Prospective
evidence shows that smoking and the use of alcohol and
marijuana are also related to the onset and continued use
of smokeless tobacco. Engaging in risk-taking behavior
and having poor academic performance also appear to
be related to smokeless tobacco use (see "Smokeless
Tobacco Use and Other Health-Related Behaviors"'and
"Sociodemographic Risk Factors for Smokeless Tobacco
Use" in Chapter 3). There is mixed evidence that smoke-
less tobacco use is associated with youthful athletic par-
ticipation; nonetheless, some professional athletes have
promoted its use both indirectly (through visible per-
sonal use) and directly (through advertising).
Finally, there is evidence of concurrent relation-
ships (but no prospective evidence) between smokeless
tobacco use and health beliefs/knowledge, attitudes, ex-
pectancies, and social image. The perception that smoke-
less tobacco use may be a healthier choice than cigarette
smoking consistently emerges in the data and indicates
the need for prevention programs that stress the health
consequences of smokeless tobacco use.
Smokeless tobacco use, then, appears to be a
function of the social world of young people, who see
this "adult" behavior as an aid-a generally accessible
one-in improving their individual social image. More-
over, perhaps because even among adults the health
consequences of smokeless tobacco use are not widely
understood, adults lack consensus on whether smoke-
less tobacco use should be actively discouraged. Peer
use of smokeless tobacco thus becomes a strong motiva-
tor for initiation and continued use.
These misperceptions on the part of adolescents
and adults alike are of serious concern, given the health-
compromising, addictive aspects of smokeless tobacco
use. More strikingly, smokeless tobacco use is associated
strongly with other drug use and may serve as an entry
behavior to the use of cigarettes, alcohol, and illegal
substances.
146 Psychosocial Risk Factors
TIMN 0138998

hYtit'/ltlNX Toh/7iit/ Ll;t'.4IH0il~ ~~ll(fh{ ht'Ol1li
References
,ABELSON HI, ATKINSON RB, Public experience with
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1975.
ABELSON HI, FISHBURNE PM. Nonmedical use of
psychoactive substances: 1975/6 nationwide study among
youth and adults. Princeton (NJ): Response Analysis Corpora-
tion, 1976.
ALLEN K, MOSS A, BOTMAN S, WINN D, GIOVINO G,
PIERCE J. Teenage attitudes and practices survey (TAPS):
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ALLEN K, MOSS A, GIOVINO GA, SHOPLAND DR, PIERCE
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National Center for Health Statistics. No. 224,1993.
BACHMAN JG, JOHNSTON LD, O'y1ALLEY PM. Monitor-
ing the future: questionnaire responses from the nation's high
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ing the future: questionnaire responses from the nation's high
school seniors 1980. Ann Arbor (MI): Institute for Social
Research, University of Michigan, 1981.
BACHMAN JG, JOHNSTON LD, O'MALLEY PM. Monitor-
ing the future: questionnaire responses from the nation's high
school seniors 1981K' Ann Arbor (MI): Institute for Social
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BACHMAN JG, JOHNSTON LD, O'MALLEY PM. Monitor-
ing the future: questionnaire responses from the nation's high
school seniors 1984. Ann Arbor (MI): Institute for Social
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BACHMAN JG, JOHNSTON LD, O'MALLEY PM. Monitor-
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BACHMAN JG, JOHNSTON LD, O'MALLEY PM. Monitor-
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school seniors 1988. Ann Arbor (Ml): Institute for Social
Research, University of Michigan, 1991.
BACHMAN JG, WALLACE JM, O'MALLEY PM, JOHNSTON
LD,KURTHCL,tiEIGHBORSHW. Racial /ethnic differences
in smoking, drinking, and illicit drug use among American
high school seniors, 1976-89. American Journal of Pllhli.c Health
1991;81(3):372-7.
BAUMAN KE, KOCH GG, BRYAN ES, HALEY NJ,
DOWNTON MI, ORLANDI MA. On the measurement of
tobacco use by adolescents. Validity of self-reports of smoke-
less tobacco use and validity of cotinine as an indicator of
cigarette smoking. American Journal of Epidemiology
1989;130(2):327-7.
BIGLAN A, GALLISON C, ARY D, THOMPSON R. Expired
air carbon monoxide and saliva thiocyanate: relationships to
self-reports of marijuana and cigarette smoking. Addictive
Behaviors 1985;10(2):137-44.
CAMPANELLI PC, DIELMAN TE, SHOPE JT. Validity of
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XXII(85):7-22.
CENTERS FOR DISEASE CONTROL. Smokeless tobacco use
in rural Alaska. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report
1987;36(10):140-3.
CENTERS FOR DISEASE CONTROL. Prevalence of oral le-
sions and smokeless tobacco use in Northern Plains Indians.
Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report 1988;37(39):608-11.
CE .~~~OR DISEASE CONTROL. Cigarette smoking
among youth-United States, 1989. Morbidity and Mortality
Weekly Report 1991a;40(41):712-5.
CENTERS FOR DISEASE CONTROL. Differences in the age of
smoking initiation between blacks and whites-United States.
Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report 1991b;40(44):754-7.
CENTERS FOR DISEASE CONTROL. Cigarette smoking
among adults-United States, 1990. Morbidity and Mortality
Weekly Report 1992a;41(20):354-5.
CENTERS FOR DISEASE CONTROL. Comparison of the
cigarette brand preferences of adult and teenaged smokers-
United States, 1989, and 10 U.S. communities, 1988 and 1990.
Morbidit_yand Mortality Weekly Report 1992b;41(10)169-81.
Epidemiology 115
TIMN 0138967

I"c';'cvlt1lIN 7t 'hk c0 LL c' .\un01~ 1 uut\~ I'c'nldr
adolescent's smoking or approval of the adolescent's
refusing to smoke, together with two other drug-related
variables, indirectly predicted low levels of use. Chassin
et al. (1986) evaluated perceptions of parental strictness;
their findings support the need for interventions tailored
to different age groups of adolescents. Among the young-
est subjects (10 through 12 years old), those who per-
ceived that their parents were more strict than other
parents were actually more likely to begin smoking over
a one-vear inten.'al. Among the oldest subjects (14
through 16 years old), however, those who perceived
that they had stricter parents were less likely to begin to
smoke. Those aged 12 through 14 years were not af-
fected by parental strictness. Other researchers have
further noted that extremes of parental strictness, from
inadequate restraint to overcontrol, are associated with
problem behaviors (Pandina and Schuele 1983).
Adult Discrepancy
Shean (1991) developed the concept of adult dis-
crepancy-the discrepancy between the "adult" behav-
iors in which an adolescent wants to participate at age 14
(such as going to a nightclub) and what was actually
done by his or her parents when they were age 14. Those
adolescents with high discrepancy were more likely to
be smokers as young adults than those with low discrep-
ancy, which may suggest that adolescents with high
discrepancy tend to make the transition to an adulthood
not modeled by parents. The adult discrepancy factor, in
addition to peer, sibling, and parental smoking, inten-
tions to smoke, and effects of cigarette advertisements,
predicted young adult smoking over an eight-year
interval. This study points to the strong effect of the
social environment on the onset and maintenance of
adolescent smoking.
Behavioral Factors in the Initiation
of Smoking
Behavioral factors involve patterns of behaviors
that are directly related to cigarette use, such as aca-
demic achievement, health-compromising and health-
enhancing behaviors, and smoking-related skills. These
associated behavior patterns may increase the risk of
smoking by providing opportunities to view smoking
as functional or appropriate.
Academic Achievement
The onset of smoking has been shown repeatedly
to be related to poor academic achievement (see Table 6
in Chapter 3). Relevant indicators of students' achieve-
ment include scholastic performance (grades), high school
graduation, truancy rates, and future professional or
educational aspirations. Borland ~ind flu1.luiph 1 lu77)
examined the relative predictability of xhulastic pvr-
formance, parental smoking, and socioeconomic ~tatu',
among 1,814 high school students in L'ennsvlvania.
The strongest correlate to smoking was scholastit:
performance; those with the highest grades were found
to smoke less than those with the lowest grades. Thiti
finding is consistent with Brunswick and Messeri's (1984)
research among young, urban black adolescents in
Harlem, New York, as well as the Sussman et al. (1987)
research with Hispanic and Asian adolescents in south-
ein California. Students who disliked school and feared
school failure were more likely to begin smoking in earh
adolescence than those who liked school and had expec-
tations of school success (Ahigren et al. 1982). In two
well-designed studies, adolescents who had limited ex-
pectations of academic achievement increased their smok-
ing levels over time (Gerber and Newman 1989; Chassin,
Presson, Sherman 1990). Still, among inner-city black
seventh-grade students, Botvin et al. (1992) found that
academic achievement was not a significant predictor of
current smoking or intentions to smoke.
Conrad, Flay, and Hill (1992) found that 80'percent
of the prospective studies on the onset of smoking indi-
cated a positive relationship between low academic
achievement (and other school-related factors) and smok-
ing onset. In a longitudinal study of 739 junior high
students (66 percent white, 15 percent black, 10 percent
Hispanic) in Los Angeles, the research team of Newcomb,
McCarthy, and Bentler (1989) concluded that an
adolescent's "academic lifestyle orientation" (measured
by grades, educational aspirations, personal and profes-
sion plans, and expectations) was the central organizing
influence on teenage smoking behavior, teenage emo-
tional well-being, social relationships with smokers, and
adult smoking behavior. This centrality emerged even
when emotional well-being, self-efficacy, personal ambi-
tion, and friends' smoking behavior were considered.
Other Adolescent Behaviors
The association between smoking and other ado-
lescent behaviors has been examined as an extension of
Jessor and Jessor's (1977) concept of the covariation of
problem behaviors, including both unconventional be-
haviors (such as alcohol and drug use) and conventional
behaviors (such as academic achievement and church
attendance). Cigarette use among adolescents has been
studied as "problem:' behavior; that is, studies have ex-
amined its association with alcohol and drug use, risk-
taking behaviors, proneness to deviance, early antisocial
behavior, and group membership, as well as its associa-
tion with constructive or health-enhancing behaviors.
Some adolescents see problem behaviors as a way to
Psychosocial Risk Factors 133
TIMN 4138-985

hre'.'e'1lf71i,~ Tciht7Ct:o (.be' .-INIoUIL Yelilflg he'U14t'
visible smoke, and after 1976 not a single instance of
smoke was found in this sample. The imagery in those ads
was increasingly, and apparently deliberately, becoming
more pristine by eliminating smoke from ads.
The balance between the verbal and visual
elements of the ads was measured in this study, as was the
degree of health focus. Ads that relied more heavily on
words than on pictotial images were judged as trying to
convey a health message. Both the health focus and the
balance between verbal and visual elements were found
to be episodic; ads tended to verbally emphasize health
themes during the years of major smoking and health
events. Such ads often emphasized a health-related prod-
uct innovation, such as scientifically designed filters. This
general pattern seemed to end in 1964, the year of the first
Surgeon General's report, during and after which ads
became more visual. Warner (1985b) notes, "Industry
advertising directors may have concluded that the most
effective contemporary response to health concerns is an
indirect one: conveying visual images of vibrant, physi-
cally fit, successful, sociable, and sexy people in physically
active or glamorous settings, in other words, associating
smoking with people who are the proverbial 'picture of
health"' (p. 125). Similar observations were made by
Rogers and Gopal (1987), who studied an unspecified
number of ads from three issues of Time and Life maga-
zines each year, at five-year intervals from 1938 to 1986.
They noted that over time, positive health appeals were
displaced by claims of having "less harmful" products,
and that these in turn were displaced by "more and more
lifestyle advertising ... brand imaging ... using more
poster style layouts and color spreads ... with very little
body copy" (pp. 262, 266).
Other researchers have noted the episodic nature
of cigarette advertising history but attribute the changes
not to industry strategy or sophistication, but to the
effects of regulation and self-regulation, such as FTC
activity or industry self-regulatory codes. Ringold and
Calfee (1989) report on the verbal content of 568 ads
d rawn primarily from Time magazine from 1926 through
1986. This sample is both longitudinal (N = 348), expand-
ing on the sample of one ad per year for various brands
reported earlier (Ringold 1987), and cross-sectional, us-
ing a sample of 25 ads each for the seven mid-decade
years 1926, 1936,1946, 1956, 1966, 1976, and 1986. The
ads were coded along 27 general ad characteristics and
51 claim categories. The coding, described by the authors
as conservative, treated all mildness claims as claims
about taste that were irrelevant to health and treated all
claims about filter innovations as claims about product
quality, not about health. Nonetheless, results of the
longitudinal sample show that 27 percent of all claims
were health claims, making it the most common category,
primarily because ads since 1963 were required to cam
tar and nicotine disclosures (See "Warning Labels on
Tobacco Products" in Chapter 6). Voluntary health claims
were anywhere from 17 percent to 29 percent of total
claims before 1954 but had nearly disappeared after that
year.
In the longitudinal analysis, action-oriented ads-
those depicting competitive sports, adventurous pur-
suits, or leisure behaviors-were more than twice as
common (42 percent of all ads) as those showing all other
types of activity, such as working, eating, or shopping
(17 percent of all ads). Almost identical results were
found for the cross-sectional sample of 220 ads. No data
were reported for how the frequencies of these images of
activities changed over time.
Advertising That Targets Youthful
Audiences
Albright et al. (1988) studied cigarette ads in maga-
zines that reach young readers (Rolling Stone, Cycle
World), female readers (Ladies Home Journal, Mademoi-
selle), or general adult readers (Time, TV Guide, Ebony,
Popidar Science). All cigarette ads in one issue for every
year from the 1960s through 1985 were coded, yielding
778 ads for analysis. Like other analysts, Albright et al.
found that the volume of magazine advertising increased
dramatically during this period, stabilizing after 1977 at
six to seven ads.per issue. Within this study sample, the
proportion of total ads appearing in the magazines
reaching younger audiences grew significantly over
time to become 36 percent of the total. The analysts
concluded that although these data may not fully repre-
sent the overall market trends, "women and adolescent
magazine readers are exposed to a large quantity of
cigarette ads, regardless of the advertisers' intent"
(Albright et a1.1988, p. 232).
Altman et al. (1987) analyzed the themes and im-
ages employed in this same sample of magazines. The
study focused on the ads (78 percent of the total sample)
that showed a setting or had a model present. These
were coded for elements of the act of smoking, the pres-
ence of a low-tar or low-nicotine theme, and suggestions
of the "vitality of smoking." The latter concept was
measured with subcategories of adventure/risk (e.g.,
rock climbing, sailing, racing cars), recreation (e.g., play-
ing tennis, surfing), and romantic/erotic appeal (e.g.,
scantily dressed models, moonlit settings).
Images of risk and adventure, recreation, and erotic
or romantic display in youth magazines increased sig-
nificantly over this period (1960s to 1985). Ads in youth
magazines were significantly more likely than ads in
other magazines to depict images of adventure or risk,
Advertising and Promotion 181
TIMN 0139033

uI C O tw,I 1"' "rt
Smokeless Tobacco Use as a Risk Factor for Smoking,
Alcohol, and Other Drug Use
Although the known literature indicates that the
use of cigarettes and other drugs is a risk factor for
smokeless tobacco use, several studies also indicate that
the converse is true; that is, smokeless tobacco use is a
risk factor for the onset and maintenance of cigarette
smoking and for the use of alcohol and marijuana (see
"Smokeless Tobacco Use and Other Drug Use" in Chap-
ter 3). Ary, Lichtenstein, and Severson (1987) examined
the prospective relationship between smokeless tobacco
use and the onset of the use of cigarettes, alcohol, and
marijuana at nine-month follow-up. Smokeless tobacco
users were found to be more likely than nonusers to
begin using cigarettes (22 percent vs. 7 percent), alcohol
(18 percent vs. 7 percent), and marijuana (37 percent vs.
18 percent). These findings were replicated in Ary's
(1989) 12-month follow-up study of a separate sample.
Smokeless tobacco users were significantly more likely
than nonusers to report smoking cigarettes (6 percent vs.
0.5. percent), drinking alcohol (29 percent vs. 12 percent),
and smoking marijuana (12 percent vs. 2 percent).
Similarly, smokeless tobacco users were more likely
than nonusers to increase their use of other drugs. A
greater proportion of smokeless tobacco users than of
nonusers reported increased use (in the week preceding
the survey) of cigarettes (18 percent vs. 8 percent), alco-
hol (34 percent vs. 20 percent), and marijuana (20 percent
vs. 8 percent) (Ary, Lichtenstein, Severson. 1987). The
1989 study replicated these findings for each substance:
cigarettes (7 percent vs. 2 percent), alcohol (25 percent vs.
13 percent), and marijuana (15 percent vs. 2 percent)
(Ary 1989).
Several studies provide additional evidence for the
progression from smokeless tobacco to other drugs. In
one, decreases in smokeless tobacco use were
accompanied by increases in cigarette smoking (Hunter
et al. 1986). In a different longitudinal study, smokeless
tobacco users were more likely to report cigarette smok-
ing at a two-year folldw-up (67 percent) than were non-
users (14 percent) (Schinke et al. 1986). A study of
undergraduates founa that switching from smokeless
tobacco to cigarettes was a more likely progression than
the converse (Glover, Laflin, Edwards 1989).
Risk Taking and Rebelliousness
Although smoking is associated with rebellious-
ness and unconventionality, several' studies have found
no such association for smokeless tobacco use. A signifi-
cant but modest relationship has been found between
smokeless tobacco use and risk taking. In one of the few
longitudinal studies of smokeless tobacco use, Dent et al.
(1987) found that among eighth graders, current risk
taking predicted the onset of smokeless tobacco use one
year later. - In another study, a significant relationship
was reported between seventh-grade students' smoke-
less tobacco use and risk taking (Botvin, Baker, Tortu
1989). Studies with high school students found that risk
taking was related to trying smokeless tobacco but not to
the level of smokeless tobacco use (Riley, Barenie, Myers
1989; Riley et al. 1991). In two of eight replication samples
in another study, risk taking was a significant correlate of
trying smokeless tobacco (Sussman et al. 1989).
Participation in Athletics
Given the_number of professional athletes who use
smokeless tobacco, and given the associated advertising
efforts by smokeless tobacco companies, youth who par-
ticipate in athletics would seem likely to be at greater risk
of using smokeless tobacco than nonparticipants. Cur-
rent studies have mixed findings about this possible
relationship. Although 28 percent of predominantly white
Little League baseball players (aged 12 or less, N = 1,141)
in southeast Texas believed that more than half of profes-
sional baseball players use smokeless tobacco, this belief
was not strongly associated with use of smokeless to-
bacco among these youth (Evans, Raines, Getz 1992).
Similar findings on a stratified random sample of rural
and urban youth in grades one, three, five, and seven
were reported in North Carolina (Lisnerski et al. 1991).
In a one-year longitudinal study of seventh graders, .
sports participation did not predict onset of smokeless
tobacco use in two samples of males and in one of two
samples of females (Sussman et al. 1989); for the other
sample of seventh-grade females, the relationship was
positive but modest. Sussman et al. (1990) reported that
self-identified "dirts" (i.e., "heavy metal" music enthusi-
asts and marijuana users) and "skaters" (i.e., skateboard-
ers and surfers) were more likely to be currently using
smokeless tobacco than were "jocks/athletes." Another
study of high school students yielded inconclusive re-
sults (Riley, Barenie, Myers 1989). On the other hand,
Ringwalt (1989) found that 11th-and 12th-grade athletes
(students who played on school teams) were more likely
than nonathletes to have used smokeless tobacco, to
have used smokeless tobacco in the preceding 30 days,
and to perceive fewer (if any) health risks for smokeless
tobacco use. Jones and Moberg (1988) found that fre-
quency of smokeless tobacco use was related to partici-
pation in team sports. Glover et al. (1989) found that
smokeless tobacco use among U.S. college students was
related to participation in organized sports. Takeri to-
gether, the current evidence is inconclusive and war-
rants further investigation that might consider team rules
regarding smokeless tobacco use, coaches' use of smoke-
less tobacco or attitude toward team members' use, and
parents' degree of involvement in the team.
144 . Psychosocial Risk Factors
TIMN 0138996

1') t~ (,'IW L .,' il-, l:,r,'f:; .,':i I;; ,
Personal Factors in the Initiation of
Smokeless Tobacco Use
Knowledge of Long-Term Health Consequences
BeciuSe the long-term health consequences of
smokeles,; tobacco use have not been as widely commu-
nicated as those of smoking, knowledge of these conse-
quences is potentially an important predictive factor for
smokeless tobacco use. Most youth appear to be aware
that smokeless tobacco use can be harmful to health, but
most smokeless tobacco users do not perceive their own
risk to be great. In interviews with smokeless tobacco
users, 80 percent of junior high school and 92 percent of
senior high school users acknowledged that smokeless
tobacco use can be harmful, but about 60 percent of the
junior high users and 40 percent of the senior high users
believed that there was no risk or onlv slight risk in
regular smokeless tobacco use (USDHHS 1986). A study
of 7th- through 10th-graders found that 31 percent of
daily users of smokeless tobacco believed that there was
verv little health risk associated with this use (Arv,
Lichtenstein, Severson 1987). Similarly, only 40 percent
of 7th- through 12th-grade students in another sample
perceived smokeless tobacco use as very harmful
(Schaefer et al. 1985). Vtartv, McDermott, and Williams
(1986) reported that 35 percent of high school students
who use smokeless tobacco beljeved that such use had
little or no effect on their health.
Many youth appear to believe that smokeless to-
bacco use is much safer than cigarette use. Schaefer et
al. (1985) found that 77 percent of smokeless tobacco
users perceived smoking to be very harmful, whereas
only 40 percent perceived smokeless tobacco use as
verv harmful. Another study reported that 86 percent
of fifth- and sixth-grade smokeless tobacco users be-
lieved that smoking would hurt their health, but only
33 percent believed this of smokeless tobacco use
(Schinke et al. 19K6). Arv et al. (1989) found that when
smokeless tobacco users were asked why they pre-
ferred smokeless tobacco to cigarettes, they most often
gave "lower health;risk" as the reason. Users of smoke-
less tobacco are more- likely than nonusers to perceive
that smokeless tobaqco is a comparatively safe alterna-
tive to cigarette use (Chassin et al. 1985; McDermott
and Martv 1986; Bovle 1989; Glover, Laflin, Edwards
1989; Brownson, DiLorenzo, Van Tui.nen 1990;
Brownson et al. 1990; Lisnerski et al. 1991).
A number of studies have examined the relation-
ship between concurrent smokeless tobacco use and
health knowledge and, beliefs about smokeless tobacco,
but none of these studies have examined the prospective
relationship. Most of these studies show that youth with
more health knowledge of, or greater beliefs in, the risks
of !,tnukt'I«~, tub,tcru uSC 'tr(2 inJeL'd IC11 likCk ti) ti
~-moktless tobacco. ThretN studit!N reported that h,it, in~
tried smokeletis tobacco was related to lauk ot hc,ilth
knowledge and beliefs (Cohen et al. 1987; Rilev, Barcnie,
Vivers 1989; Rilev et al. 1991); onlv one studv that evam-
ined this possible link failed to find such a relaticm<hip,
and that study involved very young subjects (fir-4t
through seventh graders) (Lisnerski et al. 19y1).
tiple studies have reported that health knon.ledge and
beliefs were significantly related to various categorie~ of
smokeless tobacco use (Bovle 1989; Polcvn et 11. 1yy1),
current smokeless tobacco use (Chassin et al. 1985;
Colborn, Cummings, Michalek 1989; Glover, Latlin,
Edwards 1989; Marty, McDermott, Williams 1986), level
or amount of smokeless tobacco use (Rilev, Barenie, Mvers
1989; Rilev et al. 1991), or dailv smokeless tobacco use
(Arv, Lichtenstein, Severson 1987). In onlv two studies
was no relationship found between health knowledge
and beliefs and smokeless tobacco use (Brownson et al.
1990; Lisnerski et al. 1991).
Functional Meanings
In a study of seventh- and eighth-grade sEudents,
favorable personal attitudes toward smokelesss tobacco
use were significantly related to concurrent use ofsmoke-
less tobacco (Polcyn et al. 1991). In another study, 8th-
through 11th-grade students' expectancy and beliefs
about the positive attributes of smokeless tobacco use
(e.g., tastes good, is relaxing, helps concentration) were
related to current smokeless tobacco use (Colborn,
Cummings, Michalek 1989). Negative attributes of
smokeless tobacco use (i.e., gives bad breath, stains teeth)
were negatively related to current smokeless tobacco use
(Colborn, Cummings, Michalek 1989). No prospective
studies were found.
Social Image
Other research suggests that smokeless tobacco use
has a more positive social image than smoking (Chassin
et a1.1985; Chassin and Presson 1988). One study of high
school students found that students were more likelv to
have used smokeless tobacco during the past month and
that nonusers were more likely to have intentions of using
if the students' real and ideal self-concepts were similar to
their perceived image of smokeless tobacco users (Chassin
et a1.1985). This finding suggests that youth may take up
smokeless tobacco as a method of attaining a valued social
image. Positive social attributes expected from smokeless
tobacco use (e.g., increases attractiveness, brings more
friends, makes one become more "macho") were also
shown to be significantly related to concurrent use of
smokeless tobacco (Colborn, Cummings, Michiilek 1 q89).
No prospective research was found.
Psychosocial Risk Factors 145
TIMN 0138997

achieve-and signal to others-the precocious transition
to independence and autonomy.
The association of cigarette smoking and illegal
drug use suggests that cigarettes may be an entry-level
or gateway drug in a sequence of progressive drug use
(see "Smoking as a Risk Factor for Other Drug Use" in
Chapter 2 and "Smoking and Other Drug Use" in Chap-
ter 3). The suggestion here is not that smoking causes
illegal drug use, but that those who use illegal drugs
have most likely smoked cigarettes previously. In the
following studies, smoking is considered a gateway drug,
since the decision to smoke appears to facilitate the deci-
sion to use other drugs.
Scheier and Newcomb (1991) studied 717 junior
high school students in northern California. They con-
cluded that early cigarette use predicted illegal drug use
during the two-year study period. This finding comple-
ments the work of Fleming et al. (1989) and IVewcomb
and Bentler (1986), who emphasized the crucial role of
cigarette smoking in the progression to marijuana and
hard drug use, even without the mediating impact of
alcohol use. Those authors concluded that these sub-
stances are reciprocally influential over time, with in-
creased use of cigarettes associated with increased use of
illegal drugs. By young adulthood, a clear correlation
seems to exist between cigarette smoking and illegal
drug use. For example, in Brunswick and Messeri s
(1983) 6- to 8-year prospective study of 536 blacks aged
11 through 13 in Harlem, IVew York, at follow-
up (aged 18 through 23), 56 percent of males and 59
percent of females who had used illegal drugs smoked
cigarettes, whereas 24 percent of males and 35 percent
of females who had not used illegal drugs smoked
cigarettes.
Risk Taking, Rebelliousness, and Deviant Behaviors
Risk taking, rebelliousness, and deviant behaviors
are generally those behaviors that are considered uncon-
ventional, antisocial, or alienated from traditional insti-
tutions. The resear.ch literature has repeatedly
characterized adolescent drug use as one manifestation
of rebelliousness anc!'deviance (Jessor and Jessor 1977;
Chassin, Presson, Sherman 1989). By testing Jessor and
Jessor's (1977) model, Chassin et al. (1984) found that
proneness to deviance significantly predicted smoking
onset in a longitudinal study of secondary students, al-
though not for those who had already experimented
with cigarettes. In a subsequent study of high school
students, Chassin, Presson, and Sherman (1989) found
that in some instances, deviance was associated with
independence and personal control; whether psycho-
logically constructive or not, however, deviance was a
significant predictor of cigarette smoking. A risk-taking
134 Psychosocial Risk Factors
orientation (that is, an inclination toward excitement and
chance taking) was similarly associated with trying a
cigarette for the first or second time (Leventhal, Fleming,
Glynn 1988). Risk taking was also a significant predictor
of smoking initiation in the Collins et al. (1987) study of
11- and 12-year-olds in Los Angeles. In the Sussman et
al. (1987) study of southern California adolescents, risk
taking predicted smoking among blacks, but the associa-
tion was not significant for whites, Hispanics, or Asians.
Conrad, Flay, and Hill's (1992) review of prospective
research on smoking initiation cited five studies that
associated rebelliousness, risk taking, and proneness to
deviance with smoking onset (see "Cigarette Smoking
and Other Health-Related Behaviors" in Chapter 3).
Peer Groups
During the past two decades, the relative impor-
tance of adolescent bonding with peers has increased,
while the importance of bonding with parents has de-
clined (Perry, Kelder, Komro 1993). This shift has al-
lowed more time, opportunity, and social support for
dysfunctional behaviors, such as cigarette use. Adoles-
cent females who spent most of their free time withtheir.
families, for example, were less likely to begin smoking
than those who spent little free time with their families
(Brunswick and Messeri 1984). As Flay (1993) notes,
"youth alienated from conventional culture have more
opportunities than others to observe substance use and
its positive functions.... They are also,more likely to
overestimate the proportion of their peers who use these
substances-because they are likely to be associating
with groups who actually do use ....[andl deviant cul-
tures reinforce these youth when they do use, for ex-
ample, by acceptance into groups" (p. 369).
Leventhal et al. (1991) observe that parents, teach-
ers, and other adults seldom discuss with youth the
intense biological and social changes that occur in ado-
lescence: "When such a dialogue is absent ... the peer
group becomes the predominant influence integrating
and shaping the adolescents' vague yet pressing internal
states" (p. 586).
Participation in Athletics and Other Health-Enhancing
Behaviors
Health-enhancing behaviors, such as sports involve-
ment, might moderate a high-risk environment
(Rantakallio 1983). Swan, Creeser, and Murray (1990)
found that girls were significantly less likely to begin
smoking if they were involved in an organized sport, but
were significantly more likely to begin smoking if they
participated in organized social activities. Involvement
in sports did not appear to affect boys' rate of smoking
TIMN 0138986

til/!",`Cll/f (.rt'/h'11ll- Rt'pl'v:
described a typical Marlboro ad and noted that "the
significant meanings are coming from the illustration.
The copy logic is strictly after-the-fact" (p. 19). ` He
disputed the conventional wisdom that the illustrations
are merely attention-getting devices: "This is nonsense.
The other meanings [from the visuals] can be totally
unrelated to copy logic-and far more important" (p. 19).
Consequences of Image Advertising
As an article in the trade journal Printers' Ink ob-
served, the "grim messages ... from the health-scare days
[of the early 1950s] gave way to pleasant, almost
'Pollyanna' prose. . . . The 1955 comeback ... [taught ad-
vertising to] stick to cajoling the smokerwith soft,'gentle'
phrases and oh-so-gay jingles" (Day 1955, p. 15). A few
years later, the same journal noted that "once more the
industry is back to its traditional and usually successful
course - advertising flavor, taste and pleasure against a
backdrop of beaches, ski slopes and languid lakes. It is a
formula that works, as all-time high sales show" (Print-
ers' Ink 1960, p. 37). As Fortune (1963) summarized,
"Nowadays, all allusions to the health question are mod-
els of indirection" (p. 125).
In 1981, the FTC reviewed the changes that had
occurred in cigarette advertising since the 1964 Surgeon
General's report and noted the continuing glamorization
of cigarette smoking. The FTC noted that in the last
sixteen years:
There has been little change.... Ads have contin-
ued to attempt to allay anxieties about the hazards
of smoking and to associate smoking with good
health, youthful vigor, social and professional suc-
cess ... Thus, the cigarette is portrayed as an inte-
gral part of youth, happiness, attractiveness,
personal success and an active, vigorous, strenu-
ous lifestyle....[The ads are] rich in thematic
imagery associating smoking with, among other
things, outdoor activities, athletics, individualism
and achievement. They are frequently filled with
rugged, vigorous, attractive, healthy-looking
people living energetic lives full of success and
athletic achievem%""t , free from any health haz-
ards" (FTC 1981, pp; 2-_2, 2-8).
Conveying Male and Female Images
One of the early consequences of motivation re-
search was to help the industry give brands of cigarettes
distinctly male or female identities (Burnett 1958; Cheskin
1967). Probably no brand more dramatically demon-
strated this strategy than Marlboro, which in 1956 was
converted, through an enormously successful advertis-
ing campaign, from a previous, stereotypically "female"
advertising image to a stereotypically "male" image that
culminated in the Marlboro cowboy. (The particulars of
this marketing transformation are discussed later in this
chapter.) Leo Burnett (1961), the man who created the
Marlboro cowboy, described how the campaign touched
a motivational chord in consumers: "We have been able
to get under [the consumers'] skins a bit and find out
what they really think about a product or the presenta-
tion of it and can't or won't express in words" (p. 63).
Research for the campaign was done, in part, by the
Home Testing Institute and the Color Research Institute
for association testing (Cheskin 1967). Intensive field
interviews were used to pretest the selling promotion
and advertising techniques (Weissman 1955).
Large advertising spending in all media brought
the campaign to a vast audience. Leo Burnett (1961)
described outdoor advertising as a vital factor in the
success of Marlboro; the medium's low cost per expo-
sure allowed for the use of enough signs to achieve what
Burnett called "the No. 1 factor in building
confidence ... the plain old fashioned matter of friendly
familiarity" (p. 217; italics in original). This success with
advertising the Marlboro brand led Philip Morris to
launch another brand, Virginia Slims, with stereotyped
female characteristics (Weinstein 1970). The successand
durability of both these campaigns evidence the power
of nonverbal imagery to communicate subjective values
such as independence, masculinity, and femininity and
to attract and retain consumers.
Historical Perspectives on the Effectiveness
of Cigarette Advertising
The role of cigarette advertising in attracting new
smokers was easier to recognize in the days when the
rate of recruitment exceeded the rate of death and quit-
ting so that total cigarette sales grew. Comments from
diverse sources credited cigarette advertising for expand-
ing sales and accelerating market broadening social
trends, such as smoking among women. This acknowl-
edgment of cigarette advertising's effects on demand
and onset was commented on in articles by academic
analysts, advertising agents and journals, the tobacco
trade press, and tobacco executives themselves.
Academic and Industry Analyses
"In the 1920s," a recent analyst noted, "advertising
sold the cigarette habit to the American Public-surely
the industry's most regrettable achievement of the de-
cade" (Fox 1984, p.114). Commenting during the 1940s
on the diminution of the medical, moral, and religious
reservations about smoking previously held by consum-
ers, a Harvard Business School professor wrote, "The
campaigns of testimonials featuring well-known person-
ages and the picturing of the 'right' kind of people
172 Advertising and Promotion
TIMN 0139024

tit0Nt'i1i1 Ln910'd/ - Xi!'O!
BOTVIN EM, BOTVIN GJ, BAKER E. DevelopmentalchanKes
in attitudes toward cigarette smokers during early adoles-
cence. Psycholo,~~ical Reports 1983;53(2):547-53.
CENTERS FOR DISEASE CONTROL. Acces~,ibilit< < t ciga-
rettes to vouths aged 12-17 vears-Lnited States, 1989. ,~v1ur-
!}urituanui Murtality Wrt'kly Rrport 1992;41(27):-183-8.
BOYLE R. Adolescent knowledge of smokeless tobacco's
health consequences. Health Education 1989;20(4):35-8.
BROWNSON RC, DILORENZO TM; VAN TUINEN M.
Smokeless tobacco use among Missouri youth. Missouri Medi-
cine 19y0;87(6):35i---1.
BROWNSON RC, DILORENZO TM, VAN TUINEN M,
FINGER WW. Patterns of cigarette and smokeless tobacco use
among children and adolescents. Preventive Medicine
1990;19(2):170-80.
BRUBAKER RG, LOFTIN TL. Smokeless tobacco use by
middle school males: a preliminary test of the reasoned action
theory. Journal of School Health 1987;57(2):64-7.
BRUERD B. Smokeless tobacco use among Native American
school children. Pnblic Health Reports 1990;105(2):196-201.
BRUNSWICK AF, MESSERI PA. Causal factors in onset of
adolescents' cigarette smoking: a prospective study of urban
black youth. Adeurnces in Alcohol and Substance Abnse 1983;
30-2):35-32.
BRUNSWICK AF, MESSERI PA. Origins of cigarette smoking
in academic achievement, stress and social expectations: does
gender make a difference? Jonrnal of Early Adolescence
1984;-1(4):353-70.
BURKE GL, HUNTER SM, CROFT JB, CRESANTA JL,
BERENSON GS. The interaction of alcohol and tobacco use in
adolescents and young adults: Bogalusa heart study. Addic-
tire Behavion; 1988;13(4):387-93.
BURKE JA, ARBOGAST R, BECKER SL, NAUGHTON M,
LAUER R.M. Prevalence and predictors of smokeless tobacco
use: Iowa's program against smoking. In: National Cancer
Institute. Snnokeless tobacco use in the United States. Monograph
tio. 8. US Department of Health and Human Services, Public
Health Service, National Institutes of Health, National Cancer
Institute. Bethesda (MD~~NIH Publication No. 89-3055,1989,
71-7. :
CAMP DE, KLESGES RC, RELYEA G. The relationship be-
tween body weight concerns and adolescent smoking. Health
PsycholoRy 1993;12(1):24-32. .
CASTRO FG, MADDAHIAN E, NEWCOMB MD, BENTLER
PM. A multivariate model of the determinants of cigarette
smoking among adolescents. Journal of Health and Social
Behavior 1987;28(3):273-89.
150 Psychosocial Risk Factors
CENTERS FOR DISEASE CONTROL AND PREVENTION.
Minors' access to tobacco-Missouri, 1992, and Texas, 1993.
Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report 1993;42(7):12-5-8.
CHAPMAN S, BLOCH M, editors. [Prefacel. Tobacco Control
1992;(1 Suppl) September:S2-S3.
CHARLTON A, BLAIR V. Predicting the onset of smoking in
boys and girls. Social Science and Medicine 1989;29(7):813-8.
CHASSIN L, PRESSON CC. The social image of smokeless
tobacco use in three different types of teenagers. Addictire
Behaviors 1988;13(l):107-12.
CHASSIN L, PRESSON CC, SHERMAN SJ. Family correlates
of adolescent smokeless tobacco use in relation to cigarette
smoking. International Journal of Family Psychiatry 1988;9(1):
49-66.
CHASSIN L, PRESSON CC, SHERMAN SJ. "Constructive"
vs. "destructive" deviance in adolescent health-related behav-
iors. Journal of Youth and Adolescence 1989;18(3):245-62.
CHASSIN L, PRESSON CC, SHERMAN SJ. Social psycho-
logical contributions to the understanding and prevention of
adolescent cigarette smoking. Personality and Social Psychole ~vj
Bulletin 1990;16(1):133-.i1.
CHASSIN L, PRESSON CC, SHERMAN SJ, CORTY E,
OLSHAVSKY RW. Predicting the onset of cigarette smoking
in adolescents: a longitudinal study. Journal of Applied Social
Psychology 1984;14(3):224-43.
CHASSIN L, PRESSON CC, SHERMAN SJ, EDWARDS DA.
Four pathways to young-adult smoking status: adolescent
social-psychological antecedents in a midwestern community
sample. Health Psychology 1991;10(6):409-18.
CHASSIN L, PRESSON CC, SHERMAN SJ, MCGREW J. The
changing smoking environment for middle and high school
students: 1980-1983. Journal of Behavioral Medicine
1987;10(6):581-93.
CHASSIN L, PRESSON CC, SHERMAN SJ, MCLAUGHLIN
L, GIOIA D. Psychosocial correlates of adolescent smokeless
tobacco use. Addictive Behaviors 1985;10(4):431-5.
CHASSIN L, PRESSON CC, SHERMAN SJ, MONTELLO D,
MCGREW J. Changes in peer and parent influence during
adolescence: longitudinal versus cross-sectional perspectives
on smoking initiation. Developmental Psychology 1986;22(3):
327-34.
WVIN 0139002

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
and brand were masked, and subjects were asked whether
the,v had ever seen the ad and what product and brand
were being advertised. They were then shown six other
Old Joe ads, one at a time, and asked to rate the appeal of
these ads.
The high school students were more likely than
adults to recognize and correctly identify Old Joe (98 vs.
73 percent), to think the ads looked "cool" (58 vs. 40
percent), to think the ads were interesting (74 vs. 55
percent), to think that Old Joe is cool (43 vs. 26 percent),
and to report that they would like to have Old Joe as a
friend (35 vs. 14 percent). Data on brand preference
collected from the high school students who smoked
were compared with corresponding data from seven
surveys completed before the kick-off of the Old Joe
campaign early in 1988. The authors reported that in the
three-year duration of the Old Joe campaign, the pro-
portion of smokers under 18 years old who preferred
Camel cigarettes over other brands rose from 0.5 percent
to 33 percent.
Pierce et al. (1991) analyzed data from the Califor-
nia Tobacco Survey, a 1990 random-digit-dialed tele-
phone survey of 24,296 adults aged 18 and over and 5,040
adolescents aged 12 through 17. Respondents were asked
to "think back to the cigarette advertisements ... recently
seen on billboards or in magazines. What brand of
cigarette was advertised the most?" Thirty-four percent
of the adults named Marlboro as the most-advertised
brand; 14 percent of the adults named Camel cigarettes.
Among the adolescents, 42 percent identified Marlboro
and 30 percent identified Camel as the most advertised
brand. No more than 3 percent of either the adult or
teenage respondents named any other single brand.
The percentage of respondents who named
Marlboro increased with age among the adolescents,
peaking at 48 percent among 16- and 17-year-olds before
declining among adults. The percentage of respondents
who named Camel was inversely related to age, ranging
from 23 percent for 16- and 17-year-olds, to 20 percent for
18- through 24-year-olds, to 10 percent for respondents
aged 45 years and older. Similar results were found by
Pierce et al. (1993) and by a Gallup (1992) survey, al-
though Camel advertisements were identified as the most
pervasive ads according to McCan's (1992) analysis of
the 1992 California Tobacco Survey. It is not surprising,
given these results, that Marlboro and Camel cigarettes
are used by up to 70 percent of adolescent smokers
(Gallup 1992; CDC 1992).
A study conducted by Fischer et al. (1991) sug
gested that even very young children were aware of the
Joe Camel campaign. In this study, three- through six-
year-old children were asked to match each of 22 brand
logos on cards to one of 12 products pictured on a game
board. Ten of the logos were from children's products,
seven from adult products, and five from cigarette brands.
The recognition rate for Old Joe ranged from 30 percent
for three-year-olds to 91 percent for six-year-olds. By the
age of six, the face of Old Joe and the silhouette of Mickey
Mouse (the logo for the Disney Channel on cable televi-
sion) were equally well recognized.
Young People's Self-Image and Implications
for Tobacco Use
Intention to smoke is one of the strongest predic-
tors of trying cigarettes and of becoming a smoker
(Conrad, Flay, Hill 1992). Chassin et al. (1981) found that
9th- and 10th-grade students whose reported image of
smokers correlated with their reported self-image, ideal-
date image, and certain attributes of ideal self-image
were likely to report that they intended to smoke. The
attributes of ideal self-image that correlated with at-
tributes of smokers' image were "tough," "foolish," "act
big," "disobedient " and "interested in the opposite sex."
A positive relationship of self-image and ideal-date im-
age with smokers' image was also found to differentiate
students who were already smokers from nonsmokers.
Bowen et al. (1991) found that even among preadoles-
cent, fifth-grade boys, reported images of smokers were
more likely to match advertising images of smokers
among those who had tried a cigarette than among those
who had never tried cigarettes.
Barton et al. (1982) asked'6th- and 10th-grade stu-
dents to evaluate slides of peer models posed with and
without cigarettes. Children in both age groups rated
smoking models as being less healthy, more foolish,
tougher, poorer at schoolwork, more sociable, more os-
tentatious, and more disobedient than nonsmoking mod-
els. Grube et al. (1984) subsequently reported that both
smokers and youth who intended to smoke were more
likely than nonsmokers to have self-images like the im-
ages they attributed to smokers. McCarthy and Gritz
(1984) found that among 6th ; 9th-, and 12th-grade boys
and among 12th-grade girls, a correlation of ideal self-
image to advertising images of smokers was associated
with intentions to smoke.
Students in 11 seventh-grade classes in a working-
class area of Pasadena participated in a study (Burton et
a1.1989) that investigated attributes of four categories of
images: self, ideal self, smoker, and cigarette ad. A
random sample of 122 students were asked to use a six-
point scale to rate four attributes (healthy, wise, tough,
and interested in the opposite sex) in responding to four
questions: (1) "What sort of person are you?"; (2) "What
sort of person would you like to be?"; (3) "What sort of
person is a smoker?"; and (4) "In billboards, magazines
and other advertisements, smokers are made out to be
Advertising and Promotion 191
TIMN 0139043

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Yotuig People
Promotional Efforts of the Tobacco Industry
Introduction
Whereas the role of advertising is primarily cogni-
tive and affective (affecting consumers' knowledge, be-
liefs, and attitudes), the role of promotional efforts indudes
a substantial conative (action-affecting) component (Kotler
1991). A cigarette advertisement, regardless of how
compelling, is unable to put a cigarette into a consumer's
hands. At best it can create desire or an interest in
smoking. Cigarette promotion, however, can use sam-
pling to put a cigarette into a consumer's hand-along
with, in some instances, the lighter to ignite it. Promotion
can also target a product to those specific consumers
most likely to respond to a manufacturer's appeals
(Rossiter and Percy 1987).
Cigarette marketers use several of the major cat-
egories of promotion to facilitate both the entrance of
new smokers to the market and their development of
brand loyalty. Because of the rapid growth in cigarette
promotional expenditures (FTC 1992) and the impor-
tance of these expenditures in potentially recruiting new
smokers, the following discussion will analyze each of
these major categories of cigarette promotion. The recency
of this growth, however, limits the amount of research
this report can draw upon.
Public Entertainment
The cigarette industry uses the sponsorship of pub-
lic entertainment events to bypass broadcast advertising
bans and self-regulatory constraints. Sponsorship is an
efficient way for an advertiser to have its brand name
and logo achieve the equivalent effect of broadcast ad-
vertising without having to include any government-
mandated warnings. Thus, cigarette manufacturers
sponsor a wide array of sporting events (e.g., the Virginia
Slims Tennis Touirmament, the Winston Cup series, and
auto racing in g°,etteralthrough sponsoring particularcars
and drivers) anc(;' otlter forms of public entertainment
(e.g., the Kool Jazz C~oncert). The association of the brand
name with the event is an advertising association for the
brand. For example, through racing events and race cars
bearing the Winston and Camel brand names, R.J.
Reynolds has become the leading sponsor of automobile
and motorcycle racing in the United States (Blum 1991).
The association between events and cigarettes is so clear
that in some markets, when ads selling tickets for a
sponsored event (such as the Virginia Slims Tennis Tour-
nament in Newport, Rhode Island) are run in local
newspapers, the ads carry the mandated cigarette health
warnings. Sponsorship can also preempt opposition to
cigarettes among those who view sponsorship as neces-
sary for the funding of an event. Despite the stated
health threat, the association of the cigarette brand name
with the event continues unabated on broadcast media,
and event programming continues to feature cigarette
brand logos. In the 1989 Marlboro Grand Prix telecast,
for example, the Marlboro logo could be seen for over 46
of the 94 total minutes of broadcast time (Blum 1991).
Such sponsorship is clearly viewed as delivering a brand
message by the marketer.
Event sponsorship also provides access to youth
markets of potential smokers (Buchanan and Lev 1990).
Because youth do not predominantly compose the atten-
dance or viewership of such sponsored events, however,
cigarette advertisers can argue that they are not:actively
targeting youth. Yet given the heavy concentrations of
young people in these audiences, and given the limited
venues available to cigarette advertisers to present their
images to children, sponsored events may be among the
most cost-effective promotional mechanisms.
Two studies conducted with children and adoles-
cents support the observations that cigarette industry
sponsorship reaches young people. Aitken, Leathar, and
Squair (1986) conducted a study to determine children's
awareness of cigarette brand sponsorship of sports and
games in the United Kingdom. Young people from ages
10 through 17 years old were asked what they under-
stood by the term "sponsorship" and whether they could
recall any cigarette brands that sponsored sports. The
authors found that 13 percent of 10- and 11-year-old
children and 43 percent of 16- and 17-year-olds men-
tioned that sports sponsorship entailed both a company's
financial sponsorship of sporting events and its opportu-
nity to advertise its products; 80 percent of 16- and 17-
year-olds mentioned at least one of these two components
of sponsorship. More than half of those 12 years old and
older correctly associated at least one sponsored sport
and the brand of the sponsoring cigarette company. Even
children younger than age 11 identified the sponsored
sports as activities linked with excitement. These find-
ings supported those of Ledwith (1984), who also found
that many 12- through 17-year-old schoolchildren were
able to correctly identify sponsored sports and the spon-
soring cigarette brand.
A secondary effect of sponsoring sports events is
that the brand names become closely associated with the
Advertising and Promotion 185
TIMN 0139037

IOhdt1t'Ut'.l'F1( 'ti~ ft~Ilt11 I Y01 '/t'
onset in this study. Nv4cCau1 et al. (1982) found no asso-
ciation between boys' smoking and participation in ex-
tracurricular activities. Among urban black females in
Brunswick and Messeri's (1y84) study, those who re-
ported minimal concern about their health and those
who reported a larger appetite were more likely to begin
smoking; in contrast, black males who had the greatest
number of health-related activities and were of normal
bodv weight were more likely to begin smoking than
other black males (Brunswick and Messeri 1983).
Sussman et al. (1993) found that among youth at the
highest risk of smoking, those who did not smoke re-
ported that they valued their health. Finally, in Kelder's
(1992) longitudinal study of secondary school students
in the north-central United States, cigarette smoking was
found to be related to poor food choices and less exercise
after the eighth grade; the correlation between these
behaviors was stronger with increasing age.
Behavioral Skills
The final set of behavioral factors comprises the
behavioral skills that are necessary to begin smoking,
those that are necessary to resist influences to smoke,
and those that are necessary to cope with other social
situations that might indirectly encourage cigarette use.
Hahn et al. (1990) found that 42 percent of smoking
experimenters had asked for their first cigarette. In the
Sussman et al. (1987) studv in southern California, diffi-
culty in refusing offers to smoke predicted onset for all
four ethnic groups, particularly for whites and blacks,
for whom it was the strongest predictive factor found in
the studv. This difficultv in refusing an offered cigarette
appears to be strongly influenced by the offering friend's
attitudes and behaviors (e.g., being persistent or critical if
refused), particularly for high-risk adolescents (Salomon
et al. 1984; Lawrance and Rubinson 1986; Reardon,
Sussman, Flay 1989). Conrad, Flay, and Hill (1992) re-
viewed three prospective studies and found that
refusal or resistance skills against smoking were
associated with lower rates of onset.
Generally, cjjarette use can be viewed as a coping
mechanism-a ;skilled, response designed to close the
gap between an _ olescent's current position and goals
g,.
(Leventhal et aI. 1991). Smoking serves as a coping
response if it brings the adolescent closer to a valued
goal, such as acceptance in a peer group. Smoking may
also serve as a coping response to stress or distress (Wills
and Shiffman 1985; Castro et al. 1987). These studies
suggest that youth need more general social skills, such
as being able to cope with various kinds of stress or
social pressures, to help them manage.the many devel-
opmental demands of adolescence (Franzkowiak 1987).
A more comprehensive concept of skills that has been
used in prevention efforts is aiscusned in Chapter h (t2c2
"lnstilling Skills for Resisting Social Intluences to Smoke"
and "Exemplary Programs for Resisting Social Intluenct.-.," ).
Personal Factors in the Initiation
of Smoking
Personal factors are those that are inherent in the
individual; they include cognitive processes, values, per-
sonality constructs, and psychological well-being. These
factors can be considered the personal filters through
which sociodemographic and environmental factors pass
as they influence behavior. Personal risk factors also
explain differences in behavior among individuals ex-
posed to the same or similar environments. The per-
sonal factors that have been examined in the research
literature include levels of knowledge about the health
consequences of smoking, the functions or meanings of
cigarette use among adolescents, the subjective expected
utility (SEU) of smoking, self-esteem, self-image, self-
efficacy in refusing offers of cigarettes, personality vari-
ables, and emotional well-being.
Knowledge of Long-Term Health Consequences
Knowledge of the long-term health consequences
of smoking has not been a strong predictor of adolescent
onset (Collins et a1.1987; Krohn, Naughton, Latier 1987;
Sussman et al. 1987; Conrad, Flay, Hil11992; Royal Col-
lege of Physicians of London 1992), perhaps because
virtually all U.S. adolescents-smokers and nonsmokers
alike-are aware of the long-term health effects of smok-
ing and because many adolescents feel inherently invul-
nerable in their characteristically short-term view (Gerber
and Newman 1989). Belief that smoking has short-term
effects on health appears to be a more powerful influence
than knowledge of long-term health effects (Krohn,
Naughton, Lauer 1987; McNeill et al. 1988). Similarly,
belief in personally relevant negative social consequences
of smoking has been associated with a decline in smok-
ing prevalence among secondary school students
(Chassin et a1.1987). Botvin et al. (1992) found that lack
of concern about the harmful effects of smoking was
associated with intentions to smoke among young,
inner-city black adolescents. Similarly, dismissing or
minimizing the health consequences of smoking has been
associated with both initiation of cigarette use and adult
smoking levels (Mittelmark et al. 1987; Swan, Creeser,
Murray 1990). Krohn, Naughton, and Lauer (1987) found
that smoking behavior predicted beliefs about the health
effects of smoking more than beliefs predicted future
cigarette use. Knowledge of the health consequences of
smoking may or may not deter some adolescents from
beginning to smoke; beginning to smoke appears to ac-
centuate adolescents' denial of the health consequences.
Psychosocial Risk Factors 135
TIMN 0138987

Surgeon General's Report
NORDBERG A, WAHLSTROM G, ARNELO U, LARSSON C.
Effect of long-term nicotine treatment on ('H) nicotine binding
sites in the rats brain. Drug and Alcohol Dependence 1985;
16(l):9-17.
POLLARD RB, MELTON LJ 111, HOEFFLER DF, SPRINGER
GL, SCHEINER EF. Smoking and respiratory illness in
military recruits. Archives of Environmental Health 1975;
30(11):533-7.
O'DONNELL JA, CLAYTON RR. The stepping-stone hy-
pothesis-marijuana, heroin, and causality. Chemical Depen-
dencies: Behavioral and Biomedical Issues 1982;4(3):229-41.
OECHSLI FW, SELTZER CC, VAN DEN BERG BJ. Adoles-
cent smoking and early respiratory disease: a longitudinal
study. Annals of Allergy 1987;59(2):135-40.
OFFENBACHER S, WEATHERS DR. Effects of smokeless
tobacco on the periodontal, mucosal and caries status of ado-
lescent males. Journal of Oral Pathology 1985;14(2):169-81.
PALMER KJ, BUCKLET MM, FAULDS D. Transdermal nico-
tine: a review of its pharmacodynamic and pharmacokinetic
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PETERS JM, FERRIS BG. Smoking, pulmonary function and
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PICKWORTH WB, HERNING RI, HENNINGFIELD JE.
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PIERCE JP, FIORE MC, NOVOTNY TE, HATZIANDREU EJ,
DAVIS RM. Trends in cigarette smoking in the United States:
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TIMN 0138901

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
In the United Kingdom, Aitken, Leathar, and
O'Hagan (1985) followed a procedure similar to that
used by Chapman and Fitzgerald. They showed ciga-
rette advertisements, interspersed among advertisements
for other products, to groups of male and female school-
children (aged 6 through 16 years) from Glasgow's in-
ner-city areas (most of whose residents were of lower
socioeconomic status) and suburban areas (most of whose
residents were of higher socioeconomic status). Chapman
and Fitzgerald's findings that large proportions of chil-
dren were aware of cigarette advertisements were sup-
ported in this study and were extended to include younger
children. Among some of the 12-year-olds and most of
the 14- and 16-year-olds in the Glasgow study, the adver-
tising images elicited comments that indicated the young
people's perceiving implicit, supposedly adult themes,
such as independence, sex appeal, and success.
In a separate study, Aitken et al. (1987) showed
nine color photographs of different cigarette advertise-
ments to 12- through 17-year-olds. When the young
people were asked if they had seen any of the advertise-
ments before, 83 percent of the 6- and 7-year-olds and 91
percent of the 16- and 17-year-olds recalled seeing the
same ad. When asked to match the various ads to brief
verbal descriptions of the ads, the study subjects in the
three oldest age groups (those 12 through 17 years old)
succeeded at a level greater than chance.
Together, the results from these studies show that
even relatively young children are aware of cigarette
advertising and are able to recall particular advertise-
ments. Older adolescents are moreover capable of inter-
preting the advertisements in imagistic terms related to
attractive features of adult life.
Opinions on Cigarette Advertising and
Smoking Behaviors
O'Connell et al. (1981) surveyed more than 6,000
students aged 10 through 12 who were drawn from a
sample of 88 primary schools in New South Wales,
Australia. Logistic regression was used to determine
the relative importance of various personal and social
environmental factors in relation to the proportion of
children who reported smoking one or more times per
week. The factors included friends' smoking, approval
of tobacco advertising, siblings' smoking, the amount of
money available to spend weekly, gender, age, and par-
ents' smoking. As part of the same study, Alexander et
al. (1983) identified factors associated with change in
smoking status (both beginning and ceasing to smoke)
over the 12 months between the baseline and follow-up
surveys. Of the children who reported not smoking
during the month preceding the baseline survey,
significantly more of those who at baseline approved of
cigarette advertising reported smoking during the
month preceding the follow-up survey than did those
who disapproved of cigarette advertising. Similar re-
sults were found for the children who reported smok-
ing during the month preceding the baseline survey.
The study thus found a positive relationship between
approving of advertising and subsequently taking up
smoking, and between disapproving of advertising and
quitting smoking.
Armstrong et al. (1990) conducted a large random-
ized trial among seventh-grade students (13 years old) in
Western Australia in which peer-led and teacher-led
programs concerning social influences were evaluated.
When the students were resurveyed one year and two
years after the intervention, the results identified factors
associated with beginning to smoke. Both boys and girls
who at baseline reported that cigarette advertisements
made them think they would like to smoke a cigarette
were significantly more likely to have adopted smoking
at the one-year and two-year follow-up surveys than
those who did not report feeling this way.
. Aitken and Eadie (1990) examined whether the
awareness and appreciation of cigarette advertisements
were independent of other predictors of adolescent smok-
ing. In this study, 868 Glasgow adolescents between the
ages of 11 and 14 years were selected at random and
interviewed privately in their homes. Older adolescents,
boys, and current smokers in the sample tended to ap-
prove of cigarette advertisements and were also more
likely to correctly identify cigarette advertisemeiits that
carried no brand identification. In general, smokers were
more successful than nonsmokers at identifying cigarette
advertisements, were more likely to have siblings who
smoked, tended to be more approving of cigarette adver-
tisements, and were less likely to perceive that their
parents strongly opposed smoking. These findings sug-
gest that advertising may reinforce the habit of smoking,
even among new, young smokers.
Young People's Responses to Different
Types of Cigarette Advertisements -
Huang et al. (1992) reported on the preferences of
seventh- and eighth-grade children (average age 14) con-
cerning three categories of cigarette advertisement: ads
with cartoons, those picturing human models, and those
with only the cigarette package and words (tombstone
ads). The study was a cross-sectional survey conducted
in April 1991 among 243 students in two junior high
schools in Chicago. Seventy percent of the students
were black, 22 percent white, 3 percent Hispanic, 2 per-
cent Native American, 1 percent Asian, and 2 percent
from other races. Analyses were limited to responses of
the black and white subjects. The subjects first were
Advertising and Promotion 189
TIMN 0139041

Pre';'e'Ittll~~ Tol'de1o Ll-e'.'lllle~ll~~ ~e'IIN~: l'e't'pJe'
References
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ARY DV, B[GLAN A. Longitudinal changes in adolescent
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ARY DV, BIGLAN A, NAUTEL CL, WEISSMAN W,
SEVERSON HH. Longitudinal prediction of the onset and
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RC, Nostbakken D, editors. Proceedinqs of the Fifth World
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Ottawa (Canada): Canadian Council on Smoking and Health,
1983.
ARY DV, LICHTENSTEIN E, SEVERSON HH. Smokeless
tobacco use among:inale adolescents: patterns, correlates,
predictors, and theuse of other drugs. Preventive Medicine
1987 :16(3):38.5--I01:'--
ARY DV, LICHTENSTEIN E, SEVERSON H, WEISSMAN W,
SEELEY JR. An in-depth analysis of male adolescent smoke-
less tobacco users: interviews with users and their fathers.
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LD, KL;RTH CL, NEIGHBORS HW. Racial/ethnic differ-
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(NJ): Prentice Hall, 1977.
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BAUMAN KE, FOSHEE VA, LINZER MA, KOCH GG. Effect
of parental smoking classification on the association between
parental and adolescent smoking. Addictive Behaviors
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tute. Bethesda (MD): NIH Publication No. 89-3055,1989, 43-8.
BEST JA, FLAY BR, TOWSON SMJ, RYAN KB, PERRY CL,
BROWN KS, ET AL. Smoking prevention and the concept of
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BOTVIN GJ, BAKER E, GOLDBERG CJ, DUSENBURY L,
BOTVIN EM. Correlates and predictors of smoking among
black adolescents. Addictive Behaviors 1992;17(2):97-103.
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among adolescents: correlates and concurrent predictors. Jour-
lml of Dezvelopnlental and Behavioral Pediatrics 1989;10(4):181-6.
TIMN 0139001
Psychosocial Risk Factors 149

tillY~c( )ii C,0 lt'Pd I " kc'{,i,~ `
Table 4. Smokeless tobacco sales and advertising expenditures, 1985 -1991
Sales
Year
Total pounds sold
Revenues
(U.S. $) Advertising and
promotion expenditures
(U.S. $)
1985 121,449,115 730,618,970 80,068,229
1986 118,778,334 797,777,885 76,676,706
1987 116,540,281 852,717,347 67,777,044
1988 114,435,233 901,654,382 68,223,671
1989 116,437,890 981,637,304 81,200,611
1990 117,415,326 1,091,170,201 90,101,355
1991 120,110,686 1,237,961,670 104,004,042
Source: Federal Trade Commission (1993).
outrage at the attempt to encourage women to smoke,
yet prompted the envy and emulation of many other
cigarette marketers (Wood 1958). Later, various cigarette
campaigns targeted and featured women, including
Hollywood movie stars, winners of the Miss America
beauty pageant, women in heroic World War II roles,
mothers (for Mother's Day), and brides (Howe 1984;
Ernster 1985). Some of these campaigns explicitly por-
trayed cigarette smoking as appropriate for the young.
For example, a Lorillard campaign that showed a woman
running on the beach encouraged viewers to "Light an
Old Gold for young ideas."
Ads Targeting Young People
From the time of the earliest marketing campaigns,
parents, educators, and policy makers worried about the
exposure-intentional or not, it was inevitable-of young
people to cigarette advertising. These concerns were not
misplaced. For example, one variant of the American
Tobacco Company's campaign for Lucky Strike in the
1920s depicted a young woman and a very young man
"breaking the chains of the past" to reach for opportunity
and an open pack of cigdrettes (Anderson 1929). In 1929,
a Senate proponent of amendments to the Pure Food and
Drug Act declared, "Not since the days when the vendor
of harmful nostrums was swept from our streets, has this
country witnessed such an orgy of buncombe, quackery
and downright falsehood and fraud as now marks the
current campaign promoted by certain cigarette manu-
facturers to create a vast woman and child market"
(Schudson 1984, pp. 194-5).
Such protests had little effect on the tobacco
industry's marketing plans. Despite the increased over-
all number of smokers in the 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s,
the industry considered it strategically important to
continue efforts to recruit more young consumers. In
1950, for example, a tobacco industry trade journaLre-
ported the following industry perception: "A massive
potential market still exists among women and young
adults, cigarette industry leaders agreed, acknowledging
that recruitment of these millions of prospective smokers
comprises the major objective for the immediate future
and on a long term basis as well" (United States Tobacco
Journal [USTJj 1950b,p.1). Andata 1955pressconference
announcing redesigned brand packaging, the president
of the Philip MorrisCompanies made it clear that appeal-
ing to the young was a deliberate, strategic focus for the
company: "We wanted a new, bright package that would
appeal to a younger market" (Tide 1955, p. 31). The
company's ad director was even more explicit: "Our ads
are now aimed at young people and emphasize gentle-
ness" (i.e., ease of smoking) (Tide 1955, p. 31). A few years
later, Philip Morris launched a comic strip campaign
featuring a "handsome, rough and ready" adventure
hero, "Duke Handy." The comic strip was placed in the
Sunday color comic sections of 40 newspapers in a na-
tional network. Behind this comic strip was a "heavy
promotionalcampaign" that included "stories and ads in
major newspapers on the schedule, Duke Handy cam-
paign buttons, truck posters, newspaper display cards,
newsboy competitions and supporting publicity and pro-
motional activities" (USTJ 1958a, p. 7).
These youth-oriented marketing strategies pre-
vailed even in the face of increasing reports from scien-
tists warning of the health risks of smoking. In 1963,
Fortune magazine observed that "several recent studies
show that teenagers have not been much impressed by
any anti-smoking campaigns" (Fortune 1963, p. 101). In
one of the studies discussed in this Fortune article,
Gilbert Research, a firm specializing in research on the
166 Advertising and Promotion
~ TIMN 0139018

1'rt'n';thltS TA41tt't) U,;t' rllNC'1!~ l~t~fll/L ('t'O14t'
decades of awareness of the dangers of tobacco use,
media managers are reluctant to turn away the rev-
enue enjoyed from cigarette advertising (Kessler 1989;
Tve 1990). .
Smokeless Tobacco Advertising and
Promotional Expenditures
In 1986, a report of the Advisory Committee to the
Surgeon General concluded that use of smokeless to-
bacco represents a significant health risk, is not a safe
substitute for cigarette smoking, can cause oral cancers,
and can lead to nicotine addiction and dependence
(USDHHS 1986). In the same Vear, Congress passed the
Comprehensive Smokeless Tobacco Health Education
Act (CSTHEA) of 1986 (Public Law 99-252). The act
required that (1) the public be informed of any health
dangers of smokeless tobacco use, (2) smokeless tobacco
advertising and packaging include three rotated warn-
ing labels (except on outdoor billboards, which could
bear any one of the three warning labels), and (3) smoke-
less tobacco advertising be restricted from radio and
television. The CSTHEA also encouraged legislation to
make age 18 the minimum age to purchase smokeless
tobacco; by 1993, all 50 states and the District of Colum-
bia had passed such legislation (CDC, Office on Smoking
and Health, unpublished data).
The 1986 Advisory Committee Report to the Sur-
geon General and the 1986 CSTHEA were responses to
increasing evidence both that smokeless tobacco use com-
promised health and that increasing numbers of Ameri-
cans apparently perceived smokeless tobacco as a safe
alternative to cigarette smoking; annual U.S. consump-
tion of smokeless tobacco had increased substantially
between 1972 and 1985 (USDHHS 1986). Although the
amount (in pounds) of smokeless tobacco sold declined
from 1985 through 1988, amounts increased during the
following three years (Table 4). By 1991, annual con-
sumption of smokeless tobacco products in the United
States had returned to its 1985 level of over 1-20 million
pounds (FTC 1993).
The increases-in the use of smokeless tobacco from
the 1970s to the mid-1980s can be attributed to more
aggressive marketiitg by the smokeless tobacco industry,
new smokeless tobacco products, the teaming of smoke-
less tobacco with well-known sports and entertainment
personalities, the increased accessibility of smokeless to-
bacco products, and a growing market of young males
(Christen 1980; Glover, Christen, Henderson 1981;
USDHHS 1992a, b; see "Environmental Factors in the
Initiation of Smokeless Tobacco Use" in Chapter 4). One
of the primary aims of advertising and promotional ac-
tivities during the past two decades was to attract people
to try smokeless tobacco (Glover, Christen, Hmderscm
1981; Tye, Warner, Glantz 1987). The strategy was evi-
dently a success. In 1970, men over the age of »(pre-
sumably longtime users) were the heaviest users of moist
snuff; by 1985, the usage rate was two times higher
among males aged 16 through 19 than among older men
(USDHHS 1992b).
In 1991, the United States Tobacco Company, one
of five major tobacco companies that produce smokeless
tobacco products in the United States, produced 87 per-
cent of the moist snuff consumed (USDHHS 1992b). The
company's most popular products, Copenhagen and
Skoal, were also the most popular among adolescent
users. Advertisements for these products have stressed
that smokeless tobacco is easy to use, that it is convenient
"in places where you can't light up," and that "a pinch is .
all it takes: " By providing explicit instructions for use
(sometimes delivered by well-known professional ath-
letes) and by suggesting that the product could be used
without adult detection, smokeless tobacco advertise-
ments have appeared to target male adolescents (Chris-
ten 1980; USDHHS 1992b).
Promotional activities for smokeless tobacco have
gained increasing importance since the CSTHEA of 1986,
in part because radio and television advertising were
banned by the act. Advertising and promotional expen-
ditures for smokeless tobacco decreased each vear from
1985 through 1987, then increased yearly from 1988
through 1991,. along, with yearly smokeless tobacco sales
figures (Table 4). Of these expenditures, public enter-
tainment sponsorship was the largest single advertising
and promotional spending category from 1986 through
1990; over $21 million was allocated in 1991 (FTC 1993).
In 1991, expenditures to provide consumers with cents-
off coupons and retail value-added promotions, such as
buy-one-get-one-free offers or specialty advertising gifts
given at points of sale, became the largest spending
category (over $23 million allocated). Public entertain-
ment sponsorship and specialty advertising gifts appear
to particularly appeal to male adolescents, even if the
smokeless tobacco industry does not explicitly target
teens (USDHHS 1992b).
Of particular note is the use of product sampling of
smokeless tobacco products. In 1978, the United States
Tobacco Company ran advertisements in Sports Illus-
trated for free samples of fruit-flavored, low-nicotine snuff
products for beginners (Tye, Warner, Glantz 1987); the
samples were accompanied by instructions on how to
use smokeless tobacco. Currently, the smokeless tobacco
industry's voluntary code on sampling prohibits sam-
pling to those under 18 years old (Davis and Jason 1988);
this restriction nonetheless permits the marketing of
smokeless tobacco on college campuses.
Advertising and Promotion 163
TIMN 0139015

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Yoeing People
especially for health and educational programs (Gallup
Organization 1993), such as those aimed at preventing
children from smoking or from using drugs. A 1989
national survey sponsored by the Associated Press (Asso-
ciated Press / Media Genera11989) found that 75 percent of
adults supported increasing the federal excise tax on
cigarettes to pay for an expanded federal antidrug pro-
gram. The same questions asked in 1990 found that 77
percent supported raising cigarette taxes (Associated
Press/Media General 1990). The 1989 SAVES (Marcus et
al., in press) found that about two-thirds of adults favored
using an extra tax on tobacco to cover the cost of
Table 3. Public opinion about increasing tobacco taxes, United States, 1989-1990
Source and
year of survey Description of survey
Gallup Organization National personal
1989 interview survey with
2,048 adults (aged ~ 18
years)
Gallup Organization National telephone
1990b survey of 1,255 adults
(aged 2- 18 years)
Hart Research National telephone
Associates and survey of a random
Robert Teeter sample of registered
1990a, b, c voters (January survey
N =1,510; May survey
N =1,007; July survey
N = 1,555)
Yankelovich, Clancy,
Shulman
1990a, b
National telephone
survey of adults (aged
> 18 years) (May
survey N =1,000;
October survey
N=500)
Associated Press/
Media General
1989,1990
National telephone
survey of adults (aged
_ 18 years) (September
1989 survey N = 1,071;
May 1990 survey
N = 1,143)
Questions
Taking into account
the amount each (tax)
would raise, and your
opinion about these
taxes, which, if any,
would you favor as a
means of reducing the
federal budget deficit?
deficit?
If taxes were raised to
reduce the deficit,
which one of the
following would be
your first choice to
help reduce the
Let us suppose the
government needed to
raise taxes. Do you
favor or oppose
raising alcohol and
tobacco taxes?
Do you favor or
oppose raising taxes
on cigarettes to reduce
the federal budget
deficit?
To pay for a bigger
federal antidrug
program, would you
support or oppose
higher federal taxes on
cigarettes?
Responses
64% favored raising ciga-
rette taxes by 16 cents per
pack; the only other tax
measure mentioned more
frequently was raising the
tax on alcohol (69%)
First choice of largest .
proportion of respondents
(42%) was raising taxes on
cigarettes and alcohol
January 1990: 78% favor
May 1990: 83% favor
July 1990: 78% favor
May 1990: 72% favor
October 1990: 71% favor
September 1989: 75% favor
May 1990: 77% favor
Prevention 215
TIMN 0139065

Surgeon Genera['; Repurt
Research on the Effects of Cigarette Advertising and Promotional
Activities on Young People
Introduction
A substantial and growing body of scientific litera-
ture has reported on young people's awareness of, and
attitudes about, cigarette advertising and promotional
activities.' Research has also focused on the effects of
these activities on psychosocial risk factors for beginning
to smoke. Considered together, these studies offer a
compelling argument for the mediated relationship of
cigarette advertising and adolescent smoking. To date,
however, no longitudinal study of the direct relationship
of cigarette advertising to smoking initiation has been
reported in the literature. This lack of definitive litera-
ture does not imply that a causal relationship does not
exist; rather, better quantification of exposure, effect, and
etiology is needed. Important data from research con-
ducted for the tobacco industry are not available; such
information would add considerably to our knowledge.
A definitive study, such as a randomized control trial
with young people exposed and not exposed to cigarette
advertising, is both practically and ethically impossible.
What is possible and needed is research that is longitudi-
nal and multivariate, that takes advantage of recent
statistical modeling methods, and that uses large samples
of children and young adolescents who have not tried
smoking and who have had relatively little exposure to
cigarette advertising.
The issue of causality is addressed in this section by
examining the effect of cigarette advertising and promo-
tional activities on the known psychosocial risk factors
(discussed in detail in Chapter 4) for the initiation of
smoking. If advertising and promotional activities con
sistently affect these factors-factors such as self-image,
the functional meanings of smoking, normative expecta-
tions, and intentions to smoke-then these activities may
also affect smoking~oitset. This mechanism is especially
plausible in the Unibed States, where cigarette advertis-
ing and promotiona! activities are pervasive.
During an unusual historical period, July 1, 1967,
through December 31,1970, antismoking messages were
widely aired on television and radio as part of the FTC's
Fairness Doctrine. These messages were aired until a
'Recent evidence of the effects of tobacco advertising on
adult tobacco consumption can be found in the United
Kingdom Department of Health document, Effect of
Tobacco Advertising on Tobacco Consumption: A Discussion
Document Reviewing'the Evidence (UK Department of
Health 1992).
complete ban on prosmoking advertising on radio and
television took effect on January 1, 1971. For those three
and one-half years, the American public was exposed to
both prosmoking and antismoking messages on radio
and television. A carefully designed study of nearly
7,000 adolescents (Lewit, Coate, Grossman 1981) found
that having both sets of messages on radio and television
had the effect of reducing adolescent smoking rates; the
impact was strongest during the first year of the anti-
smoking messages. These study findings suggest that a
nationwide, well-funded antismoking campaign could
effectively counter the effects of cigarette advertising in
its currently permitted media forms.
Young People's Exposure to Cigarette
Advertising
Several research studies show that young people
are aware of, and respond to, cigarette advertising. In a
recent Gallup (1992) study, 87 percent of the 1,125 adoles-
cents surveyed nationwide could recall recently seeing
one or more tobacco company advertisements,. Simi-
larly, Pierce et al. (1993) found in their study of nearly
7,000 California adolescents that over 90 percent of the
12- and 13-year-olds could name a brand they had seen
advertised. Half of the adolescents in the Gallup survey
could identify the cigarette brand name associated with
at least one of four cigarette slogans (Gallup 1992).
Chapman and Fitzgerald (1982) tried to determine
the level of awareness of cigarette advertisements among
11- through 14-year-olds in Australia and the possibility
of a relationship between awareness of advertisements
and smoking behavior. Data were collected on smoking
prevalence and preferred brands. Participants were asked
to identify the cigarette brands advertised in photographs
of eight print-media cigarette advertisements that had
been edited to remove any identifying writing. The
children were also asked to complete edited advertising
slogans. Children who reported smoking in the last
four weeks were almost two times more likely to
correctly identify the advertisements and complete
the slogans than were children who reported that they
had not smoked during that period. Smokers' pre-
ferred brands generally corresponded with the adver-
tisements and slogans most often correctly recognized.
Of the 130 brands of cigarettes available on the market at
the time of the study (1981), just four brands accounted
for cigarettes smoked by nearly 80 percent of these ado-
lescent smokers.
188 Advertising and Promotion
TIMN 0139040

lllrgt'lI ll Gt'1(t'1'.!l " !lt'l4'rt
G[I-CHRIST LD,SCHI`KESP, tiURIUS P. Rewiucingonsetuf
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HUNTER SM, VIZELBERG [A, BERENSON GS. Identtfytn);
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91-104.
GLOVER ED, LAFLIN M, EDWARDS SW. Age of initiation
and ~.witchin); patterns bevxeen smokeless tobacco and ciga-
retce> amonK collel;e ~tudents in the United States. American
lom'Itdl of Pttblic Health lc)ti9;790:207-t3.
GLOVER ED, LAFLIN M, FLANNERY D, ALBRITTON DL.
Smokeless tobacco use among American college students. Jour-
lull vr Arncricnn Collcge Health 1989;38(2):81-5.
GODDARD E. Whu children start srrroking. London (UK): Her
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GRITZ ER. Cigarette smoking by adolescent females: impli-
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GRITZ ER, CRANE LA. Use of diet pills and amphetamines
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HAHN G, CHARLIN VL, SUSSMAN S, DENT CW, MANZI
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HALL RL. DEXTER D. Smokeless tobacco use and attitudes
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Garland Publishing, 1991.
TIMN 0139004

Surgeon General's Report
Table 1. Public opinion about restricting or banning different types of tobacco advertising and
promotions,
United States,1487-1991
Source and
year of survey Description of survey
Questions or statements
Responses
University of Telephone survey of a
Minnesota 1987 random sample of adults:
(Forster et a1.1991) (aged 18-74 years) in seven
communities in Minnesota
(N = 821)
American Cancer Telephone survey of a
Society 1989 random sample of adults
(Marcus et al., in (aged ? 18 years) in four
press) states: Arizona (N = 294),
Pennsylvania (N = 291),
Texas (N = 303), and
Michigan (N = 98)
National Cancer Telephone survey of a
Institute 1989 random sample of 300 to
(Centers for Disease 400 adults (aged 25-64
Contro11991b) years) in each of 10 U.S.
COMMTT* intervention
communities
California Telephone survey of a
Department random sample of adults
of Health (aged - 18 years) in
Services 1990 California (N = 6,600)
(California
Department
of Health
Services' 1991)
Do you favor or oppose prohibiting
tobacco signs and billboards?
Do you favor or oppose prohibiting
tobacco advertising in magazines
and newspapers?
Advertising of cigarettes should be
banned in newspapers, magazines,
and outdoor posters or billboards.
Tobacco companies should be
prohibited from distributing free
tobacco samples on public property
or through the mail.
Tobacco companies should be
prohibited from sponsoring sports
events or advertising their products
at these events.
Tobacco companies should not be
allowed to sponsor sporting and
cultural events.
Do you think advertising of tobacco
products on outdoor billboards
should be allowed or banned?
Do you think advertising of tobacco
products through newspapers and
magazines should be allowed or
banned?
Do you think sponsorship of sporting
or cultural events by tobacco companies
should be allowed or banned?
Do you think that distribution of free
cigarettes and tobacco products on
public property should be allowed
orbanned?
Do you think that distribution of free
tobacco samples or coupons to obtain
free samples by mail should be
allowed or banned?
*COMMIT = Community Intervention Trial for Smoking Cessation.
73% favored a
prohibition
70% favored a
prohibition
Agreement across the
four states sampled:
61%-69%
73%-81%
49%-59%
Agreement across the
10 communities
sampled: 31%-56%
54% favored a ban
(42% smokers; 62%
nonsmokers)
49% favored a ban
(38% smokers; 57%
nonsmokers)
52% favored a ban
(39% smokers; 61%
nonsmokers)
75% favored a ban
(62% smokers; 84%
nonsmokers)
67% favored a ban
(52% smokers; 78%
nonsmokers)
212 Prevention
TIMN 0139062

checkout stands). Coupons reduce the price a consumer
pays for products and thereby reduce the consumer's
cost-sensitivity, which may be a substantial barrier to
making a purchase (McCarthy and Perreault 1993). Pre-
miums (e.g., including a cigarette lighter in the purchase
price or even within the actual packaging of a box or
carton of cigarettes) reduce cost-sensitivity by increasing
(or appearing to increase) the value of a purchase. Free
samples do away with cost-sensitivity altogether and
actually give consumers an opportunity to try something
new (Popper 1986; Davis and Jason 1988). Promotional
devices such as these are more likely than advertising
alone to lead consumers to purchase a product more than
once-a pattern sought by all manufacturers.
Cigarette Advertising and Promotional
Expenditures
In 1990, cigarette advertising and promotional
expenditures grew to almost $4 billion (see Table 1),
making cigarettes the second most promoted consumer
products (after automobiles) in the United States. These
expenditures occurred at a time when domestic sales of
cigarettes and adult per-capita consumption were at rela-
tively low levels although domestic revenues continued
to increase (Table 2). Advertising and promotional ex-
penditures account for 10 to 12 percent of the revenue
generated by the tobacco industry in the United States.
More than three quarters of these expenditures were for
promotional activities, which had steadily increased to
over $3 billion, while advertising expenditures for ciga-
rettes dropped to $887 million (Federal Trade Commis-
sion [FTC] 1992). The decline in cigarette advertising
came principally from reductions in print advertising (a
14 percent drop in magazine advertising and a 7 percent
drop in newspaper advertising) to their lowest level (in
constant 1990 dollars) since the ban on broadcast adver-
tising came into effect in January 1971 and the tobacco
industry focused advertising attention on print media.
In 1990, expenditures for outdoor advertising and
transit posters for cigarettes were at an all-time high of
5435 million (see Tabte 3). The largest category of ciga-
rette promotion that*year was that of coupon use and
retail value-added promotions, which at $1.2 billion rep-
resented nearly 30 percent of all cigarette advertising and
promotionalexpenditures. The cigarette companies spent
just over $1 billion on promotional allowances, which
included the money that cigarette companies paid to
retailers for shelf space (slotting allowances), cooperative
advertising allowances, and trade (wholesaler) allow-
ances. Cigarette companies spent over $300 million on
point-of-purchase materials in 1990. These expenditures
for displays were roughly equivalent (within 10 per-
cent) to cigarette company expenditures on magazine
160 Advertising and Promotion
advertising. The substantial increases in retail-oriented
expenditures reflect an aggressive cigarette marketplace
in which companies vie for larger shares of decreasing
numbers of cigarette smokers.
In 1990, the cigarette companies also expended
over $125 million on public entertainment (including
sponsorship of sporting events and concerts). Total ad-
vertising and prornotional expenditures for cigarettes
included over $108 million for sports and sporting events
alone. The cigarette companies reported no expendi-
tures in 1990 for endorsements or testimonials or for
having their brand names or tobacco products appear in
any motion picture or television shows (FTC 1992). In
contrast, movies in the 1980s were sometimes used to
promote specific brands of cigarettes and other products
(Magnus 1985).
Cigarettes continue to be one of the most heavily
advertised products in print media (Centers for Disease
Control [CDC] 1990). In 1988, cigarettes ranked first
among products advertised in outdoor media, second in
magazines, and sixth in newspapers. When advertising
expenditures for these three print media are combined,
cigarettes were the second most heavily advertised prod-
uct after passenger cars (CDC 1990). These expenditures
for cigarette advertising represent a drop, however, from
the total advertising expenditures in these media in 1985
and are consistent with the cigarette industry's shift in
emphasis to promotional activities.
One of the indirect consequences of advertising
and promotional spending is that the media, reluctant to
jeopardize the income that accompanies cigarette adver-
tising, are inhibited in their coverage of the health risks of
smoking. Warner, Goldenhar, and McLaughlin (1992)
examined 99 magazines published in the United States
from 1959 through 1969 and from 1973 through 1986 to
assess the probability that the number of articles a maga-
zine published on the health consequences of smoking
would reflect whether they carried cigarette advertise-
ments and what proportion of their revenues were de-
rived from cigarette advertisements. Magazines that did
not carry cigarette advertisements were more than 40
percent more likely to cover the health consequences of
smoking than were magazines that carried such adver-
tising. For women's magazines, the likelihood increased
to 230 percent; a 1 percent increase in the share of adver-
tising revenue derived from cigarette advertisements
was found to decrease by nearly 2 percent the probability
of these magazines' carrying articles on the risksofsmok-
ings Numerous other studies and reports on this aspect
of cigarette advertising were discussed in the 1989 Sur-
geon General's report on smoking and health (U.S. De-
partment of Health and Human Services [USDHHS]
1989) and reinforce the general conclusion that despite
TIMN 0139012

S::rgeon Geitcral'> Report
Table 2. Public opinion about different legislative actions to prevent minors' access to tobacco,
United
States,1987-1991
Source and
year of survey
C
Description of survey
Questions or statements Responses
University of
Minnesota 1987
(Forster et al. 1991)
American Cancer
Society 1989
(Marcus et al., in press)
National Cancer
Institute 1989
(Centers for Disease
Contro11991b)
California
Department of Health
Services (California
Department of Health-
;
Services 1991)
Telephone survey of a
random sample of adults
(aged 18-74 years) in seven
communities in Minnesota
(N = 821)
Telephone survey of a
random sample of adults
(aged ? 18 years) in four
states: Arizona (N = 294),
Pennsylvania (N = 291),
Texas (N = 303), and
Michigan (N = 98)
Telephone survey of a
random sample of 300 to
400 adults (aged 25-64
years) in each of 10 U.S.
COMMTT* intervention
communities
Telephone survey of a
random sample of adults
(aged -> 18 years) in
California (N = 6,600)
Do you favor or oppose . 75% favored suspending
suspending a retailer's the license
tobacco license for sale to
minors?
Do you favor or oppose 57% favored eliminating the
eliminating all cigarette machines
vending machines?
Do you favor or oppose 80% favored eliminating the
eliminating cigarette machines
vending machines where
teenagers gather?
Do you think there should Support for a ban across
be laws to ban the sale of the four states sampled:
cigarettes through vending 60%-68%
machines?
Tobacco products should be' Agreement across the 10
as strictly controlled as communities sampled:
alcohol products. 51%-75%a
Merchants who sell tobacco 77%-93%
to minors should be fined.
Cigarette vending machines 76%-89%
should be eliminated in
places where teens gather.
Do you think cigarette 82% favored a ban (74%
vending machines that are smokers; 87% nonsmokers)
accessible to minors should
be allowed or banned?
"COMMIT = Communi'ty Intervention Trial for Smoking Cessation.
machines should be eliminated in places where teens
gather."
Taxes on Tobacco Products
Public opinion surveys consistently show that most
people would support an increase in tobacco taxes over
other taxes (such as income tax, sales tax, or gasoline tax)
(Gallup Organization 1989, 1990a, 1993; Hart Research
214 Prevention
Associates and Robert Teeter 1990a, b, c;. Yankelovich,
Clancy, Shulman 1990a, b; ACS 1992; IQeine 1993). Sur-
veys conducted between 1989 and 1993 show strong
support for raising taxes on tobacco and alcohol as a way
of reducing the federal budget deficit or to pay for health
care ndorm (Toner 1993) fTabk 3).
Support for raising tobacco taxes tends to increase
when tax revenue is earmarked for specific purposes,
TIMN 0139064

Y
)it C,t'tn'r1tl" Rt';4op't
Functional Meanings of Adolescent Smoking
The question of why adolescents begin to smoke
has led to multiple examinations of the meanings of
cigarette use, the utility of smoking, and the functions
that smoking serves in an adolescent's life (Leventhal
and Cleary 1980; PPerry, Murray, Klepp 1987). Examin-
ing smoking from the perspective of the adolescent is a
departure from viewing the onset of smoking exclu-
sively as a response to the social environment or as
capricious, arbitrary behavior. Since knowledge of the
harmful consequences of cigarettes does not appear to
deter onset, researchers are examining the social reasons
and purposes of smoking.
Adolescents who begin to smoke perceive a more
functional purpose of smoking than those who are
nonsmokers (Gerber and Newman 1,989). Adolescent
smokers are more likely to view smoking as a way to act
mature, be accepted by a peer group, have fun, cope with
personal problems and boredom, or be rebellious (Perry,
Murray, Klepp 1987). Cigarette smoking has also been
shown to be a coping behavior for adolescents who are
dealing with disruptive and stressful family events
(Castro et al. 1987). Hunter et al. (1987) found that
adolescent smokers were significantly more likely than
nonsmokers to believe that smoking has psychological
and physiological benefits. They were also less likely to
believe that others smoked for negative reasons, such as
to "show off."
In the research of Hahn et al. (1990), regular smok-
ers were asked why they first had tried cigarettes and
why they had most recently smoked. Sixty percent re-
ported that curiosity was the reason for their first try, 13
percent said that they wanted to fit in with a group> and
10 percent reported that they were pressured into it For
most recent use, 27 percent reported that they smoked
for pleasure, 20 percent out of dependence, 17 percent
because they were curious, and 10 percent to fit in with
the group. These findings are consistent with Chassin et
al. (1984), who sugg W-_ that positive attitudes toward
smoking, such as the' ~thatsmoking is fun or pleasur-
able, are a better r of the transition to regular
smoking than theyat~:fi~r~~experinlentation..~t~:fi~r~~experinlentation. In gen-
eral, these investigators found that positive attitudes to-
ward smoking may increase as a function of age. Botvin,
Botvin, and Baker (1983) found'that independent of the
smoking status of friends, students in the eighth grade
(13-,and 14-year-olds) were more likely to have a posi-
tive social image of smoking than students in the seventh
grade (11- and 12-year-olds).
Subjective Expected Utility ,
Bauman et al. (1984) have examined the SEU of
smoking for adolescents in a longitudinal study in North
Carolina. SEU is defined as the extent to which an
individual expects the overall consequences of a behav-
ior, such as smoking, to be positive or negative. Fishbein
(1980) found that behavioral intentions to smoke were
related to whether more positive or negative conse-
quences were expected from smoking. SEU was found
to be predictive of the onset of smoking over a one-year
interval and of increased smoking levels among baseline
smokers (Bauman et al. 1984). In a second studv, SEU
was found to be mediated by the adolescent's perception
of personal control; current smokers with the highest
scores for internal locus of control (that is, the belief that
they have control over what occurs to them) were more
likely to have been influenced by SEU (Bauman and
Fisher 1985). Therefore, regular smoking appears more
likely to be motivated by internal processes than are
initiation and trying, which may primarily be products
of exposure to a high-risk social environment.
Self-Esteem
The process of individuation and identity foitha-
tion is inherent to adolescence. The adolescent's sense of
self evolves as she or he interacts with parents, school,
and peers and considers options for the future. Self-
esteem, or an individual's qualitative self-evaluation,
emerges from these contexts (Young and Werch 1990).
In several studies, the onset of smoking has been associ-
ated with lower self-esteem. Young and Werch (1990)
found that young nonsmokers and those with no inten-
tion of smoking in the future had higher self-esteem
relative to family, school, and peers than frequent users
or those who intended to use in the future. Ahlgren et al.
(1982) found that low self-esteem within family or school
contexts was associated with initiation and continuance
of smoking. Self-esteem concerning school predicted
intentions to smoke among young, inner-city black ado-
lescents (Botvin et al. 1992) but did not predict actual
smoking. Stacy et al. (1992) found that general low self-
esteem directly predicted smoking onset in a multiracial,
southern California sample yet did not significantly
mediate friends' social influences. In their review of
prospective research, Conrad, Flay, and Hill (1992)
conclude, "Self-esteem received fairly consistent support
[as a predictor of initiation] from the reviewed longitudi-
nal studies. This is better than we would have ex-
pected from our reading of previous cross-sectional
studies" (p. 20).
Self-Image
Some adolescents may smoke cigarettes to enhance
their low self-esteem byy improving their. external im-
age-that is, by appearing mature or. "cool." Smoking
onset was seen as a way to improve self-image among
136 Psychosocial Risk Factors
TIMN 0138988

tiur~rwt GL'urntl', RL'iaWt
scenes, sports paraphernalia, etc.). Using market data
from leading national advertisers and the index of ad-
vertising listed by manufacturer, the analysis revealed
that,a firm's "share of voice" was almost perfectly corre-
lated with its market shares; that is, all tobacco compa-
nies included in this study sample of print media were
advertising their products in near-exact proportion to
their market share.
Becoming Pictures of Health
Verbally explicit health claims, a prominent feature
of early cigarette advertising, have been replaced by
claims about filter effectiveness, mildness, and the
mandatory warnings and disclosures. As scientific evi-
dence of the health risks of smoking became increasingly
known to the general public in the 1950s and 1960s, the
pseudoscientific claims made by cigarette advertising in
earlier decades (claims that using a given brand, for
instance, would protect against "smoker's cough") were
replaced by unadorned statements of filter effectiveness
against tar and nicotine. These later health claims tacitly
allowed that smoking was harmful, but they also strongly
suggested that smoking a particular brand was signifi-
cantly less harmful. Such health claims thus have the
primary purpose of promoting sales for a separate prod-
uct category: that of "low-tar, low-nicotine" cigarettes.
Verbal health claims in advertising have otherwise been
,replaced by visual, connotative imagery-what can be
called pictures of health.
Ringold (1987) reported on the verbal content of
211 cigarette ads drawn primarily from Time magazine
from 1926 to 1985, partially supplementing the sample,
as needed, with ads drawn from the New Yorker, the
Saturday Evening Post, and Life, in that order. Although
inexplicably omitting any Philip Morris brands, this
sample sought one ad each for six brands: Camel, Ches-
terfield, Kent, Lucky Strike, Old Gold, and Viceroy. De-
tailed coding was done on the verbal content in headlines,
subheads, and body copy. Even though all "mildness"
assertions were treated as taste claims only, health claims
were the most frequipndy made type of claim for the
period before 1954. Pbt the overall 1926-1985 study
period, health claims were the third most frequent type
of claim, representing 18 percent of all claims. This
finding was true for five out of the six brands studied,
and there was "little to distinguish the various brands in
terms of the health claims frequently used" (Ringold
1987).
A study of the words and images of a11567 ads
from 108 issues of Li fe (1938-1983) and Look (1962-1971)
included the ads for 57 brands (Pollay 1991); 14 major
brands accounted for 75 percent of the total sample.
Multiple judges coded these ads for 12 major and
independent thematic dimensions. Three of these di-
mensions were postulated to communicate healthiness:
(1) "health/safety" made verbal claims about positive
physical effects, medical use or endorsements, or re-
duced symptoms and risks, including filter-effectiveness
claims (unless the text linked effectiveness to product
taste); (2) "bold/lively behavior" provided images of
active, athletic, or risk-taking behavior; and (3) "pure
scenes" provided images of nature associated with whole-
someness, cleanliness, and purity, such as glaciers, moun-
tain streams, or new-fallen snow. Other themes measured
included "well made" (product quality), "good deal"
(value for money), "enjoy" (pleasure and satisfaction),
"female, male, glamour/luxury" (celebrities, status,
wealth), "relax" (peace of mind), and "official" (tested or
endorsed by authorities).
Judges found one or more of the healthiness themes
in 60 percent of the studied ads, images of bold and lively
behavior in 20 percent, and pure scenes in 30 percent.
Some stereotypical differentiation of men and women
was evident: ads featuring men were significantly more
likely to use images of bold and lively behavior, whereas
the ads featuring women were significantly more likely
to use images of glamour and luxury.
Warner (1985b) studied 716 cigarette ads from Time
for selected years from 1929 through 1984. Various visual,
verbal, and thematic elements of the ads were coded: the
presence or absence of smoke, the manner in which
cigarettes were held, the nature of models employed, the
degree of prominence given to health messages, and the
types of themes not focused on health, such as humor,
rugged individualism, and romance. Data were not
reported for individualism, emancipation, or other themes
of independence. Data were grouped according to their
proximity to periods of intense publicconsideration of the
health consequences of smoking-such as the health
concerns raised in the early 1950s (particularly since
increased promotion and supply of cigarettes during
World War II had contributed to a larger population of
young adult smokers [Blake 19851), the first (1964) Sur-
geon General's report on smoking and health, and the
Fairness Doctrine that required broadcast cigarette ads
to carry health-risk messages during the period
1%7-1970. Resultsshowevidenceofthedramatiegrowth
in magazine advertising over the 56-year study period:
the average number of cigarette ads per issue rose steadily
from less than one per issue for the 1929-1952 period to
over eight per issue for 1974-1981(after the ban on radio
and television had gone into effect). During the last two
decades studied, the images in these ads had the notable
characteristic of showing virtually no smoke. Although
visible smoke appeared in half of the ads before 1964, after
1964 only 5 percent of lit cigarettes appeared to emit
180 Advertising and Promotion
TIMN 0139032

Suryeorr General's Report
sports they sponsor. Ledwith (1984), for example, found
that the likelihood of linking a sport with a brand of
cigarette was directly related to the time spent watching
that sport. The study also found that brand awareness
increased substantially following the televised broadcast
of a major sporting event sponsored by that brand. Thus,
Marlboro and Winston have become associated with
auto and sports car racing, and Virginia Slims has be-
come associated with tennis; both brands also have be-
come associated with the self-image messages these sports
convey. Cigarette smoking may thus appear to receive
an implied endorsement from race car drivers, whose
expertise is associated with their ability to thoughtfully
assess risks, and from tennis players, whose success partly
depends on their physical endurance-a trait medically
proven to be undermined by cigarette smoking.
Tobacco company sponsorship has not been lim-
ited to cigarettes. Connolly, Orleans, and Blum (1992)
reported that in 1991, Skoal and Copenhagen, the two
smokeless tobacco brands preferred by adolescents, were
promoted on national television through their sponsor-
ship of professional rodeo, hunting, formula car racing,
"monster" truck racing, drag racing, sprint car racing,
and stock car racing. The investigators conduded that
"the harmful effects of tobacco are camouflaged against
the backdrop and thrill of athletic victory" (p. 353).
Sponsored athletic and entertainment events also
provide a venue for product sampling. In areas in which
cigarette sampling is legal, free cigarettes and other spe-
cialty items can be distributed at these events.
Sampling and Specialty Items
Distribution of free samples is one of the most
powerful devices available to marketers. It allows a
company to put its product into the hands of possible
consumers in circumstances where consumers are more
likely to try it (e.g., outside of work or school). In the case
of cigarettes, the power of sampling may be especially
great (Popper 1986), because these are free samples of an
addictive product. ', Although the cigarette manufactur-
ers argue that samphn are not intended for nonusers or
minors, there is littt"e evidence of distribution control
(U.S. Congresa 198-E`i~ I3a.vis and Jason 1988).
The power of sampling in the cigarette market-
place is reflected by industry growth. Expenses for dis-
tributing samples increased from just under $25 million
in 1975 to over $100 million in 1990 (FTC 1992). The
tobacco industry agrees, however, that samples should
not be given to anyone under age 21 or on school, college,
or university campuses (Tobacco Institute 1986). Even
more notable is the growth (from $10 million in 1975 to
over $300 million in 1990) in the distribution of specialty
or premium items (FTC 1992). These items are not sim-
ply ielated to tobacco products by bearing a brand name.
Cigarette lighters, for example, are frequently provided
with a sample cigarette. The lighter both facilitates trial
of the cigarette sample and provides a brand-name re-
minder once the sample has been consumed.
Premium items also convey an advertising mes-
sage without an appropriate associated warning. Figure
2 displays two pages of a 1993 Camel Cash Catalog. Pre-
mium and specialty items from this catalog can be ob-
tained by sending in the listed number of "C-notes,"
which can be collected from packs of Camel cigarettes.
Although a promotional package will often include a
health warning along with a specialty item (such as a T-
shirt or thong sandal), the warning does not appear on
the item (Slade 1992). Since many specialty items include
the imaginative content of the cigarette brand's advertis-
ing campaign, they provide ongoing advertising without
any required health warnings. In a recent George H.
Gallup International Institute survey of 1,125 adolescents
nationwide, about half of the adolescent smokers re-
ported that they had received promotional items from
tobacco companies, as had one in four nonsmoking ado-
lescents (Gallup 1992).
Other Promotional Expenditures
In 1990, three out of every four advertising and
promotional dollars spent by the cigarette industry were
devoted to promotional allowances, amounting to a total
of over $3 billion. Though this amount indudes coopera-
tive advertising and payments to wholesalers, its pri
mary function is to pay retailers to continue to display
and vend cigarettes from prominent locations in their
store.
The over $300 million spent by the tobacco indus-
try on point-of-sale advertising in 1990 (only 10 percent
less than the $328 million spent on cigarette advertising
in magazines that year) is intended to bring the images of
cigarette enjoyment to consumers at the store. For a
brand-loyal smoker, the reminder value of a point-of-
sale display is low. Therefore, to the-extent that these
displays focus on brand image, they may not only en-
courage experienced smokers to switch brands but also
encourage new smokers to experiment with a particular
brand (and with its associated brand image). The $1.3
billion spent on promotional allowances and point-of-
sale displays combined are thus funds potentially di
rected at new, youthful smokers.
Retail value-added promotion consists of those ac-
tivities (coupons, special price offers, 25-cigarette packs,
etc.) that effectively reduce the cost of cigarettes. The
industry argues that this promotion is clearly interbrand
186 Advertising and Promotion
TjMN 0139038

Surgeon General's Report
asked to use five-point scales to rate how much they
would like to embody the following 19 characteristics:
athletic, good-looking, kind, slim, macho, smart, sexy,
average, fun, special, independent, cool, afraid, over-
weight, underweight, tough, important, mature, and im-
mature. They were then shown slides of 13 current
cigarette ads representing nine brands taken from nine
magazines obtained at a local supermarket newsstand.
The students were asked to indicate how much they
liked each ad and how likely they would be to buy the
brand of cigarettes advertised. For each ad with either
cartoon or human models, students were asked to rate
the models on the same 19 characteristics used to de-
scribe their ideal self-image.
Students preferred advertisements with cartoons;
ads with human models were the next most popular, and
tombstone ads were liked least. Specifically, both black
and white students ranked the two advertisements fea-
turing Camel cigarettes' cartoon camel mascot Old Joe
first and second; this preference was more marked among
white students. Advertisements with black models were
more appealing to black students than to whites, and ads
featuring the Marlboro cowboy (who is white) were
more appealing to white students than to blacks. Among
students who smoked, the buying preferences for all
brands closely paralleled the reported ad appeal.
A factor analysis based on the 19 rated attributes
identified five groupings of the advertisements. Female
models were seen as predominantly "slim" and "good-
looking." Joe Camel was "cool" and "fun," as were the
two black models in a Salem ad. The Marlboro man was
perceived as "tough" and "macho." On the other hand,
a Montclair model was ascribed no positive attributes,
but was predominantly rated as "not sexy" and "not
good-looking." All of the positive attributes reported for
the cigarette ad images also were described as positive
attributes for the students' ideal self-images.
Uutela et aL (unpublished data) compared how chil-
dren in Los Angeles and Helsinki perceived
advertisements for cigarettes, beer, liquor, and cars. AI
though Finland does rn*pernnit advertising for either to-
bacco or liquor, theautliassnotedthatCamelbootads were
allowed in the country, aa were ads for the Philip Morris
Company depicting the Marlboro cowboy. A total of 592
Los Angeles students and 660 Helsinki students between
the ages of 8 and 17 years were asked the open-ended
question, "What kinds of pictures come to your mind when
you think of how a cigarette/beer/lfquor/car ad might
look?" Their responses were coded into 11 categories..
In Los Angeles, the dominant ad images reported
for cigarettes, beer, and liquor all were images of "happy/
fun/partying," whereas the ad images for cars were
more likely to be in the "outdoors/sports" category. In
Helsinki, however, the dominant ad images reported for
cigarettes and for beer were "tough/macho;" for liquor,
"rich/status/success," and for cars, "glamorous/ sexy/
attractive." The authors concluded that young people in
Helsinki perceived cigarette advertising as portraying
themes that represent the "traditional man's role,"
whereas the perceived themes in Los Angeles were less
gender specific. Finland is one of the few western coun-
tries where smoking continues to be significantly higher
among boys than among girls.
Humor in Advertising
Nelson and While (1992) provided evidence for the
role of humor in advertisements that appealed to youth
in a study of 7,047 students aged 11 through 16 years old
from 10 schools in the north, south, and midlands of
England. Students first were asked two open-ended
questions: "What is your favorite advertisement?" and
"Why do you like it?" Ninety-one percent of the stu-
dents reported a favorite ad; 53 percent of these students
reported that humor was their main reason for liking
their favorite advertisements. Boys (especially those¢13
through 16 years old) were significantly more likely than
girls to choose an ad because of its humor. Girls (espe-
cially those 15 and 16 years old) were more likely than
boys to say they liked the personality appearing in their
favorite ad. Children who chose ads for alcohol and
tobacco products as their favorites were more likely than
other respondents to cite humor as their reason for pre-
ferring these ads. Several research studies have demon-
strated that adults, as well as children, prefer
advertisements with humor (Gelb and Pickett 1983).
Nonetheless, cartoons with talking animals are generally
considered to appeal more to children than to adults; Joe
Camel and Willy Penguin (the cartoon mascot for Kool)
would be highly atypical examples of advertising humor
if the ads that feature them were meant only for an adult
audience.
Responses to Advertisements for the Camel and
Marlboro Brands
A few recent studies (DiFranza et a1.1991; Pierce et
al. 1991; McCan 1992) have compared the responses of
children and adults to Camel cigarettes' Old Joe cam-
paign. The subjects in the DiFranza et al. (1991) study
were 1,055 high school students in grades 9 through 12
from five regions of the United States and 345 subjects 21
years of age and older from Massachusetts. The adult
subjects were. recruited from drivers renewing their
licenses at the department of motor vehides office. Seven
different advertisements from Camel's Old Joe campaign
were used as stimuli. In the first ad, dues to the product
190 Advertising and Promotion
TIMN 0139042

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
UNITED STATES TOBACCO JOURNAL. American Tobacco
uses a new theme for Lucky Strike. United States Tobacco
Journal 1963b;182(7):14.
UNITED STATES TOBACCO JOURNAL. A justified faith
[editorial]. United States Tobacco Journal 1963c;179(22):4.
UUTELA A, VARTIAINEN E, BURTON D, JOHNSON CA.
Perceived exposure to advertisements for cigarettes, beer, li-
quor and cars among youth in Helsinki and Los Angeles.
Unpublished data.
WALDMAN P. Tobacco firms try soft, feminine sell. Wall
Street Journal 1989 December 19; Sect B1.
WARD S. Testimony in Tobacco Issues (Part 2). Hearings
before Committee on Energy and Commerce, House of Repre-
sentatives, 1989, Serial No. 101-126:302-308.
WARNER KE. Cigarette advertising and media coverage of
smoking and health. New England Journal of Medicine
1985a;312(6):384-8.
WARNER KE. Tobacco industry response to public health
concern: a content analysis of cigarette ads. Health Education
Quarterly 1985b;12(2):115-27.
WARNER KE, GOLDENHAR LM. Targeting of cigarette
advertising in US magazines, 1959-1986. Tobacco Control
1992;1(1):25-30.
WARNER KE, GOLDENHAR LM, MCLAUGHLIN CG. '
Cigarette advertising and magazine coverage of the hazards of
smoking: a statistical analysis. New England Journal of Medicine
1992;32b(5):305-9.
WEINBERGER MC, CAMPBELL L, DUGRENIER :=D. Ciga-
rette advertising: tactical changes in the pre- and post-
broadcast era. In: Hunt HK, editor. Advertising in a new aSe.
Proceedings of the Annual Conference of the American Academy of
Advertising, 1981. Provo (UT): American Academy of Adver-
tising, 1981.
WEINSTEIN H. How an agency builds a brand-the Virginia
Slims story. Papers from the 1969 A.A.A.A. region conventions.
1969 October 28-29; New York. New York: American Associa-
tion of Advertising Agencies, 1970.
WEISSMAN G. Marlboro-from research to success. In:
Brenner H, editor. Marketing research pays of f. Pleasantville
(NY): Printers' Ink Books, 1955.
WELD LDH. Advertising and tobacco. Printers' Ink
1937;181(1):70-6.
WELLS W, BURNETT J, MORIARTY S. Advertising: principles
and practice. Englewood Cliffs (NJ): Prentice Hall, 1989.
WOOD JP. The story of advertising. New York: Ronald Press,
1958.
WOOTTEN HM. Cigarettes' high ceiling. Printers' Ink
1941;42(2):5-8.
Advertising and Promotion 203
TIMN 0139055

/'ren,rtnr,~ Toh,<<0 U,c .-1m,,g lo,r,tg I'OTlC
independence, adventurousness and aggressiveness"
(Schwartz 1976, p. 75).
The sponsorship of racing car events bv Marlboro
(see Figure 1) mav seem inconsistent with the cowboy
character, but it is not. The company's Vice President of
Marketing Senices, Ellen Merlo, explained: 'We perceive
Formula One and Indy car racing as adding, if VOui will, a
modern-day dimension to the Marlboro Man. The image
of Marlboro is very rugged, individualistic, heroic. And so
is this style of auto racing. From an image standpoint, the
fit is good" (Business of Racing 1989, p. 5A).
Historical Content Analyses of Cigarette Advertising
Introduction
The social sciences afford a variety of approaches
for describing and analyzing the content of communica-
tions of all kinds, whether in the form of speeches, con-
versations, newspaper articles, signs, or advertisements.
Specific communications, such as a single ad or the co-
herent set of ads that constitutes a campaign, can be
examined in detail. Tvpically, in-depth approaches, such
as semiotics, are discursive descriptions that deconstruct
the message and its meaning through detailed consider-
ation of the elements of the ad (e.g., words, symbols,
images), their structure (e.g., layout and prominence of
visuals, rhetorical devices, and emphasis), and the cul-
tural context in which these appear (e.g., the meanings
traditionally attached to the ad elements, alone or in
combination). These methods describe in sophisticated,
analytical terms the probable meaning of the message to
the average audience member.
The term "content analvsis" is also used to describe
a formal set of sampling and coding techniques, whose
intent is to produce objective numerical data descriptive
of a set of communications, such as a collection of ads.
These systematic methods code and count both the overt
and latent content of ads by observing the verbal and
visual elements within a set of predetermined defini-
tions. The definitions can be coded for events at various
levels of observation, from broad themes to specific mi-
nutiae. These definitions are employed by trained cod-
ers, who apply them to a systematically drawn sample
of ads. The reliability of this coding task is usually
measured and reported and depends upon how clear are
the communications under study, how complex the defi-
nitions of interest, how difficult the coding task, how
attentive the coders, and other factors. The sample can
be either cross-sectional (representing many brands'
advertising), longitudinal (tracing evolution of advertis-
ing over time), or both. Like other sampling, the repre-
sentativeness of the sample studied and the resulting
potential to generalize from the results are a function of
the sampling strategy (e.g., drawn from certain sources,
seasonally or randomly determined, a complete census).
The simultaneous pursuit of objectivity in content-
analysis coding and meaningful observation often in-
volves methodological judgment to weigh the various
trade-offs and compromises. Some analysts (e.g., Ringold
and Calfee 1989) deliberately limit their efforts primarily
to the verbal content of the ads, analyzing the words in
painstaking detail. The limitations of this careful but
restricted focus and the inferences that can be appropri-
ately drawn from it have been the subject of a sustained
debate (Cohen 1989, 1992; Pollay 1989a; Ringold and
Calfee 1990).
The next sections of this chapter discuss the more
formal content analyses of historical samples of cigarette
ads and focus on the more fundamental results, general
tendencies, and broader conclusions. Within the limits of
the noted sampling for each study, these analyses de-
scribe the universe of cigarette advertising for multiple
brands, or of cigarette advertising in general, rather than
for specific brands and their campaigns. In some studies,
the content-analysis data descriptive of cigarette adver-
tising are related to other information, such as product
features, market shares, audience characteristics, or his-
torical events.
Increase in Visual and Vivid Advertising
The first published report analyzing the content
of cigarette advertising (Weinberger, Campbell,
DuGrenier 1981) studied 251 cigarette ads found in
the issues of Newsweek, Sports Illustrated, and the La-
dies Home Journal during the years 1957, 1967, and
1977. The report noted an eightfold increase in the
volume of cigarette magazine ads between 1957 and
1977, as the industry left broadcast media. The inves-
tigators found significant increases, as well, in the
proportion of ads in color, at premium locations (e.g.,
on the back or inside covers of magazines), and with
multiple pages. Both explicit and implied health
claims were also found to have increased signifi-
cantly; almost all ads for lower-tar products adver-
tised in 1977 were "tombstone" ads (i.e., consisting of
text and package display only-no models, nature
Advertising and PromotionY 179
TIMN 0139031

limited ability to conceptualize their future) was the most
important psychogenic predictor of initiation.
Adolescent Smoking Behavior as a Risk
Factor for Subsequent Smoking
Intentions to Smoke
Since intentions are viewed as proximal to perfor-
mance, the research on smoking behavior as a predictive
factor of smoking includes behavioral intentions to smoke.
In several studies, intentions to smoke have been associ-
ated with both the onset and continuation of smoking.
Sussman et al. (1987) found in their longitudinal study in
southern California that the intention to start smoking
was one of only three factors that predicted onset among
all ethnic groups. McNeill et al. (1988) found that future
intentions to smoke increased the odds of starting to
smoke by a factor of 2.44 and was the strongest predictor
of change in smoking status after current behavior (hav-
ing tried smoking) and gender were entered into the
analysis. In the Chassin et al. (1984). longitudinal study,
behavioral intentions were "significant predictors of fu-
ture smoking transition in all subgroups, accounting for
between 1.9 percent and 10.2 percent of the variance in
transition.... In fact, behavioral intentions were typi-
cally the most important single predictor of future tran-
sition" (p. 237).
Intentions to smoke appear to be a particularly
strong predictor of future smoking for those who have
already tried smoking. Shean (1991) found that inten-
tions to smoke a "next cigarette" among 14-year-old
Western Australians predicted smoking eight years later.
Conrad, Flay, and Hill (1992) found that in eight of nine
prospective studies of young adolescents, the intention
to smoke was significantly associated with onset. Be-
cause of the strength of this association, several research-
ers have used intentions to smoke as an outcome measure
in their studies, especially in populations (such as pre-
adolescents) where scnoking prevalence is low relative
to adolescents' intentions to smoke. Intentions to begin
smoking seem a much more reliable predictor of future
behavior than do°R inten.tions to quit smoking
(see "Adult Implications of Adolescent Smoking" in
Chapter 3).
Present Smoking Status
Any cigarette use places an adolescent at higher
risk for subsequent use and for further progression
through the stages of smoking behavior. Conrad, Flay,
and Hill (1992) document seven prospective studies in
which prior experience with, or exposure to, smoking
predicted tobacco use. McNeill et al. (1988) found that
138 Psychosocial Risk Factors
the act of having tried smoking was the most predictive
factor in initiation and that it more than quadrupled their
study participants' odds of taking up smoking. Collins
et al. (1987) found that prior smoking behavior was the
most important predictor of future smoking over a 2.i-
year interval. Even though the physiological effects of
the first tries are mostly adverse (unpleasant taste, cough-
ing, headache, nausea, dizziness) (Hahn et a1.1990), those
who persist report increasingly positive reactions (pleas-
ant taste, euphoria, alertness, relaxation, curbing of ap-
petite) and develop tolerance (experience fewer
unpleasant sensations) (Flay 1993). Stein, Newcomb,
and Bentler (unpublished data) reported a more estab-
lished pattern of cigarette use among young adults than
among adolescents. In their study, the standardized
regression coefficient of prior smoking for smoking be-
havior between Year 1 and Year 5 (youth in junior high
and high school age groups) was 0.43, yet from Year 9 to
Year 13 (young adulthood) it was 0.82. The authors
suggest that in early adolescence, some cigarette triers
never fully develop a pattern of smoking, but by late
adolescence, the addictive properties of cigarette . use
figure prominently in behavior formation. These find-
ings underscore the need for antismoking efforts to focus
on preventing initial tries, on discouraging transitions to
more regular smoking, and on encouraging early cessa-
tion (Leventhal, Fleming, Glynn 1988; Kelder 1992).
Summary of Psychosocial Risk Factors for
Cigarette Smoking
Some clear convergence of research findings
emerges from this review, a summary of which is high-
lighted in Table 1. Table 3 provides a second summary
of supportive and unsupportive findings from the
Conrad, Flay, and HiIl (1992) review of 27 prospective
studies; for the most part, this summary table is consis-
tent with Table 1. Among the sociodemographic factors,
age is the risk factor consistently linked with onset in
early adolescence; ages 11 through 15 (seventh through
ninth grades) are the peak age group for first trial and
experimentation. Cigarette smoking clearly has social
meanings that are attractive to many young and vulner-
able identity-seeking adolescents. This age factor is even
more pronounced when linked with SES, another im-
portant sociodemographic risk factor for smoking onset.
Alternative health-enhancing avenues for independence
and identity may be less readily available to adolescents
from lower SES families, especially those adolescents
who live in a single-parent home. Limited by fewer
opportunities for healthy development and parental su-
pervision, lower-SES youth are generally at greater risk
to begin smoking. The gender difference, another major
factor, is no longer evident, although the meanings of
TIMN 0138990

l'ri:iNtut,%~ Tohrrcci, Ust.Ai»i'n,~ 1`0tn1,1~ PCroplC
smoking have undoubtedly had an influence in breaking
down such prejudices.... Advertising undoubtedly has
played a part in speeding up social acceptance of women's
smoking" (Borden 1942, pp. 223, 227).
One analyst who annually evaluated the cigarette
industry noted that the industry is a "glowing testimo-
nial to the power of advertising.... These particular com-
panies have not only out-spent but also have out-earned
any other[s] ....[TJhe tobacco tycoons ... are loudest in
their praise for the part that advertising has played."
(Wootten 1941, p. 5). Business Week (1953a) commented
that "cigarettes offer the classic case ... of how a mass-
production industry is built on advertising" (p. 66).
Advertising Professionals
Printers' Ink, the leading advertising trade journal
of its day, noted in 1930 that sales success already dem-
onstrated "the one feature which has contributed more
than any other single factor to the enormous growth of
the cigarette industry-advertising" (Tennant 1971, p.
137). This opinion was upheld by the sales performance
of cigarettes during the Great Depression: "The growth
of cigarette consumption has, itself, been due largely to
heavy advertising expenditure.... It would be hard to
find an industry that better illustrates the economic value
of advertising in increasing consumption of a commod-
ity.... There can be no doubt but that steady advertising
pressure has been a dominating force in increasing ciga-
rette consumption among both men and women" (Weld
1937, pp. 70-2).
John Orr Young's agency, Young & Rubicam, who
had previously done work for the tobacco industry, ob-
served in 1964 that cigarette makers had continued to use
"attractive boys and girls" to serve as "decoys in cigarette
advertisements. Advertising agencies are retained by
cigarette manufacturers to create demand for cigarettes
among both adults and eager youngsters. The earlier the
teenage boy or girl gets the habit, the bigger the national
sales volume" (AA 1964c, p. 3). Another leading adver-
tising executive, the President of McManus, Johns &
Adams, stated, "There is no doubt that all forms of
advertising playe&a part in popularizing the cigarette"
(AA 1964e, p. 107):
One of the agency executives who had worked on
the Marlboro account with Leo Burnett later wrote: "I
don't think cigarettes ought to be advertised....(W]hen
all the garbage is stripped away, successful cigarette
advertising involves showing the kind of people most
people would like to be, doing the things most people
would like to do, and smoking up a storm. I don't know
any way of doing this that doesn't tempt young people to
smoke, and, in view of my present knowledge, this is
something I prefer not to do" (Daniels 1974, p. 245).
More recently, the late Emerson Foote, a founder of
Foote, Cone and Belding and more recently a member of
McCann-Erikson, ridiculed the industry claims that its
advertising only affects brand switching and has no ef-
fect whatsoever on recruitment: "I don't think anyone
really believes this.... I suspect that creating a positive
climate of social acceptability for smoking, which en-
courages new smokers to join the market, is of greater
importance to the industry.... In recent years, the ciga-
rette industry has been artfully maintaining that ciga-
rette advertising has nothing to do with total sales. Take
my word for it, this is complete and utter nonsense"
(Foote 1981, pp. 1667-8).
Because of their conviction that cigarette advertis-
ing played-a role in recruiting the young, many advertis-
ing professionals refused to work with the cigarette
companies. Just before the first Surgeon General's report
was published in 1964, Advertising Age (1963i) stated
emphatically, "It seems safe enough to say that no adver-
tiser, no agency man, and no media man would want to
continue advertising cigaret[te]s if it were clear that they
pose a serious and positive danger to the health of the
ordinary smoker....[L]et's not have any more sidestep-
ping" (p. 22). When the Surgeon General's report was
issued, several advertising industry leaders publicly
avowed that their ad agencies would cease or refuse
cigarette advertising accounts on moral grounds-a po-
sition that clearly acknowledged advertising's role in
building and sustaining demand. Those who refused
included several who were highly visible and promi-
nent-Bill Bernbach of Doyle, Dane, Bernbach (AA 1964b);
David Ogilvy of Ogilvy and Mather (AA 1964d); Nelson
Foote of Foote, Cone and Belding (O'Gara 1964); and
John Orr Young of Young & Rubicam (AA 1964a).
The United States Tobacco Journal
The United States Tobacco Journal's frequent and
unabashed comments on the power of advertising be-
came something of an editorial litany during the 1950s
and early 1960s. In 1953 the journal observed that "ad-
vertising, in the hands of manufacturers of tobacco prod-
ucts, has become a powerful tool for the construction of
the massive edifice of this industry" (USTJ 1953, p. 4).
After the industry rebounded from the reports during
the early 1950s of a tobacco-cancer link, the journal stated,
"There is no obstacle to large-scale sales of tobacco prod-
ucts that cannot be surmounted by aggressive selling"
(USTJ 1955a, p. 4) and elsewhere noted "the pivotal
importance of advertising" (USTJ 1955b, p. 4). A year
later, the journal could claim that "the effectiveness of
current advertising by tobacco products manufacturers
has been demonstrated repeatedly by the upward trend
in sales volume that results there from" ( USTj 1956, p. 4).
Advertising and Promotion 173
TIMN 0139025

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
that has been incorporated into many of the prevention
programs developed later. The intervention consisted of
three sessions delivered on consecutive days, followed
by four booster sessions delivered over the remainder of
the seventh-grade school year. Nine months after pre-
test, 5.6 percent of the treatment group and 9.9 percent of
the control group reported smoking during the previous
week-a statistically significant 56 percent difference be-
tween the groups. These reductions in smoking preva-
lence were observed up to the 10th grade.
Life Skills Training
Botvin (1986) has developed another variation of
the social influences approach that includes resistance
skills, behavioral rehearsal, role playing, self-control, de-
cision making, problem solving, and self-reward, as well
as components devoted to increasing self-esteem, self-
confidence, autonomy, and assertiveness. The program,
called Life Skills Training, includes various aspects of
cognitive-behavioral psychological training. The pro-
gram consists of 15 to 20 sessions for seventh-grade
students; booster sessions are given in the eighth and
ninth grades. The specific objectives of the program are
to teach skills that help students resist direct pressures to
smoke; to enhance students' self-esteem, self-mastery,
Table 5.
and self-confidence in order to decrease their susceptibil-
ity to indirect social pressures to smoke; to prepare stu-
dents to cope with anxiety induced by social situations;
to enhance students' knowledge of the actual prevalence
of smoking among adolescents and adults; and to pro-
mote attitudes and beliefs consistent with nonsmoking.
This pxogram has been evaluated extensively in
progressively larger studies over the past decade; the
encouraging results have ranged from 40 to 80 percent
reductions in smoking prevalence, and long-term effects
have lasted up to fouryears (Botvinand Dusenbury 1989).
In the most comprehensive evaluation of the Life Skills
Training program to date, 56 schools in three different
geographic regions were randomly assigned to three
study conditions: Life Skills plus one-day teacher train-
ing, Life Skills plus video training for teachers, and a
control condition. Significant positive effects were re-
ported for cigarette use (see Table 5) and for smoking-
related knowledge, attitudes, and normative expectations.
In most cases, the two treatment conditions had similar
results; students in both groups demonstrated more posi-
tive effects than students in the control group (Botvin et al.
1990). The effects of the Life Skills Training program have
been demonstrated when the program has been delivered
by project staff, older peers, or regular classroom teachers.
These effects have also been demonstrated on inner-city
Outcomes of the Life Skills Training (LST) program: adjusted third-year follow-up mean for
smoking-related knowledge, expectations, personality measures, and behavior
Adjusted mean scores*
Smoking variable LST
(with
teacher training) LST
(with
video training)
Control
Knowledge
Smoking prevalence
1.10°
1.16'
.93.
Smoking coniequences 4.80° 4.60° 4.13
Smoking acceptability 1.495 1.52° 1.37
Normative expectations
Adult smoking
3.92'
3.95''
4.22
Peer smoking 3.80t 3.77 3.92
Personality measures
Self-esteem
34.25t
34.07
33.65
Self-efficacy 19.27 19.20 19.26
Social anxiety 28.71t 29.36 29.92
Smoking behavior 1.46§ 1.50# 1.63
Source: Botvin et al. (1990).
*Means for LST groups differ from control group at *p < .05,=p < .01, ip < .001, and °p < .0001.
Prevention 221
T11V.IN 0139071

tiLiY;R'Ufl (_,l'IA'/'dl Rqvrt
In 1959, the journal anticipated the launch of multiple
new brands and the associated intense advertising drives
to "increase sharply the trend toward greater volume in
the ~,'hole tobacco industry" (USTI 1959, p. 3). "The
purpose of advertising ... has a simple answer: to sell
goods," the journal declared in 1960 (USTI 1960a, p. 4),
later pointing out that "steady increases in sales of
cigarettes offer the classic example of what advertising
can do ... advertising pays off" (USTI 1960b, p. 4). By
1963, the ever-increasing spending on cigarette adver-
tising and promotion led the journal to declare: "The
money invested by the tobacco industry in various
forms of advertising and promotion essentially reflects
the industry's faith in the effectiveness of advertising as
a vital sales-building tool. This faith appears justified
by the continued annual rise in sales of cigarettes in this
country" (USTI 1963c, p. 4). These observations from
the tobacco industry's chief trade journal testify to the
industry's view of advertising as an increasingly neces-
sary and proven means of selling cigarettes. From a
perspective two decades after the 1964 Surgeon General's
report, the official history of the R.J. Reynolds Com-
pany comments that "the company's advertising ex-
penditures and those of its major rivals were
extraordinary, reflecting the apparent agreement on the
necessity of large-scale advertising to fuel expansion"
(Tilley 1985, p. 330). The view was shared throughout
the industry, which embraced increasingly sophisti-
cated advertising strategies in an almost concerted ef-
fort. George Washington Hill, proud of his role in
building the modern tobacco industry, said, "The impe-
tus of those great advertising campaigns not only built
this for ourselves, but built the cigarette business as
well, because ... you help the whole industry if you do
a good job" (Tennant 1971, p. 137). '
The "Maturity" of the Cigarette Market
As a spokesperson for the cigarette industry has
argued in a congressional hearing (Ward 1989), the in-
dustrv considers itself>to_ be operating in a "mature"
market-mature because the growth in this market has
slowed over the pastttwadecades and because the prod-
uct being marketed is well known to consumers. This
theoretical concept of a mature market is drawn from the
"product life cycle," an analogy to the stages of biological
development from birth to death. The application of this
theory to the cigarette industry hinges on the belief that
markets develop in predictable stages and that these
stages govern the intent of corporate behaviors, such as
advertising and promotion. It has been asserted before
congressional hearings, for example, that "in 'mature'
markets such as the one for tobacco products, awareness
of the product is universal. The function of advertising in
a 'mature' market is to promote brand loyalty or brand
switching" (Ward 1989, p. 304). The argument contin-
ues that the tobacco industry has no strategic interest in
youthful nonsmokers because "advertising cannot in-
fluence a nonuser to begin using the product category"
(Ward 1989, p. 306).
Few studies have specifically examined how the
product life cycle applies to the cigarette industry. One
early study written in support of the concept defined
three substages of market maturity. Of 33 cigarette brands
examined, only 36 percent of them were classified into
any of the three mature stages, in contrast with 56 per-
cent of health care and personal care products and 60
percent of food products (Polli and Cook 1969). A few
years later, two research directors from the J. Walter
Thompson advertising agency reviewed this study and
others and counseled readers of the Harvard Business
Review: "Most writers present the [product life cycle]
concept in qualitative terms, in the form of idealization
without empirical backing. Also, they fail to draw a clear
distinction between product class (e.g., cigarettes), prod-
uct form (e.g., filter cigarettes), and brand (e.g., Winston).
But, for our purposes, this does not matter. We shallsee
that it is not possible to validate the model at any of these
levels of aggregation" (Dhalla and Yuspeh 1976, p. 103),
Advertising textbooks counsel that even when faced
with so-called mature markets, advertising firms can and
often should attempt both to increase usage among exist-
ing customers and to address potential new users. For
example, one leading textbook makes it clear that prod-
uct maturity by no means rules out the capacity--or the
need-to attract new users:
Product class maturity is typified by a slowdown of
growth and a fairly constant level of sales. This
means that competition may become very intense
because any brand can only increase its sales by
taking them from a competitor or by developing
new uses, users, or changing the product.... The
brand's objectives during maturity are to defend its
position, take share from the competition, promote
new uses and users, and support the retailer.... In
addition, the advertising should stress new uses,
new users, and new usage occasions in an attempt
to increase overall sales of the product class
(Rothschild 1987, p. 105).
It appears that no matter what the appropriate
classification of the product, different classes of potential ,
consumers will still exist as market segments with differ-
ent and particular ci "rcumstances. Marketing will thus
have to address these individual segments-including `
that of young people for whom the product and brands
are less well known, and for whom appeal must be
created, since cigarettes are not a necessity of life.
174 Advertising and Promotion
TIMN 0139026

P1't':'t'llflllg 70hItto U,t'A'NNII,~ }t11(/!y' Pt'Ofllt'
For example, the most frequently cited categories
ur ads that reached ,vounger women were individualism
(29 percent), recreation (26 percent), and sociability (20
percent). The most frequently pictured activities in ads
that reached younger men were individualism (21 per-
cent), work (21 percent), recreation (20 percent), and
adventure (1-1 percent). The authors noted that "portray-
als of individualism were more likely to appear in ciga-
rette ads placed in younger men's and younger women's
magazines." Despite this and other noted differences
between ads in various types of media, "this study found
a striking universality of theme, regardless of audience
orientation. Individualistic/solitary and recreational
themes were most frequently portrayed in virtually all
magazine types" (King et al. 1991, p. 77).
Schooler and Basil ( 1990) studied all types of bill-
board ads in San Francisco neighborhoods. Billboard
advertising is held to be important because it allows
neighborhood-level targeting and ethnic segmentation.
Like point-of-sale store signage, billboard advertising
has more permanence than magazine ads, allowing mul-
tiple incidental exposures for all ages of persons who are
on the neighborhood street regularly, going to work,
stores, or schools. Of the 901 billboards photographed
between May 1985 and September 1987 in 210 commer-
cial districts, tobacco ads were the most frequent (19
percent), closely followed by alcohol (17 percent). Black
and Hispanic neighborhoods had significantly more to-
bacco and alcohol ads than white or Asian neighbor-
hoods. Billboards of any type were 1.7 times more
common in black neighborhoods (2.2 per 1,000 people)
than in a citvwide sampling (1.3 per 1,000). Tobacco
billboard ads were even more common in black neigh-
borhoods, appearing at 2.4 times the citywide rate.
The content of these ads was coded for several
social cues: sex, ethnicity, apparent social "class" of the
models, reward cues (e.g., romance, sociability, recre-
ation, sportiness and active lifestyle, and adventure/
risk), and attractiveness cues (e.g., rugged individualism,
machismo, fashionableness, sex appeal, fame/expertise,
and friendliness)-. The most prevalent reward cue im-
ages associated wft smoking were sportiness and active
lifestyle, recreatiozr,and adventure/risk. The most preva-
lent attractiveness cue on tobacco billboards was rugged
individualism or machismo. The statistically significant
results indicated how important social cues are to these
tobacco products. The study suggests that people are
more likely to be portrayed in cigarette and alcohol ads
(59 percent) than in advertising generally (16 percent),
and cigarette and alcohol ads were more likely than
others to use models that matched the ethnicity of the
neighborhoods.
When advertising for smoking and for alcohol were
compared, the study concluded that alcohol ads use
modeling cues that suggest that prociut:t t:un5umption
will enhance one's social life, whereas tobacco billboards
emphasize rewards that are more individualistically ori-
ented. "Rugged individualism," the study obsened,
"was the most prevalent attractiveness cue on tobacco
billboards. The epitome of these ads is the Marlboro
man" (Schooler and Basil 1990, p. 15). These research
results are reported in brief elsewhere (Altman, Schooler,
Basil 1991), and additional statistical analyses of the same
database reach the same conclusions (Schooler, Basil,
Altman 1991).
Altman and colleagues' (1987) analvsis of 778
magazine ads (from the 1960s through 1985) also found
that images of adventure and risk had become more
prevalent across all magazine types. Youth magazines
were even more likely than other types to depict images
of adventure/risk and recreation.
Other Related Research
Perceptions of Models' Ages
Mazis et al. (1992) studied the perceived age of the
models used in cigarette ads appearing in 97 magazines
in October 1987. In the 101 issues (some magazines were
published more often than once a month) that contained
cigarette ads, 393 cigarette ads for 22 brands were found,
of which 119 were unique (i.e., did not appear in another
of the 97 magazines that month). Narrowing the sample
to ads with models whose faces were "clearly visible"
(i.e., their faces were at least two-thirds exposed and
were depicted close enough to discern approximate age)
yielded 50 unique ads with 65 models. Two samples of
280 and 281 judges were recruited from a racially and
economically diverse shopping mall, with quotas that
guaranteed a cross-section of gender and age (13 years
old and older).
Each participant was asked tb estimate the age and
assess the attractiveness of the models in a random sample
of 25 ads. These data were compared to data on the
median age of the audiences of the magazines used as
sources. A positive and statistically significant correla-
tion was found between perceived model age and
median audience age. For example, young-looking mod-
els tended to appear in media read by young audi-
ences-a correlation advantageous to the advertisers,
since young viewers proved more likely than older view-
ers to perceive that attractiveness declined with advanc-
ing perceived age.
Fourteen (22 percent) of the 65 models were judged,
on average, to be less than 25 years old, and eleven (17
percent) were attributed a mean per: eived age far enough
below 25 years old to be statistically significant. Nine
of these young-looking models were women, four of
them in various Virginia Slims ads. "Some cigarette
Advertising and Promotion 183
TIMN 0139035

PPi:'t'lltiil` Tt'hltLt' Ll>i .'j/NWIt ) t'itltN PCt'F'lc'
pressure of being accepted by their peers" ( I'ollay 1989b,
p. 24). R.J. Reynolds' Export A brand had a special
appeal fot young Canadian teens and preteens, as the
company recognized in its Export Family Strategy Docu-
ment of 1982 (AG222): "Very young starter smokers
choose Export A because it provides them with an in-
stant badge of masculinity, appeals to their rebellious
nature and establishes their position amongst their peers"
(AG-222, p. 7299).
Imperial Tobacco Limited's Project Stereo (1985)
provided creative guidelines for the effective display of
freedom and independence in advertising imagery de-
signed to appeal to a young market. Its Final Report
(AG-27) made recommendations for designing adver-
tisements for the Player's brand that showed someone
"free to choose friends, music, clothes, own activities, to
be alone if he wishes"; who "can manage alone" and be
"close to nature" with "nobody to interfere, no
boss/parents"; someone self-reliant enough to experi-
ence solitude without loneliness (AG-27, p. 60).
Project Stereo also described how Player's and its
closest rival for young males, Export A, both used im-
ages, not words, to convey the critical concepts of inde-
pendence, self-reliance, autonomy, and freedom from
authority. Both brands used advertisements that fea-
tured strong, masculine, hardy men who were typically
alone in the fresh air of the outdoors. But as is shown in
the chart below, the two competitors conveyed their
respective images with relatively small yet important
differences.
Player's Smoker's Image Export A Smoker's Image
Chooses to be alone. Is a loner.
Conveys masculinity Conveys machismo
but also gentleness. ruggedness.
Can show feelings. Does not show feelings.
Can include women. Excludes women.
Has a good job, is a Is working-class.
good worker.
Is adventurous.. Is a daredevil.
Is independent and Isn't concerned about
strong willed. _ society.
(AG-27, p. 18).
The more subtle, less excluding Player's image
proved far more successful than the uncompromising
Export A image.
Images of the American Ideal
United States advertisers, too, have long thought that
individualism and the stimulating notions of indepen-
dence, self-reliance, and autonomy are important strategic
concepts in ad development. The Marlboro con.'boy (alsu
known as the Marlboro man) epitomizes this stereotype
of American independence. Usually depicted alone, he
interacts with no one; he is strikingly free of interference
from authority figures such as parents, older brothers,
bosses, and bullies. Indeed, the Marlboro man is bur-
dened by no one whose authority he must respect or
even consider (see Figure 1).
One account (Meyers 1984) describes the success of
Philip Morris's George Weissman and Jack Landry, who
were instrumental in making Marlboro the best-selling
cigarette brand in the United States. Marlboro had long
been sold as a woman's cigarette, with lipstick-colored
filters and a"Mild as May" slogan (see Figure 1). The
first attempt to reposition the brand as "male" featured
the breathy, sensual singing of Julie London and male
models with tattooed hands. But when Weissman, then
head of marketing for Philip Morris, assumed responsi-
bility for the campaign in the late 1950s, his research
informed him that postadolescents in search of an iden-
tity were beginning to smoke as a way of declaring
independence from their parents. Jack Landry, the ad-
vertising executive for Philip Morris, coordinated with
the Leo Burnett agency and came up with "commercials
that would turn rookie smokers on to Marlboro. ...[that
would convey] the right image to capture the youth
market's fancy ...[and project] a perfect symbol of inde-
pendence and individualistic rebellion"-in other words,
the Marlboro cowboy (Meyers 1984, p. 70). The power of
the associative psychological style of advertising was
demonstrated by the Marlboro brand's capture of a sig-
nificant market share of starters every year, until it soon
became the best-selling brand.
This success has proved long-lived. In 1993,
Marlboro commanded 21 percent of the domestic market
share-by far the largest share (Maxwell 1993). As Philip
Morris's president and CEO, R. W. Murray observed, the
Marlboro man still has a powerful attraction: "The cow-
boy has appeal to people as a personality. There are
elements of adventure, freedom, being in charge of your
destiny" (Trachtenberg 1987, p. 109).
Marlboro's success led to much imitation and com-
petition in the industry. The FTC reported that one of the
popular advertising strategies of the late 1960s was the
use of associative themes, where an image portrayed
"one or more personality characteristics which the ad-
vertiser hopes will appeal to the audience of existing and
potential cigarette smokers.... The classic example of
this approach is the Marlboro cowboy-ruggedly mas-
culine, self-sufficient. ... The theme of masculine inde-
pendence has been used by several other advertisers"
(FTC 1970, p. 8). Advertisements for Camel, Newport,
and Old Gold were named as examples.
Advertising and Promotion 177
TIMN 0139029

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
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Advertising and Promotion 197
TIMN 0139049

Surgeon General's Report
Table 9. Published studies examining vending machine sales to minors, United States, 1989-1992
Relative
Study and
location Number of
machines or
attempts
Baseline
sales rate (%)
Follow-up
sales rate (%) reduction in
purchases by
minors (%)
Time period
Altman et al. 30 100 100 NS* 6 months
(1989)
California
Jason et al. 3-6 100 50 -50 1 month
(1991)
Illinois 0 -100 12 months
Feighery, 25 84 93 NS 6 months
Altman,
Shaffer (1991)
California 83 NS 11 months
Forster,
Hourigan,
McGovern 79 82 80 NS 3 months
(1992)
Minnesota
Forster, 77 86 30 -65 3 months
Hourigan,
Kelder (1992)
Minnesota 48 -44 12 months
DiFranza et al. 6 86 NAt NA NA
(1987)
Massachusetts
Thomson and
Toffler (1990)
Oregon 10 100 NA NA NA
Hoppock and
Houston (1990)
Kansas 10 100 NA NA NA
Centers for
Disease
Control (1990)
Colorado 24 100 NA NA NA
*NS = Not significant.
tNA = Not available.
252 Prevention TIMN 0139102

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
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Advertising and Promotion 201
TIMN 0139053

....'~':.~ :am"diFA 7 ~h
titu'.tcont C;otentl', /ic:'iw:
the different media has its effects on young people"
(Gilbert 1957, p. 183).
Promotional efforts targeting college students were
estimated by the President of the Student Marketing
Institute to have doubled in the five years leading up to
1962. During those years, promotional tactics for the 20
brands active on college campuses included free samples
distributed by student "representatives" paid by specific
tobacco companies. Brown & Williamson, for example,
employed 17 salesmen on college campuses (Neuberger
1964). Philip Morris paid 166 campus representatives
$50 a month to distribute free cigarettes. Philip Morris
also ran a college contest offering record players in ex-
change for collected empty packages. In New York's
Cortland State College, Alpha Delta Delta (a sorority for
physical education teachers in training) won several prizes
by collecting packages accounting for 1,520,000 ciga-
rettes (Neuberger 1964). College students were awarded
cars as prizes in contests run by the Liggett & Myers
Tobacco Company (LISTJ 1963a). Cigarettes ads ac-
counted for an estimated 40 percent of the national ad-
vertising incomes of the 850 college newspapers in the
National Advertising Service (Brecher et al. 1963).
Sponsorship of Sports
Sports sponsorships were another common means
to promote specific brands. Professional sports teams
were given financial support by tobacco companies.
Liggett & Myers had long been associated with baseball,
regularly sponsoring games and using athletes' testimo-
nials (AA 1963s). In 1963, R.J. Reynolds sponsored eight
different baseball teams, and the American Tobacco Com-
pany sponsored six more. Football was also used to
reach large audiences and to associate cigarettes with
athleticism. Phillip Morris, which used athletes' en-
dorsements of its Marlboro brand primarily to appeal to
blacks (Pollay, Lee, Carter-Whitney 1992), sponsored
National Football League games on CBS (AA 19631) and
the league championship games on NBC (AA 1963s).
Also in 1963, the American Tobacco Company used New
York Giants star Frank Gifford in advertisements for
Lucky Strikes (AA 1963g), Brown & Williamson spon-
sored football bowl gantes (AA 1963d), and Lorillard had
signed to sponsor the Olympic Games of 1964 and was
already broadcasting previews (AA 1963u).
Criticism of Advertising and Promotional
Activities
During these early years of the 1960s, there were
criticisms of these successful selling efforts of the "
cigarette advertisers, just as there are currently. The
criticisms were a reaction to the continued increase in
cigarette sales among teens despite the growing and still
new sworthy concern among scientists that smoking
caused cancer. Much of this criticism and concern, how-
ever, was muted in the public forum by the reluctance of
the media to jeopardize its lucrative cigarette sponsor-
ships (AA 1963a). On the other hand, some noncommer-
cial media, like Reader's Digest, which does not accept
income for advertising, questioned the propriety of me-
dia industry behavior. Such questions were also raised
in the publication, The Consumers Union Report on Smok-
ing and the Public Interest (AA 1963r; Brecher et al. 1963).
The Surgeon General's first report on smoking and health
was imminent at this time and was anticipated with
widespread discussion of the legislative responses it might
precipitate (AA 1963i; Cohen 1963). Much of this talk
focused on the industry's sponsorship of sports, on its
use of athletes' endorsements, and on advertising copy
appealing to the young.
Tobacco companies' targeting of youth was de-
bated both inside and outside the advertising commu-
nity. From within, a leading trade magazine for the
advertising industry, Advertising Age (AA 1963b), and a
leading advertising industry executive, John Orr Young
of Young & Rubicam (AA 1964a), saw effective market-
ing to the young as strategically important to maintain-
ing the industry's size and fostering further growth.
Other industry spokespersons judged that the use of
athletes was problematiC, not only because it implied a
healthfulness that was unwarranted, but also because it
was a means of focusing on the teenage market. One
critic asserted that television commercials focused on
teens "by means of allusions to athletic prowess, popu-
larity, datability and sexual allure.... It is basically a
narcotic dream with an inexcusable dosage of dishon-
esty" (AA 1963e, p. 12).
An editorial in Advertising Age counseled the in-
dustry to put less emphasis on youth and athletes in their
ads (AA 1963h). The National Association of Broadcast-
ers, working on the development of a self-regulatory
process, declared that "tobacco advertising having an
especial appeal to minors, expressed or implied, should
be avoided" (AA 1963o, p. 85). At the same time, Reader's
Digest (1963) condensed an article from Changing Times
magazine that cited the American Tobacco Company,
R.J. Reynolds, and Lorillard as companies whose adver-
tising and promotional activities were aimed explicitly at
young people. The artide, noted the on-campus efforts
targeted at college students, the hiring of students to
distribute cigarette samples, and the dominant presence
of cigarette advertising in campus publications. "No-
where in that bright wonderful world depicted in the
ads," the artide observed, "is there any hint to young-
sters that cigaret[te]s might be harmful" (Changing Times
1962, p. 35). The National Congress of Parents and
Teachers (also known as the National Parent Teacher
168 Advertising and Promotion TIMN 0139020

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
examining actual data and discussing young people's
tendency to overestimate smoking prevalence, students
learn that smoking is not a normative behavior in our
society. After exploring why adolescents smoke, students
discuss positive alternatives to smoking. Students then
learn how these misperceptions about smoking are estab-
lished in our culture through advertising and role model-
ing by peers and adults. Students practice the skills to
resist the social influences that promote smoking, in-
cluding peer influences and advertising techniques.
Near the end of the program, students state a goal to
remain nonsmokers.
In evaluating the effects of the MSPP in eight junior
high schools, Murray et al. (1988) reported that after four
years, the peer-led social influences intervention reduced
the incidence of daily and weekly smoking by 35 to 50
percent. In contrast, no reduction was observed in an
adult-led group that was taught the health consequences
of smoking or in a comparison group enrolled in an
existing curriculum covering general health topics. These
differences, however, were no longer statistically sig-
nificant at the five- and six-year follow-ups (Murray
et a1.1988).
As part of this overall research program, the Class
of 1989 Study was established to test the efficacy of the
MSPP approach when introduced as part of a broader,
community-based health promotion effort (Perry et al.
1992). Researchers hypothesized that the school-based
intervention program would have longer-lasting effects
if it was introduced in cdmmunities where adults were
involved in communitywide smoking-cessation pro-
grams, where antismoking ordinances in the schools and
public community spaces were being considered, and
where integrated school and community intervention
Figure 2. Six-year follow-up of the first Waterloo School Smoking Prevention Trial: proportion of
subjects smoking regularly and experimentally at each wave of the study
45
40
35
15
10
5
0
Q Experimental
~ Regular
~au
~
Control Program Control Program Control Program Control Program Control Program Control Program
Control Program
(End of Trial) (Year 1 (Year 2 (Year 3 (Year 4 (Year 5 (Year 6
follow-up) follow-up) follow-up) follow-up) follow-up) follow-up)
Study condition
Source: Flay et al. (1989).
Prevention 223.
TIMN 0139073

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
Enforcement method
Community education, direct education of .
merchants, contact with management of chains/franchises
Intervention stores were mailed an informational packet
and a supply of warning signs containing that state's
required wording prohibiting tobacco sales to persons
under 18
Educational program (6 months); "sting" operations,
citations, media publicity (after 5 more months)
Quarterly "stings," license suspension, fines of up to $500
None after initial educational campaign reported above
(Altman et al. 1989)
None, other than publicity surrounding new state law that
increased penalties for sales to minors
None, baseline study only
None, baseline study only
None, baseline study only
None, baseline study only
None, baseline study only
None, baseline study only
None, baseline study only
Comments
Minors' ages: 14-16; minimum legal age was 18
Minors' ages: 14-16; 40% of intervention stores and
none of control stores posted warning signs, but no
effect on sales rate was observed
Minors' ages: 14-16; minimum legal age was 18; stores
visited varied between preintervention and post-
intervention samples
Minors' ages: 12 and 13; all stores in local area visited
before and after passage of local ordinance; proportion
of local junior high school students reporting they were
"regular smokers" decreased from 16% to 5%
Minors' ages: 14-16; minimum legal age was 18; study
illustrates recidivism without continued enforcement
Minors' ages: 12-15; minimum legal age was 18; all
outlets visited multiple times by different minors;
rates averaged
Minors' age: 11; minimum legal age was 18
Minors' ages: 10-13; no minimum legal age in effect
Minors' ages: 11-17; minimum legal age was 18
Minors' ages: 9-17; minimum legal age was 18
Minors' ages: 12 and 15
Minors' ages: 13-14; no law in effect, but new law
making 18 the minimum age recently passed
Minors' ages 14-17; minimum legal age was 18
TIMN 0139101
Prevention 251

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TIMN 0139003

Surgeon General's Report
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TIMN 0139050

Surgeon Genernl's Report
Public Opinion About Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
Introduction
The information in this section is derived from
several different sources, including national surveys con-
ducted by the federal government and by private organi-
zations (e.g., the Gallup Organization, Louis Harris and
Associates), statewide surveys conducted by government
agencies or private organizations (e.g., the American
Cancer Society [ACSD, and community-based surveys.
A remarkably consistent pattern emerges regarding public
opinion of tobacco-control policies. First, both smokers
and nonsmokers express much greater support for poli-
cies to prevent youth from smoking than for policies to
discourage adult smoking. A second finding is that
nonsmokers are consistently more supportive of govern-
ment efforts to regulate tobacco than are smokers.
Public Opinion About Tobacco Education
Historically, public support for efforts to keep chil-
dren from smoking has been stronger than support for
efforts to reduce smoking among adults. During the first
half of this century, most states instituted laws thatprohib-
ited the sale or gift of cigarettes to minors (Hawkins 1964),
since tobacco use was viewed as an adult behavior and
children were seen as a group to be protected from poten-
tially harmful substances. However, as the health dangers
of smoking became known, the public looked to schools to
do more to educate children about the hazards of tobacco
use. For example, a 1957 national survey of adults (N =
1,541) conducted by the Gallup Organization (1957) found
that 68 percent of respondents believed that the danger
from smoking was great enough to warrant literature
being distributed to schoolchildren to warn them of these
dangers. Fifty-three percent of the respondents also felt
that the danger was sufficient to warrant an announce-
ment from the federal government (presumably, to adult
smokers) regarding the danger of smoking.
Traditionally, gublic and private efforts to reduce
the initiation of smoking by children have involved
schools (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services
[USDHHS] '1989). A number of states have enacted laws
that mandate education about smoking and health in
schools. In part, the emphasis on school-based education
reflects a belief that education is the most effective way to
discourage children from smoking. A 1984 national
survey of adults sponsored by the American Board of
Family Practice (Research and Forecasts, Inc. 1985) asked.
respondents to indicate what approaches they believed
were effective in discouraging smoking. The highest-
rated approach, mentioned by 81 percent of those
surveyed (N = 1,007), was providing smoking-related
education to children in grade school. The use of public
service campaigns, television shows, and other media to
motivate teenagers not to smoke was mentioned by 66
percent of respondents. Twenty-one percent felt that
legally banning the use of tobacco would be effective.
There is strong public support for tobacco educa-
tion efforts in the schools. The 1989 Smoking Activity
Volunteer-Executed Survey (SAVES), which was admin-
istered to adults in four states (Arizona, Michigan, Penn-
sylvania, and Texas), collected information on a wide
range of issues relevant to policies concerning smoking
(Marcus et al., in press). Trained and supervised ACS
volunteers used standardized questionnaires to conduct
telephone interviews of the sampled adults. Data col-
lected in this survey found that a high proportion of the
respondents (87 to 91 percent) agreed with the statement,
"There should be a strong tobacco education program in
the school system" (Marcus et al., in press). Only a
minority of these respondents (13 to 33 percent) agreed
with the statement, "Currently, schools are doing enough
to prevent children from starting to use tobacco." This
finding is consistent with the results of'a 1990 telephone
survey of Californiz adults, in which 74 percent of re-
spondents felt that antitobacco education in schools
should be increased (California Department of Health
Services 1991).
Restrictions on Smoking in Schools
Traditionally, even secondary schools that prohibit
smoking by students have allowed teachers and staff to
smoke in designated areas away from students (USDHHS
1989). This double standard reflects public opinion about
restricting smoking in school settings. A 1987 telephone
survey of adults in Minnesota (Forster et a1.1991) found
strong support (93 percent) for a policy prohibiting stu-
dents from smoking in school, and a smaller percentage
(77 percent) favored a ban on smoking among teachers
and staf£ School smoking policies, like those for other
workplaces, havebecome more restrictive in recent years.
Several states and many communities have enacted laws
that completely ban or severely restrict smoking in schools
and on school property (Coalition on Smoking OR Health
1992). These laws are discussed later in this chapter.
The 1989 Surgeon General's report on smoking and
health (USDHHS 1989) dearly documented the trend of
Americans to increasingly support restrictions on smok
ing in a wide range of public locations, such as restau-
rants, worksites, and schools. In general, surveys that
210 Prevention
TIMN 0139060

:.y
awareness of antismoking campaigns and the relative
credibility of various sources of information, such as
doctors, teachers, government employees, and manufac-
turers. Perhaps the most striking component of this
massive research effort, however, was the measurement
of personality traits using a clinical psychometric instru-
ment, Cattell's 16 Personality Factors. Scales of this
instrument measure elements of personality defined as
ranging from tough-minded to tender-minded, trusting
to suspicious, or shy to adventuresome, among others.
Youth Target Study '87 used cluster analysis to
divide the youth market into seven psychographic groups:
"Big City Independents;" "Tomorrow's Leaders," "Tran-
sitional Adults;' "Quiet Conformers," "T.G.I.F.'s," "In-
secure Moralists," and "Small Town Traditionalists;'
(RJR-M-6, pp. 8-10). The T.G.LF. (Thank God It's Fri-
day) segment was the largest, containing about 30 per-
cent of this population of 15- through 24-year-olds. Since
62 percent of the T.G.I.F. group were reported to be
smokers, they were considered an important segment.
The T.G.I.F. group primarily comprised underachievers
who were "rooted in the present. They live for the
moment and tend to be self-indulgent.... Achievement
and leadership is not a goal for this group compared to
others. Societal issues are relative nonissues.... They are
the most prominent supporters of smoking .... They do
read newspapers and some magaziries, including Play-
bo>.l and Penthouse. Heavy metal and hard rock are com-
mon music choices" (RJR-M-6, pp. 8,21).
Portraying Youthful Behavior
As a matter of policy, "positive lifestyle images"
were used by Imperial Tobacco Limited to suggest the
continued social acceptability of smoking. The company
chose models and activities to facilitate young people's
identification with the company's products. Creative
guidelines for the Player's brand, for example, specified
that the target market would "emphasize the under-20-
year-old group in its imagery reflection of lifestyle
(activity) tastes" (AG-35, p. 42). The models used in
Player's advertising. Oer@._to be "25 years or older, but
should appear to be b~.N.ween 18 and 25 years of age'
(AG-35, p. 52).
R.J. Reynolds-MacDonald, however, learned that
models can be too young appearing for the young
consumer's taste. When the Tempo brand cigarette was
test-marketed in selected cities, most of its media budget
was allotted to out-of-home media, targeting key youth
locations and meeting places close to youth-frequented
sites, such as theaters, record stores, and video arcades. To
target the young, who were perceived to be "extremely
influenced by their peer group," the J. Walter Thompson
advertising recommendations called for "imagery which
176 Advertising and Promotion
portrays the social appeal of peer group acceptance--
where acceptance by the group provides a sense of be-
longing and security" (AG-16, p. 4). The media featured
young-looking models arm-in-arm, wearing casual clothes
perceived as trendy by the young. The brand met with
mixed results in the test market, however, in part because
it was too explicitly young in character. Few teenagers, it
seems, wanted an explicitly teen product, instead prefer-
ring to use products associated with adulthood.
Conveying Pictures of Health
The images used in many of Canada's cigarette
ads were carefully crafted to feature attainable activities
that appealed to youth but were not so intense as to be
unbelievable in the context of smoking. The Player's
Filter'81, Creative Guideline (AG-222) required that ads
feature activities that "should not require undue physical
exertion. They should not be representative of an elitist's
sport nor should they be seen as a physical conditioner.
The activity shown should be one which is practiced
by young people 16 to 20 years old or one that these
people can reasonably aspire to in the near future"
(AG-222, pp. 1-2).
These images were tested to ensure that they elic-
ited minimal counterargument from viewers. For ex-
ample, in the Project Stereo Advertising Evaluation
(AG-220), a windsurfing ad for the Player's brand re-
ceived the following evaluation:
The reaction to windsurfing as an activity is neutral
with regard to whether or not the people who
engage in it are likely to be smokers or not. How-
ever, the more physically fit and healthy-looking
the protagonists, the stronger the no-smoking clas-
sification elicited. The same person sitting on the
beach-perceived by most as resting after surfing-
or shown carrying a surfboard-whether getting
out of the water or walking toward the ocean-
evokes different reactions regarding smoking. Re-
spondents are willing to accept the man smoking
while resting but are reluctant to think of him as a
smoker while his well-built body is in full view
(AG-220, p. 6).
Projecting Images of Independence
The brands most successful with teenagers seem
to be those that offer adult imagery rich with connota-
tions of independence, freedom from authority, and/or
self-reliance. Imperial Tobacco Limited's Project Sting
tested "overtly masculine imagery, targeted at young
males" (Pollay 1989b, p. 24). Young males were seen as
"going through a stage where they are seeking to express
their independence and individuality under constant
TIMN 0139028

I'!c': I(i\ F,'I':iltt' L/t 1mh'!1,,' }
RILEY «'T. BARENIE IT. MYERS DR. T% 'puluKv and ccrrre-
late!,uf smokeles. tobaCcu use. Juurrrol or A~tt!le,~ t rit Ht'alth Care
1y t9;1()( +):3;'-t,2.
RI`GWALT C.1 pecial rr%~t7trclt report. Student rrthlett's anut
n'!t tthfet~ :.10 their re;e' t!t. nrd l1elier-5 rhvut alcohol intil otlrer
fru~~ lrr~!' Raleigh (NC): North Carolina Department of
I'ublic In.tructiun, AIcohOl and Drug Defense Division, 1989.
ROUSE BA. Epidemiology of smokeless tobacco use: a na-
tional>tudv. In: National Cancer [nstitute. Smokele:s tobacco
tt>e in the United States. Monograph No. 8. L;S Department of
Health and Human Services, Public Health Service, National
Institutes of Health, National Cancer Institute. Bethesda (MD):
NIH Publication No. 89-3055, 1989, 29-33.
ROYAL COLLEGE OF PHYSICIANS OF LONDON. Smokirtg
artd the your g. London: The Lavenham Press, Ltd., 1992.
SALOMON G, STEIN Y, EISENBERG S, KLEIN L. Adoles-
cent smokers and non-smokers: profiles and their changing
structure. Prez,entit'e Medicine 1984;13(S):-I-I6-61.
SANTI S, BEST JA, BROWN KS, CARGO M. Social environ-
ment and smoking initiation. btternational /ournal of the Addic-
tions 1990-91;25(7A & BA):881-903.
SCHAEFER SD, HENDERSON AH, GLOVER ED, CHRIS-
TEN AG. Patterns of use and incidence of smokeless tobacco
tonsumption in school-age childreh. Archiz'es ol'Otolarurrgolot y
1985;1 l l( 10):639-12.
SCHEIER L%1, NEWCOMB %ID. Differentiation of early ado-
lescent predictors of drug use versus abuse: a developmental
risk-factor model. /otn'nal ot Substarrce Abuse 1991;3(3)2i i-99.
SCHI\ KE SP, GILCHRIST LD, SCHILLI:tiG RF [I, SENECHAL
VA. Smoking and smokeless tobacco use among adolescents:
trends and intervention results. Public Health Reports
1986;10 1(4):373-8.
SCHINKE SI', SCHILLING RF II, GILCHRIST LD, ASHBY
MR, KITAJIMA E. Pacific North,.cest tiative American youth
and smokeless tobacco use. International Journal of the Addic-
ttt!rt-~
~.. .
SCHI\KE SP, SCH~LLING RF II, GILCHRIST LD, ASHBY
',1R, KITAJIMA E. Native youth and smokeless tobacco: preva-
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Human Senices, Public Health Service, National Institutes of
Health, National Cancer Institute. Bethesda (MD): NIH Publi-
cation No. 84-3055, 1989, 39-I2.
SEVIMER \K, CLEARY PD, DWYER JH, FUCHS R, LIPPERT
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SE,'-IMER \K, LII'I'E(tT I', FLCIIS (t. CLI::\I:1 I'O
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STACY AW, FLAY BR, JOHNSON CA, HANSEN WB. A
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STACY AW, SUSSMAN S, DENT CW, BURTON D, FLAY BR.
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Psyckosocial Risk Factors 155
r
rIMN 0139007

Surgeon General's Report
campaigns to reduce smoking. A 1987 national survey
sponsored by the American Medical Association (Harvey
and Shubat 1987) found that 79 percent of adults favored
an increase in the tax on tobacco products if the money
from the increase went to Medicare. A 1992 survey of
Michigan adults (ACS 1992) found that 72 percent would
support raising the state's cigarette excise tax if the addi-
tional revenue would be targeted for health care and
education. Interestingly, 58 percent of respondents to
this survey claimed that they would vote for a candidate
who supported the tobacco tax increase, whereas 27
percent would vote for a candidate who opposed the tax
increase.
Some relevant information on public opinion re-
garding tobacco taxes comes from a survey conducted in
Canada, where tobacco taxes have increased sharply in
the past decade. A December 1990 poll conducted for the
Council for Tobucco-Free Ontario (Council for a Tobacco-
Free Ontario/Non-Smokers' Rights Association 1992)
questioned Ontarians about their support for a substan-
tial increase in the tobacco tax. Overall, 58 percent of
Ontarians supported a 50-cent per pack increase in the
cigarette tax; this support did not change when respon-
dents were informed that taxes currently accounted for
60 percent of the retail price of cigarettes. However,
when respondents were told that higher tobacco prices
could prevent children from starting to smoke, support
for the tax increase climbed to 67 percent. Support was
even higher when respondents were told of different
ways to use revenues raised by the new tax, such as
reducing the budget deficit (70 percent support), helping
people quit smoking (78 percent support), and establish-
ing a fund to help prevent smoking among young people
(84 percent support; 77 percent among smokers).
Educational Efforts to Prevent Tobacco Use Among Young People
..a
School Based Smoking Prevention Programs
Introduction
Since the 1964 publication of the first Surgeon
General's report on smoking and health (Public Health
Service [PHS] 1964), smoking prevention has been recog-
nized as a primary strategy for controlling smoking in the
general population. The first report identified the diffi-
culty that long-term adult smokers typically experience
in their attempts to quit. The report thus advocated
programs directed at educating high school and college
students about the health hazards of smoking; in theory,
school-based programs would interfere with the devel-
opment of smoking behavior before smoking became
firmly established.., j
When the term "pxevention" was applied to health-
related issues in the 1960s, however, the concept referred
not exclusively to school curricula but also to efforts to
disseminate warnings about products and practices that
public health professionals considered potential health
hazards (Schwartz 1969). The approach to prevention
research at that time consisted of biomedical research to
establish physiological mechanisms of smoking-related
diseases, coupled with epidemiologic research to iden
ti[y etiologic characteristics of smokers. This research
led, when appropriate, to the dissemination of findings
and recommendations to the public. A proclamation and
direct warning from the U.S. Surgeon General about the
life-threatening characteristics of cigarette smoking was
expected to convince smokers to quit and nonsmokers to
avoid taking up the piactice. Had this effect been the
case, the concept of smoking prevention might never
have amounted to more than "spreading the word" to
those segments of the population who had not yet re-
ceived it. Unfortunately, nearly three decades later and
despite monumental efforts to disseminate warnings,
cigarette smoking remains the single most preventable
cause of death and disease in our society (USDHHS
1989).
This section reviews the evolution of the concept of
smoking prevention since the 1960s and identifies av-
enues for future progress in this area.
Early Approaches to Smoking Education and
Prevention
In the 1960s and early 1970s, strategies to prevent
the onset of cigarette smoking were often based on the
premise that adolescents who engaged in smoking be-
havior had failed to comprehend the Surgeon General's
warnings on the health hazards of smoking (Thompson
1978). The assumption was that these young people had
a deficit of information that could be addressed by pre-
senting them with health messages in a manner that
caught their attention and provided them with sufficient
justification not to smoke. Improvements in knowledge
levels, or cognitive factors, would thus lead directly to
changes in behavior.
216 Prevention
TIMN 0139066

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Yoiing People
ask about limiting smoking in various settings have found
that support for such restrictions in schools is usually
stronger than for other locations. For example, findings
from a telephone survey for the 1989 National Cancer
Institute (NCI) Community Intervention Trial for Smok-
ing Cessation (COMMIT) (Centers for Disease Control
[CDC] 1991a) revealed that fewer than.one-quarter of
adult respondents in 10 U.S. intervention communities
supported a complete ban on smoking in private worksites
and restaurants, whereas over half endorsed a ban on
smoking on school grounds. Support for banning smok
ing in secondary schools possibly reflects the broad soci-
etal belief that schools have an important role to play in
discouraging tobacco use by children.
Restrictions on Tobacco Advertising
and Promotion
Numerous national, state, and local surveys have
tried to assess public opinion about restrictions on to-
bacco product advertising. In a series of national Gallup
surveys (Gallup Organization 1978, 1987, 1988, 1991,
1993) conducted between 1977 and 1993, support for a
complete ban on cigarette advertising increased from 36
to 53 percent. The 1989 COMMIT survey (CDC 1991a)
of a representative sample of 300 to 400 adults.25 to 64
years old in each of 10 intervention communities in 9
states found that between one-half and three-quarters
agreed with the statement, "All tobacco advertising
should be eliminated."
Some surveys have asked about limiting specific
types of tobacco advertising (e.g., billboards, newspa-
pers, magazines) and promotional practices (e.g., distri-
bution of free tobacco samples, tobacco company
sponsorship of sporting and cultural events) (Table 1). A
1987 telephone survey (Forster et a1.1991) of 821 adults
from seven Minnesota communities asked respondents
to indicate their support for restrictions on various forms
of advertising. Seventy-three percent of respondents
favored a ban on tobacco signs and billboards; 70 percent
supported a ban on tobacco advertising in newspapers
and magazines:F The ACS-sponsored 1989 SAVES
survey of four stabes found that support for a ban on
cigarette advertising in newspapers, in magazines, and
on billboards ranged from 61 to 69 percent (Marcus et al.,
in press). Over three-quarters of respondents in this
survey agreed with the statement, "Tobacco companies
should be prohibited from distributing free tobacco
samples on public property or through the mail." Com
parable results were obtained in a 1990 telephone survey
of adults in California (California Department of Health
Services 1991). Fifty-four percent of respondents in this
survey supported a ban on tobacco ads on outdoor bill
boards; 49 percent supported a ban on tobacco ads in
newspapers and magazines; 67 percent supported a ban
on the distribution of free tobacco samples or coupons
to obtain free samples by mail; and 75 percent supported
a ban on the distribution of free tobacco samples on
public property.
Three surveys (California Department of Health
Services 1991;.CDC 1991a; Marcus et al., in press) have
measured public opinion about tobacco company spon-
sorship of sporting and cultural events (Table 1). In the
1989 COMMIT survey (CDC 1991a) of 10 communities,
from one-third to more than one-half of respondents
supported a ban on such sponsorship. The 1989 SAVES
survey (Marcus et al., in press) found that about one-half
of respondents agreed with the statement, "Tobacco com-
panies should be prohibited from sponsoring sports
events or advertising their products at these events:'
Fifty-two percent of respondents in the aforementioned
1990 California survey (California Department of Health
Services 1991) believed that sponsorship of sporting or
cultural events by tobacco companies should be banned.
In all three surveys, support for a ban on tobacco com-
pany sponsorship of sporting and cultural events was
about twice as strong among nonsmokers as - it was
among smokers.
The function and effect of tobacco advertising have
been the subject of much controversy and debate among
scientists and within the tobacco industry. The tobacco
industry has argued that advertising targets adults only
and encourages regular smokers to switch brands or to
maintain brand loyalty (Tobacco Institute 1964; see "The
'Maturity' of the Cigarette Market" in Chapter 5). Many
health experts assert that tobacco advertising targets chil-
dren to encourage them to start using tobacco (Tye 1987;
DiFranza et a1.1991; Fischer et a1.1991; Pierce et a1.1991;
CDC 1992a). In fact, a major newspaper, the Seattle Times,
voluntarily discontinued tobacco advertising in June 1993,
citing "growing medical evidence on the dangers of smok-
ing, as well as tobacco advertisers' recent targeting of
youth and racial minorities" (Nogaki and Gupta 1993,
p. El). Legislative proposals to restrict or prohibit to-
bacco advertising are often 'presented as. a means of
protecting children (Myers and Hollar 1989). In 1986,
about half of the respondents to the Adult Use of Tobacco
Survey (AUTS) (USDHHS 1990c) agreed with the state-
ment, "If cigarettes were not advertised anywhere, fewer
young people would start smoking." In July 1990, a
national Gallup survey (Gallup Organization 1990c) of
adults found that more respondents (49 percent) thought
that advertising and promotion paid for by the tobacco
companies represented an active attempt to get teenag-
ers and young people to start smoking than believed that
such efforts were to encourage brand switching among
people who already smoke (38 percent).
Prevention 211
TIMN 0139061

hrc-z'c'HNNti litl'dci0 Uc'.Atntt/iti }t'l/ift Pt'oplc'
JOHNSTON LD, BACH.',,IANJG. Monitoring the future: ques-
tionnaire responses from the nation's high school seniors 1973.
Ann Arbor (MI): Institute for Social Research, Universitv of
MichiKan, 1980.
JJOHNSTON LD, BACHMAN JG, O'MALLEY PM. Monitor-
ing the future: questionnaire responses from the nation's high
school seniors 1477. Ann Arbor (Ml): Institute for Social
Research, C:niversih.' of Michigan, 1980a.
JOHNSTON LD, BACHMAN JG, O'MALLEY PM. Monitor-
ing the future: questionnaire responses from the nation's high
school seniors 1979. Ann Arbor (MI): Institute for Social
Research, University of Michigan, 1980b.
JOHNSTON LD, BACHMAN JG, O'MALLEY PM. Monitor-
ing the future: questionnaire responses from the nation's high
school seniors 1981. Ann Arbor (MI): Institute for Social
Research, University of Michigan, 1982.
JOHNSTON LD, BACHMAN JG, O'MALLEY PM. Monitor-
ing the future: questionnaire responses from the nation's high
school seniors 1983. Ann Arbor (MI): Institute for Social
Research, University of Michigan, 1984.
JOHNSTON LD, BACHMAN JG, O'MALLEY PM. Monitor-
ing the future: questionnaire responses from the nation's high
school seniors 1985. Ann Arbor (MI): Institute for Social ,
Research, University of Michigan, 1986.
JOHNSTON LD, BACHMAN JG, O'MALLEY PM. Monitor-
ing the future: questionnaire responses from the nation's high
school seniors 1987. Ann Arbor (MI): Institute for Social
Research, University of Michigan, 1991.
JOHNSTON LD, BACHMAN JG, O'MALLEY PM. Monitor-
ing the future: questionnaire responses from the nation's high
school seniors 1989. Ann Arbor (MI): Institute for Social
Research, University of Michigan, 1992.
JOHNSTON LD, O'MALLEY PM, BACHMAN JG. Drttg use
antong ,3nterictnt high .cltool seniors, college students and yotutg
adults,l9: 5-1990: c'olume 1, high school seniors. US Department
of Health and Human Services, Public Health Service, Alcohol,
Drug Abuse, and Mental Health Administration, National
Institute on Drug Abuse. Bethesda (MD): DHHS Publication
No.(ADM) y1-1813;1991a.
JOHNSTON LD, O'MALLEY PM, BACHMAN JG. Drug ttse
antattg Atnt'rican high school seniors, college students and yototg
adults,1975-1990: z'ohtme[I,collegestudentsand youngadults. US
Department of Health and Human Services, Public Health
Service, Alcohol, Drug Abuse, and Mental Health Administra-
tion, National Institute on Drug Abuse. Bethesda (MD): DHHS
Publication No.(ADM) 91-1835,1991b.
JOHNSTON LD, O'MALLEY I'M, BACWv1A\ IG. tintt hl/t~
ttriltkilig, attd illicit drug nse utnunt> Ame'rtcan ritttulart/ ~LAu0l
studettts, colh se ~tl(deltts, altd ttotu~s ndults, [975-1991: c'ttltune' I
secottdmtlsdtoot :tuclent:. US Department of Health and Human
Services, Public Health Service, National Institutes of Health,
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JOHNSTON LD, O'MALLEY PM, BACHMAN JG. Sntukttt,~,
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JOHNSTON LD, O'MALLEY PM, BACHMAN JG. National
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1992: aolume 1, secondary school students. US Department of
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JOURNAL OF THE AMERICAN MEDICAL ASSOCIATION.
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bacco use. fournal of tlte American Medical Association
1986;255(8):1045-8.
KOLBE LJ. An epidemiological surveillance system to moni-
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Health Edttcation 1990;21(6):44-8.
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TIMN 0138969
Epidetniulogil 117

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
Figure 2. Pages from The Camel Cash Catalog, Volume Three
Source: R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Co. (1992)..
competition. Although this is undoubtedly the case for
some price offers, value-added promotion has two other
effects. The first is to reduce the cost of entering the
market-a notable effect, since some research studies
indicate that the cigarette market is price sensitive (see
"Effects of Excise Taxes on Tobacco Use" in Chapter 6).
Any money-saving action that facilitates market trial and
adoption may disproportionately affect youth, who usu-
ally have slim ~l reserves and low earning power.
Recently, Philip Morris began aggressive price-cutting
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promotions using coupons for Marlboro (Levin 1993),
the predominant brand used by teenagers (CDC 1992).
The second effect of coupons and other retail value-
added devices is to encourage repeat purchases. Often
coupons are enclosed with sample or trial packs and are
included with other brand-trial devices. In using these
coupons, the smoker moves toward habitually purchas-
ing and using a particular brand and identifying with
that brand's image. Moreover, coupons can encourage
new users to progress from a trial stage of smoking to
regular, addicted use of cigarettes.
Advertising and Promotion 187
TIMN 0139039

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
Format and duration
(in seconds) Content
TV (60) Dancing girls stomp on cigarettes to model
quitting; viewers invited to write in for poster
TV (60) Cartoon of a "butthead" getting shunned by peers
Radio (60) Smoking portrayed as "out" ~
TV (30) A boy in a run-down neighborhood appears to
be buying drugs, but it's a pack of cigarettes
TV (15) Quick and humorous messages: smoking stinks!
TV (15)
TV (60) Fast-paced music video: smoking's not cool
TV (30) Cartoon: young kids are smart and don't smoke
TV (30) Tobacco executives joke about "getting" smokers
TV (15) Disgusting look of a cigarette butt in the mouth
TV (15,30) Smoking makes your clothes smell
TV (30) Smoking for animals and people is unnatural
TV (30) It may look like kids are smoking, but not many do
Radio (60) A rap song says smoking makes breath smell
Radio (60) Smokeless: disgusting goo on teeth
Radio (60) Smokeless: heavy metal tune, chewing isn't cool
TV (30) Three boys show disgust for a girl's smoking
TV (60) Situation comedy: it's okay to refuse a cigarette
TV (60) Rock video: benefits of quitting
TV (30) Cartoon: drawbacks of smoking
TV (30) Situation comedy: girl pummels talking cigarette pack
TV (30) Dramatic - and disgusting: smoking gives you wrinkles
Prevention 241
TIMN 0139091

Surgeon General's Report
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UK DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH. Effect of tobacco advertising
on tobacco consumption: a discussion document reviewing the
evidence. London: UK Department of Health, Economics and
Operational Research Division, 1992.
US CONGRESS. Hearings on HR 2248 before the Committee
on Interstate and Foreign Commerce, House of Representa-
tives, 89th Congress, 1st Sess. Serial No. 89-11. Washington
(DC): US Government Printing Office, 1965.
US CONGRESS. Hearings before the House Subcommittee on
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ton (DC): US Government Printing Office, 1986.
US DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE, BUREAU OF ECO-
NOMIC ANALYSIS. Survey o f Current Business 1992a;72(7):59.
US DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE, BUREAU OF ECO-
NOMIC ANALYSIS. Natiorurl income and product account of the
United States 1959-88. SPO No. 003-010-00231-0. Washington
(DC): US Department of_Costmaterce,1992b.
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES.
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US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES.
The health consequences o f using smokeless tobacco. A report of the
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Health and Human Services, Public Health Service, National
Institutes of Health, NIH Publication No. 86-2874,1986.
202 Advertising and Promotion
US DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES.
Spit tobacco and youth. US Department of Health and Human
Services, Office of Inspector General. Publication No. OEI
06-92-00500,1992b. '
UNITED STATES TOBACCO JOURNAL. By example [edito-
rial]. United States Tobacco Journal 1950a;153(6):4.
UNITED STATES TOBACCO JOURNAL. Cigarette execu-
tives expect added volume. United States Tobacco Journal
1950b;154(26):3.
UNITED STATES TOBACCO JOURNAL. The industry's ads
[editorial]. United States Tobacco Journal 1953;159(14):4.
UNITED STATES TOBACCO JOURNAL. The industry re-
covers [editoriall. United States Tobacco Journal 1955a;163(24):4.
UNITED STATES TOBACCO JOURNAL. No need for epi-
grams [editorial]. United States Tobacco Journal 1955b;164(9):4.
UNITED STATES TOBACCO JOURNAL. More advertising
[editorial]. United States Tobacco Journal 1956;166(10):4.
UNITEDSTATESTOBACCO JOURNAL Philip Morris sched-
ules comic strip campaign. United States Tobacco Journal
1958a;169(12):3,7.
UNITED STATES TOBACCO JOURNAL Sell pleasure [edi-
torial]. United States Tobacco Journal 1958b;170(4):4.
UNITED STATES TOBACCO JOURNAL. New brands, ads
aid entire industry. United States Tobacco Journal 1959;172(18):3.
UNITED STATES TOBACCO JOURNAL. Principle or prac-
tice? [editorial]. United States Tobacco Journal 1960a;173(15):4.
UNITED STATES TOBACCO JOURNAL Advertising pays
[editorial]. United States Tobacco Journal 1960b;173(19):4.
UNTTED STATES TOBACCO JOURNAL 2 University of
Kentucky students win Tempest in L&M Grand Prix 50 con-
test. United States Tobacco Journal 1963a;179(24):5.
TIMN 0139054

tiIIYvo It IJe IICItII" I~C'tIo Yf
were more likely to display recreation, and were some-
what less likelv to depict erotic imagery. Tombstone ads
were less likely to appear in youth magazines, or con-
versely, vouth magazines were more likely to feature
image-based ads.' Like Warner (1985a), Altman et al.
found a decline in the evidence of visible smoke and the
act of smoking.
The database of Altman et al. (1987) was extended
by Basil et al. (1991), who examined differential target-
ing, or how cigarette advertising strategies varied de-
pending on the characteristics of the primary readership.
These researchers added two magazines with a prima-
rily black readership (Jet and Essence) and updated the
sample to include magazines from the 1960s through
July 1989 for an enlarged sample of 1,171 ads. These
investigators also delineated three subcategories of ro-
mantic/erotic themes: (1) horseplay-males and females
cavorting; (2) erotic content-romantic or sexy situa-
tions, innuendo; and (3) seductive poses-wanton looks
or suggestive glances or poses.
From 1984 through July 1989, the number of ads
per magazine issue declined in general in men's and
women's magazines but was relatively stable in those
magazines reaching black and youth audiences. The
most common type of ads in men's and youth maga-
zines showed models engaged in lower-intensity sports,
such as water skiing or volleyball. Analysis of variance
between magazine types found that ads depicting inci-
dents of horseplay and romantic contact were most preva-
lent in black- and youth-oriented publications. A separate
analysis found that incidents of horseplay had grown
significantly more frequent over time and were signifi-
cantly related to the average age of a magazine s readers;
magazines with a younger readership were more likely
to run ads featuring horseplay. Comparing results for all
consumer segments, the researchers concluded that these
ad strategies appear
to depend on the segment's current rate of smok-
ing.... Readers with high smoking rates are often
pitched to choosecertain brands with appeals based
on some aspect af the brand rather than on the
models depicted': iitsthe ad. However, readers with
low smoking rates appear to be given appeals that
focus on models, suggesting that smoking is fun,
helps you make friends, and will make you desir-
able. Groups with lower smoking rates are more
frequently given appeals that appear to be attempt-
ing to recruit new smokers (Basil et al. '1991, p. 88).
=Research (such as Fischer et a1.1989) that has examined
the effect that health warning labels in cigarette
advertising have on young people is discussed in
Chapter 6.
The work of King et al. (1991) partially contradicts
and partially replicates findings from the previously de-
scribed studies. King et al. followed a similar sampling
strategy, drawing ads from one issue for each available
year, between 1954 and 1986, for each of eight magazines
representing five distinct audience orientations: general
interest (Time), older women (Ladies Home Journal and
Redbook), younger women (Vogue), older men (Popular
Mechanics and Esquire) and younger men (Sports fllustrated
and Playboy). This sampling yielded 1,100 cigarette ads for
an analysis that focused on visually oriented content.
Like other studies, King et al. noted a large increase
in magazine advertising: the number of ads per issue
was more than ten times greater for the period 1971-1983
than for the period 1954-1970. Playboy had both the
largest number of cigarette ads per average issue and the
lowest median audience age. Unlike earlier studies,
however, King et al. found no systematic relationship
between the median age of a magazine's audience and
the average number of ads published.
As was found in previous multiyear studies, ciga-
rette ads in general relied more and more on visual
imagery and became increasingly larger (e.g., more ads
were multipaged), more photographic, more colorful,
and more visual than verbal. The volume of cigarette ads
varied significantly over time; the greatest changes were
a decline in the proportional importance of general-inter-
est magazines, a relative stability for both older and
younger men's magazines, and a growth in both older
and younger women's magazines. The ads in the younger
men's and women's magazines together constituted 39
percent of the total cigarette ad volume in this sample of
magazines during 1954 through 1970,33 percent during
1971 through 1983, and 45 percent during 1984 through
1986. Similarly, Warner and Goldenhar's (1992) analysis
of the use of 92 magazines as cigarette advertising ve-
hicles from 1959 through 1986 found the largest increase
in women's magazines and in magazines reaching pre-
dominately blue-collar readers.
Imaging Individualism, Independence, and.
Self-Reliance
In King and colleagues' (1991) analysis, the activi-
ties of the models fall into six categories: adventure (op-
erating a speedboat), recreation (playing ball), erotic (being
romantic with another), sociability (tallcing with peers),
working (ranching), and individualistic/solitary (read-
ing a book, watching a sunset). The study defined indi-
vidualism solely in terms of restful behaviors; this decision
and the resulting classification of the Marlboro cowboy
as "working" rather than "individualistic solitary" are
debatable elements of this study, but the results nonethe-
less indicate the importance of the independence theme.
182 Advertising and Promotion
TIMN 0139034

SurQeon Gerieral'ti ReF)ort
activities were offered. Throughout junior and senior
high school, smoking prevalence was significantly lower
among students in the intervention community than
among students in the control community. The results of
this study are discussed later in this chapter, along with
other communitywide programs.
International Research on Smoking-
Prevention Programs
Intervention studies reported in the English-
language literature outside the United States concentrate
primarily on school-based interventions directed at sec-
ondary school students (persons aged 11 years or older).
In many cases, these intervention programs have adopted
some elements of U.S. school programs in order to reflect
different local conditions. This section reviews several of
the more rigorously evaluated programs and pays par-
ticular attention to programs that have been followed up
for two or more years after intervention.
Health educators from the project team delivered a
direct, intensive intervention (intervention A) in two
schools (one urban and one rural). A less intensive,
countywide intervention (intervention B) provided ma-
terials and training to local youth and temperance work-
ers. The evaluation involved the two intervention A
schools, two matched intervention B schools selected
from the county, and two matched reference schools
selected from another county that did not receive an
organized intervention. Puska et al. (1982) found that
among boys, the prevalence of occasional smoking (one
or two times per month) had increased by 30 percent in
the reference group, by 8 percent in the A group, and by
13 percent in the B group. Among girls, the prevalence of
occasional smoking had increased by 20 percent in the
reference group, by 18 percent in the A group, and by 9
percent in the B group. Vartiainen et al. (1990) reported
the results of an eight-year follow-up and found that the
prevalence of "any smoking" in the reference group was
10 percent higher than in the A group and 16 percent
higher than in the B group.
Western Australia
Armstrong et al. (1990) conducted a large random-
ized trial evaluating peer- and teacher-led social influ-
ence programs among 12- and 13-year-old students in
Western Australia. The authors used the MSPP program
(Arkin et a1.1981) and resurveyed the students one year
and two years after the intervention. Although the ef-
fects of the program were not strong, at the two-year
follow-up, the smoking prevalence in the control group
was 6.6 percent higher than in the teacher-led interven-
tion group and 8.1 percent higher than in the peer-led
intervention group.
North Karelia Youth Project
The North Karelia Youth Project in Finland (part of
the International Know Your Body study) was a two-
year controlled trial that targeted schoolchildren in grade
seven (12 and 13 years old) and included components on
smoking prevention, physical activity, and reduction of
dietary fat and alcohol consumption (Puska et al. 1981,
1982). The smoking intervention program was peer-led
and involved three 45-minute sessions for grade seven;
these students received seven shorter sessions the fol-
lowing year (a schedule similar to that of Project CLASP).
The program included sessions on social pressures to
smoke, ways to resist such pressures, ways to cope with
social anxiety, the short- and long-term health effects of
both active and passive smoking, and the impact tobacco
growing has on the environment.
United Kingdom
In the United Kingdom, Nutbeam et al. (1993) con-
ducted a controlled trial of two school-based interven-
tions. The Family Smokirig Education Project was derived
from a program first developed in Norway (Aaro et al.
1983). Directed toward 10- through 12-year-olds, the
project consisted of five lessons on the immediate health
effects of smoking and on the wider environmental im-
pact of tobacco growing and use. A notable feature was
a leaflet sent to parents to encourage their support for
school-based smoking education. The Smoking and Me
project was the United Kingdom adaptation of the MSPP.
Directed toward 10- through 12-year-olds, the program
consisted of six sessions highlighting a range of social
influences and equipping students with skills to manage
these social pressures. At the first-year and second-year
follow ups, no differences were observed between the
intervention population and the control population for
either smoking uptake or personal skills.
Overall, school-based smoking education programs
that have been evaluated internationally have met with
limited success in the past decade. In general, these
programs were brief and were not continued through the
high school years. Many countries are taking more com-
prehensive approaches to smoking control among young
people; such approaches include community action, fur-
ther restrictions on tobacco advertising and promotion,
and substantially higher tobacco tax rates than are found
in the United States.
224 Prevention TIMN 0139074

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
DICHTER E. Handbook of consumer motivations: the psychology
of the world of objects. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1964.
DIFRANZA JR, RICHARDS JW, PAULMAN PM, WOLF-
GILLESPIE N, FLETCI TER C, JAFFE RD, ET AL. RJR Nabisco's
cartoon camel promotes Camel cigarettes to children. Journal of
the American Medical Association 1991;266(22):3149-53.
DUNLAP OE JR. Radio in advertising. New York: Harper &
Brothers, 1931.
ERNSTER VL. Mixed messages for women: a social history of
cigarette smoking and advertising. Nem York State Journal of
Medicine 1985;85(7):335-40.
FEDERAL TRADE COMMISSION. Trade regulation rule for the
prevention of unfair or deceptive advertising and labeling of ciga-
rettes in relation to the health hazards of smoking and accompanying
statement of basis and purpose of rule. Washington (DC): Federal
Trade Commission, June 22,1964.
FEDERAL TRADE COMMISSION. Report to Congress: pursu-
ant to the Federal Cigarette Labeling and Advertising Act. Wash-
ington (DC): Federal Trade Commission, 1968.
FEDERAL TRADE COMMISSION. Report to Congress: pursu-
ant to the Public Health Cigarette Smoking Act. Washington
(DC): Federal Trade Commission,1970.
FEDERAL TRADE COMMISSION. Staff f report on the cigarette
advertising investigation. Washington (DC): FederalTrade Com-
mission, May 1981.
FEDERAL TRADE COMMISSION. Report to Congress for 1990:
pursuant to the Federal Cigarette Labeling and Advertising Act.
Washington (DC): Federal Trade Commission, 1992.
FEDERAL TRADE COMMISSION. Report to Congress: pursu-
ant to the Comprehensive Smokeless Tobacco Health Education Act
of 1986. Washington (DC): Federal Trade Commission, 1993.
FISCHER PM, RICHARDS JW JR, BERMAN EJ, KRUGMAN
DM. Recall and eye tracking study of adolescents viewing
tobacco advertisemertts: Journal of the American Medical Asso-
ciation 1989;261(1):S!l~=9.
FISCHER PM, SCHWARTZ MP, RICHARDS JW JR,
GOLDSTEIN AO, ROJAS TH.. Brand logo recognition by
children aged 3 to 6 years. Mickey Mouse and OId Joe the
camel. Journal of the American Medical Association
1991;266(22):3145-8.
FOOTE E. Advertising and tobacco. Journal of the American
Medical Association 1981;245(16):1667-8. ,
FORTUNE. The uproar in cigarettes. Fortune 1953;
XLVIII(6):130-3,161-2,164.
FORTUNE. Embattled tobacco's new strategy. Fortune
1963;LXVII(1):100-2,120,125-6,131.
FOX S. The mirror makers: a history of American advertising and
its creators. New York: William Morrow, 1984.
GELB BD, PICKETT CM. Attitude-toward-the-ad: links to
humor and to advertising effectiveness. Journal of Advertising
1983;12(2):34-42.
GEORGE H. GALLUP INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE. Teen-
age attitudes and behavior concerning tobacco: report of the
findings. Princeton (NJ): George H. Gallup International Insti-
tute, 1992.
GILBERT E. Advertising and marketing to young people.
Pleasantville (NY): Printers' Ink Books, 1957.
GLOVER ED, CHRISTEN AG, HENDERSON AH. Just a
pinch between the cheek & gum. Journal of School Health
198151(6):415-8.
GRUBE JW, WEIR IL, GETZLAF S, ROKEACH M. Own
value system, value images, and cigarette smoking. -Personal-
ity and Social Psychology Bulletin 1984;10(2):306-13. .;
:
GUNTHER J. Taken at the flood: the story of Albert D. Lasker.
New York: Harper & Brothers, 1960.
HETTINGER HS, NEFF WJ. Practical radio advertising.
Englewood Cliffs (NJ): Prentice Hall,1938.
HOWE H. An historical review of women, smoking and
advertising. Health Education 1984;15(3):3-9.
HUANG PP, BURTON D, HOWE HL, SOSIN DM. Black-
white differences in appeal of cigarette advertisement among
adolescents. Tobacco Control 1992;1(4):249-55.
JOHNSON CA. Untested and erroneous assumption under-
lying antismoking programs. In: Coates TJ, Petersen AC,
Perry C, editors. Promoting adolescent health: a dialogue on
research and practice. New York: Academic Press,1982:
KESSLER L. Women's magazines' coverage of smoking re-
lated health hazards. Journalism Quarterly 1989;66(2):316-23.
KING KW, REID LN, MOON YS, RINGOLD DJ. Changes in
the visual imagery of cigarette ads, 1954-1986. Journal o f Public
Policy & Marketing 1991;10(1):63-80.
KLEIN JD, FOREHAND B, OLIVERI J, PATTERSON CJ,
KUPERSMIDT JB, STRECHER V. Candy cigarettes: do they
encourage children's smoking? Pediatrics 1992;89(1):27-31.
KOTLER F. Marketing management: analysis, planrling,: imple-
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Hall, 1991.
Advertising and Promotion 199
TIMN 0139051

F.+hatvo ~, I,t'.}011111 Pt't'Pit'
what action, if any, would be taken. Candy cigarettes
imitating Camel, Luckv Strike, L&M, Marlboro, Pall Mall,
Salem, Winston, and Vicerov were still available in the
United States into the late 1970s (Blum 1980). Such candv
has since become less widely available, but it has not
been banned by law.
A recent study of the role candy cigarettes play in
the development of smoking behaviors used focus groups,
student survevs, and a distributional analysis to find that
most children knew where to obtain candy cigarettes,
even though they were available at only some conve-
nience stores. The study also observed that repeated
candy cigarette purchases were significantly correlated
with experimental tobacco use, even when the analysis
controlled for parents' smoking status (Klein et a1.1992).
Changes in the Style of Cigarette
Advertising
Before reports in the early 1950s began linking
cancer and smoking, cigarette advertising characteristi-
cally had used explicit health claims, assertions, and
reassurances, such as "Not a Cough in a Carload;' "No
Throat Irritation," "More Doctors Smoke Camels Than
Any Other Cigarette;' "Smoking's More Fun When
You're Not Worried by Throat Irritation or 'Smoker's
Cough"' (Calfee 1985). With greater public concern about
cancer, however, these continuing health claims, although
intended to reassure consumers, were likely increasing
consumer awareness of the suspected health risks of
smoking. Ad slogans like Philip Morris's "The cigarette
that takes the fear out of smoking" were thus judged by
a Business Week article (1953b) to be "strange somer-
saults.... The company comes as close as is possible to
the word 'cancer' without actually using it" (p. 54).
Similarly, an artide in Fortune called industry atten-
tion to the fact that many campaigns were so "riddled with
warnings and appeals to fear" that "the present cigarette
turmoil could be considered an inside job....[The] indus-
try may be promoting itself toward a dead end" (Fortune
1953, p. 164). A Business Week article pointed out that the
manufacturers' explicit health claims were exacerbating
consumer concern. Although the industry could attribute
its impressivegtbwth to advertising, "the cigarette compa-
nies achieved rriuclt of this remarkable result by screaming
at the top of their lungs about nicotine, cigarette hangovers,
smoker's cough, mildness and kindred subjects.... From
the early 1930s on, this meant almost solely one thing-sell
health" (Business Week 1953a, pp. 66,68). The leading trade
journal for the tobacco industry, the United States Tobacco
Journal, pointed out that the industry had been "warned
editorially on many occasions that the'health' theme was a
risky one" and counseled selling "pleasure" instead of health
(USTJ 1958b, p. 4).
Motivation Research and the Image Era
Market motivation researchers were likewise ad-
vising the industry to create positive images of cigarette5.
The researchers pointed out that "the differences be-
tween the taste of different cigarette brands are much
more imagined than real" (Dichter 1964, p. 345) and that
"logic does not play a major role in marketing cigarettes"
(Cheskin 1967, p. 135). Leo Burnett, the advertising
expert who led the agency that repositioned the Marlboro
campaign from a distinctly feminine to a distinctly
masculine image, noted that "those who do smoke do so
for various conscious or unconscious reasons" (Burnett
1958, p. 43).
Social Research Inc. did motivation research on the
psychology of smokers (Day 1955) and concluded that
"advertising makes cigarettes respectable, and is thus
reassuring" (Neuberger 1964, p. 38). Young & Rubicam
also did a series of deep motivational interviews of smok-
ers to extract social meanings, conflicted feelings, atti-
tudes, perceptions, and beliefs about health aspects (Smith
1954). The results showed the importance of the themes
of freedom and escape to smokers. Motivation research-
ers concluded that people were "really interested in the
properties from a psychological point of view :... Is it an
exotic cigarette? . . . [Is it] masculine? . . . [Does it] allevi-
ate my health worries?" (Martineau 1957, p. 61). They
pointed out that health appeals may capture momentary
competitive advantages, and they may offer some reas-
surance to the inveterate smoker. But they do nothing to
widen the market, to tap the driving force of'the real
psychological satisfactions of smoking.
According to these researchers, "the psychological
satisfactionsare. . . the best material for advertising themes
and appeals, because they carry their own reassurance.
They are emotional supports which have developed in
American society to make smoking seem reasonable,
justifiable, and highly desirable. They obviously cannot
be thrown in people's faces in their bare essence; but
when they are implied, when they are communicated,
they are understandable and satisfying" (Martineau 1957,
p. 65).
Put simply, the recommendations were to use reas-
suring pictures, not words; images, not information. This
tactic of employing. visual imagery, lifestyle portrayals,
and drama to create mood and attitude, rather than
words, facts, and data to create knowledge and compre-
hension, is now known as "transformational" or "im-
age" advertising, which stands in contrast with
"informational" advertising (Puto and Wells 1983).
A leading text on advertising (Wells, Burnett,
Moriarty 1989) uses the Marlboro repositioning cam-
paign (discussed in detail later in this chapter) as the
prototype example of this strategy. Marhneau (1957)
Advertising and Promotion 171
TIMN 0139023

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
Enforcement methods
Community education, direct education of mer-
chants, contact with management of chains/fran-
chises
Letters to merchants, quarterly "stings," license
suspension, fines up to $500
Educational program (6 months); "sting" opera-
tions, citations, media publicity (7-11 months)
None, other than publicity surrounding new state
law that increased penalties for sales to minors
None, other than new local ordinance requiring
installation of locking devices on vending
machines
None, baseline study only
None, baseline study only
None, baseline study only
None, baseline study only
Comments
Minors' ages: 14-16; minimum legal age was 18
Minors' ages: 12 and 13; all machines in local area
visited before and after passage of local ordinance
Minors' ages: 14-16; minimum legal age was 18
Minors' ages: 12-15; minimum legal age was 18;
all outlets visited multiple times by different minors;
rates averaged _
Minors' age: 15; at 1 year, 30% of machines were still
out of compliance with the locking device law; 91%
of machines without and 39% of machines with
locking devices sold to a minor at 1-year follow-up
Minors' age: 11; minimum legal age was 18
Minors' ages: 11-17; minimum legal age was 18
Minors' ages: 12 and 15
Minors' ages: 9-17; minimum legal age was 18
TIMN 0139103
Preverrtiorr 253

Preventing Tobacco Use Among YoLsng People
Meta-Analyses of School-Based Smoking
Prevention
Extensive discussions of the methodological issues
inherent in research on smoking prevention have been
thoroughly discussed elsewhere (Cook and Campbell
1979; Flay 1985; Biglan, Severson, et a1.1987; Murray and
Hannan 1990). The primary issues have included ques-
tions of mixed units of analysis, attrition of the subject
(student) population, integrity of implementation, and
homogeneity of the subject population. These issues
have been partly accounted for in four important meta-
analytic studies published since 1980.
Tobler (1986) examined 143 studies of drug-use
prevention programs for 6th- through 12th-grade stu-
dents and found that these programs had an overall
significant impact on behavior, skills, and knowledge.
The study also found that peer-led programs and pro-
grams dealing with social influences were more effective
than other modalities. Tobler (1992) later confirmed
these findings with more rigorous analytic methods. The
Rundall and Bruvold (1988) meta-analysis of 40 studies
of school-based programs to prevent smoking examined
knowledge, attitude, and behavioral outcomes of social
influence programs versus traditional programs; the so-
cial influence programs were more likely to affect
,attitudes and behavior. Rooney (1992) examined 90
school-based tobacco-use prevention programs con-
ducted from 1974 through 1989 that sought to develop
skills to resist social influences.. The meta-analysis took
into account the clustering of students in schools and
used the school as the unit of analysis. Results indicated
that smoking prevalence was 4.5 percent lower among
students in the social influence programs than among
students in control conditions. The social influence pro-
grams that were most effective at one-year follow-up
were those that were delivered to sixth-grade students,
that used booster sessions, that concentrated the pro-
gram in a short time period, and that used an untrained
peer to present the program. Under these more optimal
conditions, long-term smoking prevalence was reduced
by about 25 percent
Bruvold's meta-analysis (1993) included 94 sepa-
rate interventions from the 1970s and 1980s. The inter-
vention programs were categorized as rational (providing
factual information), developmental (increasing self-
esteem and decision-making skills), social-norms-
oriented (providing alternatives and reducing alienation),
and social-reinforcement-oriented (developing skills to
deal with social pressures to smoke). The meta-analysis
showed that the rational approach had very little impact
on smoking behavior, that the developmental and social
norms approaches had equivalent and intermediate
impact on smoking behavior, and that the social rein-
forcement approach had the greatest impact on smoking
behavior (Bruvold 1993).
Discussion
In retrospect, research on smoking prevention has
by its very nature had to contend with various threats to
validity posed by factors such as mixed units of analysis,
differential attrition, and inconsistent implementation.
To a large extent, the most recent research studies have
been designed to deal with these methodological ob-
stacles and have still found moderately strong preven-
tion effects (Rooney 1992; Bruvold 1993). Therefore, most
reviews of the smoking-prevention research literature consis-
tently have come to the same conclusions, which can be sum-
marized under three general findings.
First, a variety of individual research reports (Botvin
and Dusenbury 1989; Flay et a1.1989), seve}al comprehen-
sive literature reviews (Flay 1985; Best et a1.1988), and four
meta-analyses (Tobler 1986; Rundall and Bruvold 1988;
Rooney 1992; Bruvold 1993) have all reported lower
prevalences of smoking among students in social influence
programs than among students in equivalent comparison
groups or randomly assigned control groups. The differ-
ence between treatment and nontreatment groups ranges
from 25 to 60 percent and persists from one to four yearrs.
Second, as Best et al. (1988) have underscored, given
the number of research studies, the variability in program for-
mat and scope, the various communities and cultures in
which these studies were undertaken, and the potential threats
to internal and external validity in school-based research,
the consistency of overall findings and reductions in
smoking prevalence across all these studies is rather
remarkable.
Third, it has been observed repeatedly that the
positive shorter-term intervention effects reported in
adolescent smoking-prevention studies tend to dissi-
pate over time (Murray et al. 1989; Pentz, MacKinnon,
Dwyer, et al. 1989; Flay et al. 1989; Ellickson, Bell,
McGuigan 1993). This general trend has been particu-
larly evident among school-based intervention studies
that included little or no emphasis on booster sessions,
few (if any) communitywide activities, or few (if any)
mass-media-based components (Botvin, Renick, Baker
1983; Perry, Klepp, Shultz 1988; Botvin and Botvin 1992).
These interventions may be enhanced if they are em-
bedded in a more comprehensive school health educa-
tion program (Allensworth and Kolbe 1987; Walter,
Vaughan, Wynder 1989). The comprehensive school
health approach needs further evaluation but is promis-
ing as an effective prevention tool.
Only the social influence approaches have been
scientifically demonstrated (through replicated research
Prevention 225
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Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
even trying) tobacco to stop. Advise smokers of the
short-term adverse consequences of tobacco use, such
3s bad breath, other odors, and the cost of cigarettes.
Advise smokeless tobacco users of the potential con-
sequences of use, such as discoloration of teeth, de-
struction of soft tissue in the mouth, and potential
early development of oral lesions and cancers.
Assist tobacco users in stopping. Encourage parents
who are trying to quit smoking and help them choose
effective strategies to help them quit (Richards 1991,
1992). Assistance for parents or adolescents can in-
clude selecting a quit date, providing self-help materi-
als, and in some cases counseling on the use of nicotine
replacement (transdermal nicotine patch or nicotine
gum) (Glynn and Manley 1989). Help children and
adolescents take additional responsibility for their
health behaviors. Encourage participation in pro-
grams that develop skills for solving problems, setting
goals, making decisions, and countering peer pres-
sure (Bingham, Edmondson, Stryker 1984a, b).
Arrange follow-up visits as appropriate. Arrange more
frequent follow-up visits for an adolescent who is
experimenting with tobacco products. At the first
follow-up visit, one to two weeks after a scheduled
quit date, discuss progress and problems. Arrange a
second visit in one to two months.
The five steps described above should be common-
place in the medical setting. Richards (1992) notes.that
"the words that a physician chooses to discuss smoking
with a patient should be considered no less a therapeutic
agent than the pharmacologic agent that the physician
prescribes" (p. 687). Yet Frank et al. (1991) found that
only 14 percent of smokers aged 12 through 17 years who
had seen a physician in the previous year had been
advised to quit smoking. In contrast, over 50 percent of
smokers aged 25 years and older were advised to quit.
Clearly, more consistent advice, concern, and counsel
from the medical profession is warranted.
Role of Health Professionals in the School, in the
Community, and in Policy Formation
Physicians and other health professionals are often
considered leaders in their communities and have the
opportunity to mobilize schools and communities to,
develop tobacco-use prevention, cessation, and policy
change strategies. Health professionals who have exam-
ined their roles in this larger context should encourage
their colleagues to act as advocates for such programs
and, if possible, participate in their development or imple-
mentation (Shank 1985; AAP 1987; Blum 1992).
Health professionals play a powerful role as
sources for nonsmoking advice and assistance, as role
models of nonsmoking adults, as providers and sup-
porters of a nonsmoking health care environment, and
as agents who deliver nonsmoking programs in schools
and communities (USDHHS 1991). Several medical
organizations have adopted policies and developed
programs to encourage member concern and involve-
ment in preventing adolescent tobacco use. The AMA
House of Delegates has adopted numerous policy reso-
lutions that support local tobacco-control activities on
behalf of children and others (AMA 1992b). The AAFP
(1987) has also published policies and a manual on
how to encourage patients of all ages to stop smoking.
The AMA Guidelines for Adolescent Preventive Ser-
vices recently recommended that physicians actively
screen and counsel adolescent patients about tobacco
use (AMA 1992a). The AAP, with the NCI, has drafted
a set of age-specific recommendations for pediatric
practice as part of their Tobacco Free Generation pro-
gram to prevent adolescent tobacco use (Epps and
Manley 1991a). The AAP also distributes Healthy
Beginning kits developed by the American Lung As-
sociation for counseling parents on the harmful effects
of smoking around children and distributes pamphlets
for parents and adolescents regarding tobacco use (AAP
1988, 1990a, b). The American Academy of Oto-
laryngology-Head and Neck Surgery, Inc., launched
a major public service campaign titled Through with
Chew in response to the problem of smokeless tobacco
use by youth. The campaign includes a video, a physi-
cian volunteer kit to encourage and assist members in
community outreach, and a variety of educational aids
designed'to persuade young men, especially athletes,
not to use smokeless tobacco (American Academy of
Otolaryngology-Head and Neck Surgery 1992).
Community Programs to Discourage
Tobacco Use
Introduction
Community-based strategies to prevent smoking
are important adjuncts to school-based programs. Some
studies have shown that classroom-based smoking-
prevention programs, by themselves, have produced only
short-term effects (Lichtenstein et al. 1990; Pentz,
MacKinnon, Flay, et al. 1989; Best et al. 1988). These
limited outcomes suggest the need to mobilize parents
and elements of the community outside the schools to
produce lasting behavior change.
Young people who have the highest rates of to-
bacco use are those least likely to be reached through
school programs (Glynn, Anderson, Schwarz 1991).
Messages concerning tobacco use will be more accept
able to high-risk adolescents if they are embedded in
groups or programs to which these youth already
Prevention 233
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S«rgeon General's Report
This research showed that prevention strategies in
the 1960s and 1970s had greatly underestimated the ex-
tent to which adolescent smoking was determined by
social environmental variables. An exception was the
early work of the proactive physicians group Doctors
Ought to Care (DOC), which argued that tobacco adver-
tising and promotional activities strongly influence the
social environment of adolescents (Blum 1980). A de-
tailed overview of the relationships of social environ-
mental variables to the acquisition of smoking behavior
is found in Chapter 4 of this report (see "Environmental
Factors in the Initiation of Smoking").
As the major risk factors associated with smoking
onset were identified, they were translated into new
intervention methods, and the programs that resulted
were substantially different from the approaches that
had preceded them.
Instilling Skills for Resisting Social Influences
to Smoke
Prevention research grants from the National Insti-
tute on Drug Abuse (NIDA) and the National Institutes
of Health (Bell and Levy 1984; USDHHS 1984; Stone
1985; Glynn 1989) were largely responsible for creating a
wave of prevention program development from the late
1970s throughout the 1980s. These efforts fundamen-
tally redefined the concept of primary prevention in
several ways.
First, programs began to make better use of social,
psychological, and behavioral theories as a basis for un-
derstanding what approaches might work to modify
patterns of smoking onset among adolescents. Program
design became far more data driven, as researchers be-
gan to design intervention components based directly on
findings from theory-based etiologic research on adoles-
cent smoking. This orientation led to an improved un-
derstanding and targeting of the determinants and
correlates of smoking behavior among adolescents. Much
information was published about the characteristics and
components of successfulsmoking-prevention programs.
Much of what has.beiqlearned focuses particularly on
social influences, n-oraw and skills training and has the
objective of attaining behavioral abilities, methods, skills,
and techniques (rather than knowledge, beliefs, or moti-
vation) that make it easier to adopt and maintain health-
enhancing behavior patterns, such as notsmoking. Lastly,
the research methodology used to evaluate the efficacy
of preventive interventions became far more sophisti
cated and considerably more rigorous.
Intervention Objectives
This prevention intervention approach recog-
nizes the social environment as the most important
determinant of smoking onset and focuses on the devel-
opment of norms and skills to identify and resist social
influences to smoke. Underlying this approach is the
assumption that adolescents who smoke may lack spe-
cific skills to deal successfully with various social influ-
ences that support smoking. Such influences include the
misperception that most people smoke, the perceived
desirable social image of smoking, the appeal of cigarette
advertising and promotional activities, and the persua-
sive effects of sibling and peer smoking. Although con-
siderable variation can be found across curricula,
programs that instill the skills needed to resist such social
influences have included a fairly consistent group of
components that include training in resisting social pres-
sures (e.g., marketing) and peer pressures to smoke and
training that fosters general assertiveness, decision mak-
ing, and communication skills (Botvin and Wills 1985).
These programs also promote healthful normative ex-
pectations and particularly correct the misperception that
most adolescents smoke.
Earlier programs for adolescents designed their
messages to generate fear and anxiety about long-term
disease risk. Approaches that teach skills to guard ag~inst
social influences have assumed that scare tactics based
on long-term health risk are not pertinent to the short-
term perspective of many adolescents. The principal
messages of skills-based intervention have thus focused
on the negative, short-term social consequences of smok-
ing, on the techniques of tobacco advertising that may be
falsely appealing to adolescents, and on the socially sa-
lient advantages of being a nonsmoker.
Overall Program Structure
In 1987, the NCI convened a panel of experts to
establish consensus regarding the essential structural
elements of effective smoking-prevention programs
(USDHHS 1991). The panel agreed that eight features
could be considered both necessary and sufficient for
effective school-based smoking-prevention programs
(Glynn 1989) (Table 4). In a recent meta-analysis (Rooney
1992) of outcomes of research studies conducted from
1974 through 1989 on school-based smoking prevention,
the essential elements of the NCI expert panel were
examined and mostly supported. This meta-analysis
will be discussed later in this chapter.
Most of the successful programs that provide skills
for resisting social influences share several major cur-
riculum components. One of these is to convey the short-
term negative consequences of cigarette smoking,
including social undesirability and physiological impair-
ment. Another component is to have students explore
inaccurate normative expectations; students thus learn
that cigarette smoking is not a normative behavior for
218 Prevention
. T.IMN 0139068

5urgeon General's Report
Table 8. Published studies examining over-the-counter cigarette sales to minors, United States,
1989-1993
Relative
Study and
location Number of
stores or
attempts
Baseline
sales rate (%)
Follow-up
sales rate (%) reduction in
successful tries
by minors (%)
Time period
Altman et al. (1989)
California 412 74 39 -47 6 months
Skretny et al. (1990) 62 intervention, NA 77 -10 * 2 weeks
New York 58 control NA 86
Feighery, Altman, approx. 169 72 62 -14 6 months
Shaffer (1991)
California (see comment) 21 -71 11 months
Jason et al. (1991) 20-30 60-70 36 -40 3 months
Illinois 3 -93 18 months
Altman et al. (1991)
California 97 76- 59 -22 12 months
Forster, Hourigan,
McGovern (1992)
Minnesota 301 53 38 -28 3 months
DiFranza et aL (1987)
Massachusetts 93 63 NAt NA NA
Nelson, Marso, Roby
(1989) South Dakota 30 87 NA NA NA
Thomson and Toffler
(1990) Oregon 66 87 NA NA NA
Centers for Disease -
Control [CDC], (1990)
Colorado 97 55 NA NA NA
Hoppock and
Houston (1990)
Kansas 67 32 NA NA NA
CDC (1993)
Missouri 89 46 NA NA . NA
CDC (1993) Texas 94 63 NA NA NA
*Not statistically significant.
tNA = Not available.
250 Prevention
TIMN 0139100

Surgeort General's Report
Table 12. Health warnings required on tobacco packages and advertisements in the United States,
1966-1993
Health warnings Effective dates Packages Advertisements
Cigarettes
CAUTION: January 1, 1966- X
Cigarette Smoking May Be Hazardous October 31, 1970
to Your Health.
WARNING: November 1, 1970- X
The Surgeon General Has Determined October 11, 1985
That Cigarette Smoking Is Dangerous
to Your Health. March 30,1972- X*
October 11,1985
SURGEON GENERAL'S WARNING: October 12, 1985-present X Xt
Smoking Causes Lung Cancer, Heart
Disease, Emphysema, and May
Complicate Pregnancy.
SURGEON GENERAL'S WARNING: October 12, 1985-present X X'
Quitting Smoking Now Greatly Re-
duces Serious Risks to Your Health.
SURGEON GENERAL'S WARNING: October 12, 1985-present X Xt
.Smoking by Pregnant Women May
Result in Fetal Injury, Premature Birth
and Low Birth Weight.
SURGEON GENERAL'S WARNING: October 12, 1985-present X Xt
Cigarette Smoke Contains Carbon
Monoxide.
Smokeless tobacco
WARNING: February 27, 1987-present X X$
This product may cause mouth cancer.
WARNING: February 27, 1987-present X V
This product may cause gum disease
and tooth loss.
WARNING: February 27,1987-present X Xx
This product is not a safe alternative to
cigarettes.
Source: Federal Trade Commission (1981).
*Required by Federal Trade Commission consent order. All other warnings required by federal
legislation.
'The four warnings mandated for cigarette advertisements on outdoor billboards are slightly shorter
versions of the same
messages.
=The warnings on advertisements must appear in a circle-and-arrow format (see Figure 5). No warnings
are requiredron
outdoor billboards.
264 Prevention TIMN 0139114

SUrgeon Genernl'> Report
Table 13. State* cigarette taxes, July 1, 1993
Excise tax rate Sales tax+ Total state tax
State (cents per 20-cigarette pack) (cents per pack) (cents per pack)
Alabama 16.5 7 23.5
Alaska 29.0 0 29.0
Arizona 18.0 9 27.0
Arkansas 31.5 9 40.5
California 35.0 15 50.0
Colorado 20.0 0 20.0
Connecticut 47.0 12 59.0
Delaware 24.0 0 24.0
District of Columbia 65.0 13 78.0
Florida 33.9 12 45.9
Georgia 12.0 6 18.0
Hawaii 60.0 9 69.0
Idaho 18.0 9 27.0
Illinois 30.0 13 43.0
Indiana 15.5 9 24.5
Iowa 36.0 11 47.0
Kansas 24.0 9 33.0
Kentucky 3.0 9 12.0
Louisiana 20.0 8 28.0
Maine 37.0 11 48.0
Maryland 36.0 10 46.0
Massachusetts 51.0 9 60.0
Michigan 25.0 7 32.0
Minnesota 48.0 14 62.0
Mississippi 18.0 11 29.0
Missouri 13.0 7 20.0
Montana 19.3 0 19.3
Nebraska 34.0 9 43.0
Nevada 35.0 13 48.0
New Hampshire 25.0 0 25.0
New Jersey 40.0 12 52.0
New Mexico 21.0 9 30.0
New York 56.0 8 64.0
North Carolina 5.0 6 11.0
North Dakota 44.0 11 55.0
Ohio 24.0 8 32.0
Oklahoma 23.0 8 31.0
Oregon 28.0 0 28.0
Pennsylvania 31.0 11 42.0
Rhode Island 37.0 14 51.0
South Carolina 7.0 8 15.0
South Dakota 23.0 7 30.0
Tennessee 13.0 14 27.0
Texas 41.0 13 54.0
Utah 26.5 9 35.5
Vermont 20.0 9 29.0
Virginia 2.5 7 9.5
Washington 54.0 13 67.0
West Virginia 17.0 10 27.0
Wisconsin 38.0 10 48.0
Wyoming 12.0 0 12.0
Sources: Tobacco Institute (1992); Action on Smoking and Health (1993).
*Includes the District of Columbia.
rSales tax information is for November 1, 1992.
266 Prevention TIMN 0139116

Surgeon General's Report
Table 11. Major legislation related to information and education about tobacco and health in the
United
States, 1965-1986
Law Date
Federal Cigarette Labeling and
Advertising Act (Public Law 89-92) 1965
Public Health Cigarette Smoking
Act (Public Law 91-222) 1969
Little Cigar Act
(Public Law 93-109) 1973
Comprehensive Smoking Education
Act (Public Law 98-474) 1984
Labeling requirements
Required a health warning on cigarette
packages
Preempted other warnings on packages
Temporarily preempted Federal Trade
Commission (FTC) requirements of any
health warning on cigarette advertisements
Strengthened the health warning on
cigarette packages
Preempted other warnings on packages
Temporarily preempted FTC require-
ment of any health warning on cigarette
advertisements*
None
Replaced the previous health warning
on cigarette packages and advertise-
ments* with a system requiring rotation
of four specific health warnings
Preempted other warnings on packages
Comprehensive Smokeless 1986 Required the rotation of three health
Tobacco Health Education Act warnings on smokeless tobacco packages
(Public Law 99-252) and advertisements (in circle-and-arrow
format on advertisements)
Preempted any other health warning on
smokeless tobacco packages or adver-
tisements (except billboards)
Source: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (1989).
*In 1972, an FTC consent order extended the requirement for a health warning on cigarette packages
to include cigarette
advertisements.
258 Prevention
TIMN 01391og

Surgeort General's Report
Table 7. Major mass-tnedia campaigns to prevent tobacco use among young people, United States,
1983-1992
Source and dates
Year of survey
Campaign description
Representative spots
Office on
Smoking and
Health
(1983-1990)
National Cancer Institute
(1987)
American Lung
Association (1988)
Michigan Department
of Public Health
(1988-1992)
California Department
of Health Services
(1989-1992)
Minnesota Department
of Health
(1989-1992)
American Cancer
Society (1990)
Vermont Department
of Health
(1992)
240 Prevention .
A series of TV spots
with attractive images of
young people dancing or playing
sports; the general theme is
that living is positive and
smoking is out of fashion
Radio campaign
featuring national radio
personality Casey Kasem
TV spot with awareness
message
TV spots, billboards, and
bus cards showing negative
social aspects of smoking
,Culturally diverse multimedia
campaign to deglamorize
tobacco use, reposition
tobacco marketers as part
of the problem, and inform
about the dangers of smoking
TV, radio, and billboard
campaign showing
immediate negative conse-
quences of smoking and
emphasizing that most young people
don't smoke; negative aspects of
chewing tobacco shown
TV spot showing peer
disapproval of smoking
TV spots showing positive
aspects of not smoking and
negative aspects of smoking,
showing how to refuse a cigarette,
and emphasizing that most young
people don't smoke
Cigarette Mash
Nic (A Teen)
Smoking's Out
Cigarettes Are Drugs
Boy Mouth
Girl Mouth
Rappers / Pick It'
Smart Kids
Industry Smokesman
In Your Mouth
Clothes
Animals
Smoking Crate
Death Breath
Charming Intro
Billy
Smoking Is Real Gross
Mindy at the Party
Breakaway
Nicoflame
Shy Girl
Beautiful Lady
TIMN 0139090

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
extent) ninth grades. Parallel analysis failed to show that
the intervention had any positive effect on cigarette
smoking. The results for smokeless tofiacco use, how-
ever, were particularly encouraging, since only two of
the seven class periods of the intervention were devoted
to smokeless tobacco.
The intervention used in the Severson et al. (1991)
study sought to make students sensitive to overt and
covert pressures to use tobacco and taught effective ways
to respond to these pressures. The studLInts practiced
how to refuse offers of tobacco. Besides using a struc-
tured curriculum with role-play activities, the teacher
used videotapes to standardize instruction and maintain
student interest. The program was taught by regular
classroom teachers; same-age peer leaders assisted in
role-playing activities for the seventh-grade students. A
videotape titled Big Dipper (Oregon Research Institute
1986) was developed to highlight the physical and social
consequences of smokeless tobacco. To involve parents,,
brief brochures were mailed to students' homes.
Toward No Tobacco Use
A study by Sussman et al. (1993) reports positive
results in their Toward No Tobacco Use (TNT) project for
reducing smokeless tobacco use. The study compared
four different prevention curricula developed to coun-
teract three types of factors related to the onset of tobacco
use that are typically addressed within a comprehensive
social-skills program. These include peer approval for
using tobacco, incorrect social information provided about
tobacco use, and lack of knowledge about physical con-
sequences of tobacco use. The development of these
curricula is detailed in previous reports (Sussman 1991).
Smokeless tobacco use was significantly less preva-
lent among students who had received the TNT inter-
vention than among those who had not (Sussman et al.
1993). The results of the evaluation of this 10-lesson
curriculum intervention suggest that learning about the
physical consequences of smokeless tobacco use can be
as successful as a social influences program and that a
combination of both is probably best for deterring use of
smokeless tobacco. The Sussman et al. (1993) study in
southern California and the Severson et al. (1991) study
in Oregon suggest that smokeless tobacco use can be
reduced through school-based programs that try to pre-
vent all types of tobacco use among seventh- and ninth-
grade students.
Project SHOUT
Elder et al. (1993) developed Project SHOUT, a
social influences program that has been evaluated in
22 junior high schools in San Diego County, Califor-
nia. Based on an operant conditioning model of
tobacco use (Elder and Stern 1986), the intervention
was delivered in randomly assigned schools to
seventh-grade students. Intervention and assessment
continued for three years (through seventh, eighth,
and ninth grades). Because of multiple school changes
at the end of the eighth grade, Project SHOUT used
telephone calls and program newsletters for the ninth-
grade intervention.
At the three-year follow-up, the intervention
had a significant effect on cigarette use, smokeless
tobacco use, and combined cigarette and smokeless
tobacco use. The intervention effect was particularl,v
strong during the ninth grade (Elder et al. 1993). The
three-year intervention and follow-up is a strength of
this study; previous studies have been limited to a
single intervention year and one-year follow-up.
Programs for Native American Populations
Smokeless tobacco use by Native American youth
on reservations is higher than that of other groups (Schinke
et a1.1989). There is evidence of early, frequent, and heavy
use of snuff and chewing tobacco by Native American
children and Alaskan Natives (Schinke et a1.1987). Young
people in these populations begin using smokeless to-
bacco at an early age, and girls use it at levels almost equal
to boys (Schinke et al. 1987). Current reservation based
interventions aimed at reducing this pattern of smokeless
tobacco use have not yet been evaluated. These ongoing
programs are sensitive to the unique aspects of tobacco
use by Native Americans, since tobacco has traditionally
played a role in sacred rites. The programs make extant
materials appropriate for Native American children by
creating a specific curriculum for the tribal group and
having Native Americans provide the intervention in
schools or other settings on their reservation.
Smoking Cessation
Introduction
Few studies have examined adolescent smoking
cessation. The four primary sources of information on
adolescent cessation are national probability surveys on
patterns of adolescent attempts to quit (see "Attempts to
Quit Smoking" and "Self-Reported Indicators of
Nicotine Addiction Among Smokers" in Chapter 3), con-
venience sample surveys of adolescents who have tried
to quit on their own, reports from prevention projects on
effects of treatment on youth who were smokers at
baseline, and programs that explicitly try to recruit
adolescent smokers into cessation programs. The rela-
tively few intervention studies vary considerably in sci-
entific quality; many are anecdotal or desQiptive accounts
of programs.
Prevention 227
TIMN 0139077

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young Pe'ople
subjects had quit at the three-month follow-up. The
study suggests that a school-based multisession clinic
can achieve small cessation rates for adolescent subjects
who volunteer, although the volunteer rates for the study
were notably low.
Persons going through treatment for smokeless
tobacco addiction often request an oral substitute to help
them through withdrawal. Smokeless tobacco users re-
port using cinnamon sticks, gum, sunflower seeds, finely
ground mint leaves, or other chewed foodstuffs to lessen
the effects of withdrawal (Severson 1992). To evaluate
the use of nonnicotine substitutes as aids for smokeless
tobacco cessation, a recent study compared the use of a
ground-up mint product, chewing gum, and no substi-
tute (Chakravorty 1992). Subjects were recruited from
six high schools in rural Illinois. Two schools each were
randomly assigned to either the treatment group (mint
snuff substitute), gum group, or lecture-only control
group. Within schools, smokeless tobacco users were
invited to volunteer for a two-session school-based ces-
sation program. Eighty-three males were recruited to
participate. Of the 70 students who completed the treat-
ment, 30 were in the mint group, 15 in the gum group,
and 25 in the lecture-only group. At the end of the
treatment period, all three groups had about the same
quit rates. Eleven students reported quitting smokeless
tobacco, but nine of these quitters also smoked cigarettes.
The author reports that students using the mint snuff
substitute significantly reduced their frequency and in
tensity of smokeless tobacco use, but the study had no
biochemical verification of use. The results suggest that
adolescent males who use smokeless tobacco can be
recruited to attend sessions at school and that nontobacco
oral substitutes may be a helpful adjunct to quitting.
Research with adults suggests that health care pro-
viders can motivate some adult users of smokeless to-
bacco to quit (Stevens et al., in press). The clinical
opportunity to provide advice on quitting in the context
of health care delivery has been referred to as a "teach-
able moment" (Vogt et al. 1989; Morosco 1986). The
results are modest in terms of overall quit rates, but
having dentists, hygienists, nurses, and physicians coun-
sel their patients to quit using smokeless tobacco could
have a significant effect on prevalence. The Stevens et al.
(in press) study provided the first examination of a large-
scale, low-cost intervention to encourage smokeless to-
bacco users to quit. This program, which was conducted
in the context of regular hygiene visits, provided strong
evidence of the effect of smokeless tobacco use on oral
health: 73 percent of the adult users in this study had
identifiable oral lesions (Little, Stevens, La Chance, et al.
1992). Parallel studies with youth or studies of programs
using physicians or other health care providers have not
been conducted.
Smokeless Tobacco and Cigarettes
Young people who use smokeless tobacco may
also smoke cigarettes. Studies have reported that from
12 to 30 percent of all regular users of smokeless tobacco
also use cigarettes (Eakin, Severson, Glasgow 1989; Wil-
liams 1992; Stevens et al., in press; see "Use of Smokeless
Tobacco and Cigarettes" in Chapter 3). This relationship
is critical, since cessation programs may motivate smoke-
less tobacco users to quit using snuff or chewing tobacco,
yet not affect their use of cigarettes-and thus not a ffect
their addiction to nicotine. Moreover, deprivation of one
substance may lead to a direct increase in the use of the
other (Biglan, La Chance, Benowitz, unpublished data).
Cessation rates among men who use both tobacco prod-
ucts are significantly lower than those among men who
use smokeless tobacco exclusively (Stevens et al., in press).
Research and Programmatic Challenges
Certain peculiar aspects of smokeless tobacco use
may present problems to those who plan or study cessa-
tion programs. The lack of public data on the nicotine
content of smokeless tobacco products is not only a
research problem but a challenge to cessation efforts that
might reduce the severity of nicotine withdrawal by
gradually cutting back on nicotine ingestion. Such ef-
forts are further hampered, as are studies or programs
depending on self-monitoring of product consumption,
by the nonuniform (bulk) packaging of most smokeless
prpducts and by the variation in the amount of product
that constitutes a "pinch" (of chewing tobacco) or a
"dip" (of moist snuff) (Severson et al. 1990.) External
monitoring of use also has inherent limitations, since
snuff (and to a lesser extent, chewing tobacco) can be
used surreptitiously. On the other hand, the oral lesions
frequently experienced by smokeless tobacco users
readily indicate smokeless use-and provide direct physi-
cal evidence to the user that this behavior has detrimen-
tal health effects (Little, Stevens, Severson, et a1.1992).
The relationship between smokeless tobacco use
and cigarette smoking also presents problems for re-
search and intervention. Because many adolescents per-
ceive smokeless tobacco use to be a safe alternative to
smoking, motivation to quit using smokeless tobacco
products may be low. On the other hand, because as
many as one-third of all smokeless tobacco users also
smoke cigarettes, the possibility exists (as was discussed
previously) that persons trying to quit using smokeless
tobacco may continue to smoke-or even increase their
smoking-to minimize nicotine cravings.
Although the preliminary evidence is that cessa-
tion rates for smokeless tobacco are similar to those for
smoking, the difficulty in recruitment, the small sample
Prevention 231
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Surgeon General's Report
Table 14. Cigarette taxes and cigarette prices per pack, 1955-1991
Taxes as Realt
Average percent- Realt Real' average
Average Average cigarette age of average average cigarette
state tax federal price average state taxt federal price
Year (cents) tax (cents) (cents) price' (cents) tax (cents) (cents)
1955 3.5 8.0 22.7 48.7 13.1 29.9 84.7
1956 3.8 8.0 23.2 47.4 14.0 29.9 85.3
1957 3.9 8.0 23.8 48.8 13.9 28.5 84.7
1958 4.0 8.0 25.0 48.0 13.8 27.7 86.5
1959 4.2 8.0 25.6 46.6 14.4 27.5 88.0
1960 4.7 8.0 26.1 48.9 15.9 27.0 88.2
1961 4.7 8.0 26.1 48.6 15.7 26.8 87.3
1962 5.1 8.0 26.9 48.3 16.9 26.5 89.1
1963 5.2 8.0 26.8 49.4 17.0 26.1 87.6
1964 5.6 8.0 27.9 49.3 18.1 25.8 90.0
1965 5.9 8.0 28.2 49.8 18.7 25.4 89.5
1966 6.9 8.0 30.0 51.4 21.3 24.7 92.6
1967 7.1 8.0 30.5 50.8 21.3 24.0 91.3
1968 8.4 8.0 32.3 49.2 24.1 23.0 92.8
1969 9.1 8.0 32.8 48.9 24.8 21.8 89.4
1970 10.2 8.0 37.1 ' 47.7 26.3 20.6 95.6
1971 10.7 8.0 38.9 46.8 26.4 19.8 96.0
1972 11.6 8.0 40.0 47.7 27.8 19.1 95.7
1973 12.1 8.0 40.3 48.4 27.3 18.0 90.8
1974 12.1 8.0 41.8 47.6 24.5 . 16.2 84.8
1975 12.2 8.0 44.5 44.5 22.7 14.9 82.7
1976 12.4 8.0 47.9 41.4 21.8 14.1 84.2
1977 12.5 8.0 49.2 40.5 .20.6 -13.2 81.2
1978 12.9 8.0 54.3 37.1 19.8 12.3 83.3
1979 12.9 8.0 5f- 5 35.5 17.8 11.0 78.2
1980 13.1 8.0 6i2-.+:; 34.5 15.9 9.7 72.8
1981 13.2 8.0 63.0 33.1 14.5 8.8 69.3
1982 13.5 8.0 69.7 29.9 14.0 8.3 72.2
1983 14.7 12.0 81.9 26.8 14.8 12.0 82.2
1984 15.3 16.0 94.7 33.2 14.7 15.4 91.1
1985 15.9 16.0 97.8 32.3 14.8 14.9 90.9
1986 16.2 16.0 104.5 30.8 14.8 14.6 95.3
1987 16.9 16.0 110.0 29.9 14.9 14.1 96.8
1988 18.2 16.0 122.2 28.1 15.4 13.5 103.3
1989 21.8 16.0 127.5 26.5 17.6 12.9 102.8
1990 24.7 16.0 144.1 26.4 18.9 12.2 110.3
1991 25.9 20.0 153.3 25.6 19.0 11.7 112.6
Source: Tobacco Institute (1992).
'Percentages cannot be calculated directly from the tax and price information, since taxes are
weighted average taxes for the
entire fiscal year, whereas prices and percentages are generally as of November 1.
''Real taxes and prices are obtained by dividing the actual taxes and prices by the National
Consumer Price Index, with the
average of 1982-1984 being the benchmark. All data are for the fiscal year ending June 20.
xState taxes are a weighted average of the tax in taxing states, including Washington, D.C. (42 in
1955, 51 in 1970 and after).
Price refers to the median retail price in all taxing states.
268 Prevention TIMN 0139118

Surgeon General's Report
studies) to reduce or delay adolescent smoking. Still,
the effects of these programs have not been sustained
without additional educational interventions or commu-
nity components. This experience suggests that pro-
grams grounded in school based skills training are indeed
important for preventing smoking, although more sus-
tained and comprehensive efforts may be needed for
long-term success.
The concept of reciprocal determinism (Bandura
1986) would argue that these complementary compo-
nents should target the elements of the dynamic person-
environment interaction that school-based interventions
may not be capable of reaching, much less influencing.
These components would include the types of commu-
nity, environmental, legislative, policy-based, and soci-
etal interventions described later in this chapter.
Preventing Smokeless Tobacco Use
Introduction
The 1986 publication of the Advisory Committee's
Report to the Surgeon General (USDHHS 1986b) on the
health consequences of using smokeless tobacco (chew-
ing tobacco and snuff) and subsequent reports of wide-
spread use of smokeless tobacco among children and
adolescents (Boyd et al. 1987; USDHHS 1992b) have
called forth a wide range of written and media materials
(including films, pamphlets, and video programs) on the
risks of using smokeless tobacco (Wilson and Wilson
1987; Laflin, Glover, McKenzie 1987). These materials,
made available to school personnel and parents, have
aimed at countering the perception that smokeless to-
bacco is a safe alternative to cigarettes. Materials have
been produced by federal agencies (such as the 1VCI and
the National Institute of Dental Research), voluntary
nonprofit groups (such as the ACS), and professional
organizations (such as the American Dental Association
and the American Academy of Otolaryngology). These
materials have been distributed widely, but the degree of
their diffusion has not been evaluated, nor has their effect
on young people's use of smokeless tobacco.
Evaluation of School-Based Efforts
Because the increased use of smokeless tobacco
among youth is a relatively recent phenomenon, few pro-
grams for preventing adolescent use of these products
have been evaluated for either short- or long-term efficacy.
Those that have been evaluated have been but one compo-
nent of a broad tobacco-prevention program.
In response to the emerging concern about the
health risks of regular smokeless tobacco use, the Na-
tional Institutes of Health has funded numerous research
grants to develop interventions to prevent initiation
or regular use and to promote or assist cessation for
adolescent and young adult users. Nine research grants
on smokeless tobacco use have been funded by the NCI
since 1987; most are focused on adolescent populations
(USDHHS 1990b), and results are pending. Although
most of these projects have been school-based preven-
tion activities, some programs have targeted youth in
non-school settings (e.g., 4-H clubs, Little League base-
ball clubs, and Native American community centers).
The prevention programs that have been evaluated
have targeted both smoking and smokeless tobacco use
among middle and high school students. The primary
focus has been on middle school (grades 6-8, ages 12-14).
Smokeless tobacco prevention has also been included as
part of more comprehensive curricula to prevent drug
use, such as Here's Looking at You, 2000 (Roberts, Fitzmahan
& Associates, Inc., and Comprehensive Health Educa-
tion Foundation 1986), or as part of community-based
interventions to reduce drug use. Seldom have pro-
grams to prevent smokeless tobacco use been instituted
independent of other substance-use prevention or of a
more general tobacco-use prevention effort. Since smoke-
less tobacco products are used primarily by males, the
overall prevalence of use is lower than that of smoking.
There is also less concern about the health effects of
smokeless tobacco than about those of illegal drugs and
cigarettes. This logical inclusion, however, of smokeless
tobacco prevention in the context of other prevention
efforts makes the evaluation of the smokeless tobacco
component problematic.
A factor that more directly obscures the impor-
tance of smokeless tobacco prevention is the widespread
acceptance of use by both young people and parents.
Youth generally perceive that smokeless tobacco use is a
safe alternative to cigarette smoking. For example, in one
study, 77 percent of school aged children believed that
cigarette smoking was very harmful to one's health, yet
only 40 percent believed the same of smokeless tobacco
use (Schaefer et a1.1985). Parents are also more likely to
accept smokeless tobacco use than smoking among teens
(Chassin, Presson, Sherman 1985; see "Parental Reaction
to Smokeless Tobacco Use" in Chapter 4).
The Oregon Research Institute Program
In several studies, young adolescents have received
a preventive curriculum that targeted both smoking and
smokeless tobacco use. In one such study (Severson et al.
1991), a social influences program conducted by the Or-
egon Research Institute was delivered by regular class-
room teachers and by same-age peer leaders to entire
classrooms in randomly assigned schools. The brief
seven-session program significantly reduced sntiokeless
tobacco use among males in both seventh and (to a lesser
226 Prevention
TIMN 0139076

References
ADVERTISING AGE. Luckies runs college drive. Advertising
Age 1953a;24(46):99.
ADVERTISING AGE. New medium gets to school students
on their textbooks. Advertising Age 1953b;24(21):14.
ADVERTISING AGE. ACS anti-smoking push'succeeds; but
resistance looms. Advertising Age 1963a;34(45):1.
ADVERTISING AGE. Advertising Age presents marketing
profiles of the 100 largest national advertisers. Advertising Age
1963b;34(35):43.
ADVERTISING AGE. American tobacco sets 'adult' theme for
Lucky Strikes. Advertising Age 1963c;34(32):102.
ADVERTISING AGE. B&W sponsors 2 bowl games. Advertis-
ing Age 1963d;34(43):72.
ADVERTISING AGE. Beer, cigaret[tel TV ads lure teens via
sexual, athletic themes, 'America' writer charges. Advertising
Age 1963e;34(1):12.
ADVERTISING AGE. Cigaret[tel promotions on college cam-
puses end. Advertising Age 1%3f;34(26):1,108.
ADVERTISING AGE. Collins 'resents' Luckies ad; it's brazen
and cynical.' Advertising Age 1963g;34(49):1.
ADVERTISING AGE. Curbs on cigaret[tel advertising. Ad-
vertising Age 1963h;34(1):16.
ADVERTISING AGE. Decency, honesty will help. Advertising
Age 1963i;34(47):22.
ADVERTISING AGE. Don't restrict hours; avoid shows with
kid appeal, tobacco menurged. AdvertisingAge 1963j;34(29):1,8.
ADVERTISING AGE. L'Filters, menthols pace cigaret[te1 sales
increase, says 'BusiitM Week' report. Advertising Age
1963k;34(51):68.
ADVERTISING AGE. Ford, Marlboro back NFL tilts on CBS-
TV; other radio-TV buys. Advertising Age 19631;34(16):%.
ADVERTISING AGE. Lorillard cites role of ads in making it
no. 3 cigaret[tel maker. Advertising Age 1963m;34(9):10.
ADVERTISING AGE. Lorillard puts some $35,000,000 into
ads: Cramer. Advertising Age 1963n;34(15):2.
196 Advertising and Promotion
Surgeon General's Report
ADVERTISING AGE. NAB supports Collins; stiffens medical
ad code. Advertising Age 1%3o34(4):1,77,85.
ADVERTISING AGE. Philip Morris Inc. sales, profits rise.
Advertising Age 1963p;34(7):8.
ADVERTISING AGE. PTA pushes effort against cigaret[tel ad
appeals to teens. Advertising Age 1963q;34(23):78.
ADVERTISING AGE. Regulate cigaret[tel ads CU suggests in
smoking-health book. Advertising Age 1963r;34(30):40.
ADVERTISING AGE. R.J. Reynolds is lead-off sponsor as'63
baseball emerges from dugout. Advertising Age 1963s;34(11):10.
ADVERTISING AGE. This campaign should be dropped.
Advertising Age 1963t;34(50):20.
ADVERTISING AGE. Three to co-sponsor NBC Olympic
games; other radio-TV buys. Advertising Age 1963u;34(3~1):55.
ADVERTISING AGE. Tobacco industry to weigh ad code on
youth appeals at July 9 meeting. Advertising Age 1963v;34(27):3.
ADVERTISING AGE. Agency would refuse cigaret[tel client:
Ogilvy. Advertising Age 1964a;35(6):91.
ADVERTISING AGE. Bar cigaret[tel appeals to youth, code
unit urges. Advertising Age 1964b;35(4):1.
ADVERTISING AGE. Brickbats deserved, Young says. Ad-
vertising Age 1964c;35(5):3.
ADVERTISING AGE. Kids see many cigaret[tel ads on TV,
FI'C finds. Advertising Age 1964d;35(16):1.
ADVERTISING AGE. Make cigaret[tels unfashionable via
ads, Jones urges. Advertising Age 1964e;35(19):1,107.
ADVERTISING AGE. Where tobacco companies' ad dollars
go. Advertising Age 1964f;35(4):32.
ADVERTISING AGE. Cigaret[te1 ads still run on kids' TV,
Magnuson warns. Advertising Age 1965;36(39):1.
ADVERTISING AGE. Code bars ads for cigaret[tels on youth-
appeal TV. Advertising Age 1966;37(19):1.
ADVERTISING AGE. Ban candy 'cigaret[tels; FTC asks to-
bacco code. Advertising Age 1%7a;38(8):191.
TIMN 0139048

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
did not report cessation rates, this study cannot be con-
sidered conclusive.
Perry et al. (1980, 1983) conducted two school-
based cessation interventions in California schools. In
the first, 10th-grade classes in three high schools
(N = 477) received a special program that focused on im-
mediate physiological effects of smoking and on social
cues that influence the adoption of smoking. Classes in
two control schools (N = 394) received standard infor-
mation on long-term health effects. The program con-
sisted of four consecutive 45-minute sessions in regular
health classes conducted in the fall. Posttest outcome
data were obtained approximately five months later and
included carbon monoxide measures of smoking. At the
posttest, the experimental group, compared with the
control group, had a significantly greater percentage of
subjects who reported abstinence in the previous week
(22 vs. 16 percent) and month (30 vs. 24 percent). Parallel
significant differences were also found for carbon mon-
oxide measures.
In their second study, the Perry group (1983) tried
to sort out the specific efficacious components within the
intervention program by analyzing three kinds of pro-
grams-those that discussed long-term health effects (the
control group), those that discussed immediate and long-
term physiological effects, and those that discussed so-
cial consequences-and comparing programs taught by
either teachers or college students. Twenty health classes
and four high schools were randomizedby using a facto-
rial design. The study obtained three-month follow-up
data that included self-reports and carbon monoxide
breath tests. Using entire 10th-grade health classes solved
the recruitment problem but yielded a limited number of
current smokers; the relatively small number of pretest
smokers in this study (N = 82) precluded finding any
significant difference between the groups. Overall, 23
percent of the pretest smokers reported not smoking at
the three-month follow-up. Teachers tended to be more
effective with the traditional curriculum covering long-
term health effects, and college students seemed more
effective with the social influences curriculum.
The largest and most systematic school-based ado-
lescent cessation study has not yet been published. Bur-
ton et al. (unpublished data) worked with rural and
suburban high schools in two states. Within each of the
16 treatment schools, students volunteering to partici-
pate in a cessation clinic were randomly assigned to a
clinic or to a control group of students told they were on
a waiting list. Clinic students were further randomly
assigned either to a clinic designed to address addiction
or to one designed around psychosocial dependency.
Clinics consisted of five sessions spaced over one month.
A follow-up session was held three months after the fifth
session. The control participants were also invited to the
follow-up session, where smoking status was assessed
both by self-report and measurement of saliva cotinine.
At the three-month follow-up, 8.4 percent of clinic
participants and 10.5 percent of controls were abstinent.
When corrected for biochemical verification, these figures
become 6.8 and.7.9 percent, respectively. There was con-
siderable attrition; students lost to follow-up were as-
sumed to be smokers. The negative results in the study are
especially sobering because the investigators had previ-
ously conducted 31 focus groups with adolescents to help
inform the intervention's recruitment strategies and con-
tent (Sussman et a1.1991).
Difficulty in recruiting adolescent smokers in school
programs has been a pervasive problem for investigators.
Adolescents may be concerned about parents or teachers
learning that they smoke (since parental consent could be
required for participation). Adolescents may also be less
motivated than adults to quit, since long-term health con-
sequences carry less weight with the young. A simpler
explanation of low recruitment is that prevalence rates are
low; schools do not provide large populations of smokers
from which to recruit. Multisite trials that pool subjects
may be needed before rigorous and meaningful evalua-
tions can take place.
Cessation Interventions Based Outside the School
Hollis et al. (in press) tried an unusual approach to
recruit young smokers. Adolescents, between 14 and 17
years of age who were members of a large health mainte-
nance organization (HMO) were mailed a screening ques-
tionnaire' that asked about "health habits." Those who
reported that they had smoked in the past week were
asked if they would participate in a two-year study of
adolescent health and were randomly assigned to either
an intervention group that received help to quit smoking
or a control group that received no such help.
The focus of the intervention was an office visit
with a nurse practitioner at a conveniently located HMO
clinic. Incentives were offered for attending these ses-
sions, each of which lasted about 60 minutes. The partici-
pants reviewed their health history, watched and
discussed a video on adolescent smoking cessation, were
encouraged to set a quit date, and were given tips and
strategies for successful quitting. Those who wanted to
quit smoking received a follow-up call one week later;
additional calls were also made, depending on the
adolescent's continued interest in quitting. Participants
who had quit smoking were eligible to participate in a
lottery with chances to win $100.
All participants were followed up at one year, at
which time both self-report and biochemical (saliva
cotinine, carbon monoxide) data were obtained. The
~
Prevention 229
TIMN 0139079

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
tobacco industry messages to call attention to the mar-
keting of tobacco to children. DOC chapters sponsor
youth sports teams and leagues with an antitobacco
message, support local minority organizations and events
such as the Cincinnati Smoke-Free Jazz Festival, and
make "housecalls" (protests) at youth-appealing events
sponsored by tobacco companies. DOC has also estab-
lished a program whereby medical students can teach in
school-based smoking prevention efforts and become
specialists in school and community health promotion
(Shank 1985). DOC's leadership in innovative activities
has been noted nationally and internationally, and these
activities have been replicated or have been the basis for
many communitywide programs.
Other tobacco-control advocacy organizations,
such as Stop Teenage Addiction to Tobacco (STAT),
SmokeFree Educational Services, Inc., and Americans
for Nonsmokers' Rights, sponsor many other creative
and effective community-based events, chapters, and
conferences. Although the results of these organiza-
tional efforts are not usually published in scientific jour-
nals, their contributions to smoking-prevention
programs and policies in the United States are widely
recognized.
STAT, for example, is the only organization in
the United States dedicated solely to issues of teenage
access to tobacco. Public education and information
form a major part of STAT's activities. Central to this
are the STAT newsletter, the Tobacco 'Free Youth Re-
porter, which appears quarterly and is sent to over
100,000 persons worldwide. This newsletter, along
with STAT-authored journal articles and press adviso-
ries and a STAT-sponsored annual conference, has
been used to present and analyze the practices of the
tobacco industry. Statewide and community projects
to reduce sales of tobacco products to youth have also
been central to STAT's activities since its inception.
Currently, STAT has a major grant from the Robert
Wood Johnson Foundation to expand activities re-
lated to teenage access to tobacco in communities in
four states and to demonstrate how other communi-
ties can take similar actions.
The Teens as Teachers program has been created
and disseminated by the American Nonsmokers' Rights
Foundation. Teens as Teachers reaches young people
most vulnerable to tobacco addiction. Although many
current smoking-prevention programs do a good job of
teaching adolescents how to resist peer influence, Teens
as Teachers also teaches them to think critically while
examining both the nature of the tobacco industry's strat
egies and their right to be protected from primary and
secondhand smoke. Teens as Teachers has reached over
1,000 high school students, who in turn have reached
over 6,000 elementary and middle school students.
Role of the Mass Media in Reducing Tobacco
Use
Introduction
Mass media are particularly appropriate prohealth
channels for tobacco education among young people,
who are heavily exposed to-and often greatly inter-
ested in-the media (Minnesota Department of Health
1989). However, although the general public has re-
ceived many antismoking messages in one form or an-
other since the 1964 Surgeon General's report on smoking
and health (Warner 1989), few messages have been de-
signed specifically to prevent young people from trying
tobacco.
Programmatic Use of Mass Media to Reduce
Adolescent Tobacco Use
By the early 1980s, the Office on Smoking and
Health had responded to the lack of media messages
discouraging tobacco use among youth by developing
a series of national public service announcements (see
Table 7). The major voluntary health agencies have
also produced a national broadcast message for youth.
DOC began creating counteradvertising in 1977,
often involving young people in designing parodies of
tobacco advertisements. DOC purchased advertising
space, used counterpromotions (e.g., the Emphysema
Slims Tennis Tournament) (Solberg 1992), and encoun-
tered occasional censorship (Fitzgerald 1990): DOC
has maintained visibility by enlisting medical profes-
sionals, youth, and parents for innovative media- and
community-based 'antismoking campaigns. The pro-
gram has not been formally evaluated.
Young people have also been a major (but not
exclusive) target group of several important statewide
tobacco-use prevention and cessation campaigns. At
their onset in the late 1980s and early 1990s, campaigns in
Minnesota, Michigan, and California used funds from
dedicated cigarette taxes to fund multimedia promo-
tions. The programs have received funding for several
years. These states have employed sophisticated mar-
keting techniques (i.e., they have used marketing ex-
perts, focus groups, pretesting, pilot campaigns, and
ongoing evaluations) to increase their effectiveness and
have arranged for extensive paid and donated advertis-
ing to ensure adequate reach and frequency of statewide
coverage (Minnesota Department of Health 1991; Kizer
and Honig 1990). Each of these campaigns also included
an outdoor billboard or poster component that mirrored
themes in the broadcast media. In 1989, the Michigan
Legislature dedicated revenues from a tax on computer
software (about $9 million per year) to health promotion,
primarily for AIDS and smoking education (Moore &
Prevention 239
TIMN 0139089

°S:k.M wr ~~
Sur,yeon Geriernl's Report
Convenience Samples of Adolescents Who Try to
Quit Smoking
Although national surveys ask a great many re-
spondents a few questions about quitting smoking, some
smaller studies have more deeply probed the experience.
The role of nicotine's pharmacologic effects has received
increasing attention, culminating in the 1988 Surgeon
General's report on nicotine addiction. The report dem-
onstrated that cigarette smoking is characterized by the
same addictive processes that have been observed with
other drugs that are abused (USDHHS 1988). Recent
observations of adolescents who have tried to quit smok
ing suggest that dependency or addiction has developed
in many adolescent smokers and may play an important
role in their attempts to quit. Data from both Great
Britain (McNeill et a1.1986; McNeill 1991) and the United
States (Hansen 1983; Hansen et al. 1985; Ershler et al.
1989) show that many adolescents who try to quit have
withdrawal symptoms that parallel those reported by
adult smokers (see "Nicotine Addiction in Adolescence"
in Chapter 2).
In a survey of 116 British schoolgirls (aged 11 through
17) who had tried to quit smoking, 63 percent reported
withdrawal effects. The degree of withdrawal effects was
related positively to both self-report and biochemical mea-
sures of nicotine intake (McNeill et al. 1986). These find-
ings were replicated, although without biochemical
measures, in a study of American 6th- through 12th=
graders of both sexes (Ershler et aL 1989). Over half of the
smokers in both of these studies reported attempts to quit,
and most were unsuccessful. These observations, along
with other data summarized in Chapters 2, 3, and 4,
strongly suggest that adolescent smoking is more than
socially driven and that addictive processes in adolescents
are similar to those that characterize adult smoking.
Effect of Smoking-Prevention Programs on Cessation
Smoking-prevention programs have typically, and
appropriately, targeted younger adolescents. In these
populations, prevalence rates tend to be low, and those
who smoke are mostly doing so infrequently. These
studies, reviewed earlier in this chapter, focus on pre-
venting onset or on preventing the progression from
experimentation to regular smoking. The impact of
smoking-prevention programs on students who are ex-
perimental or regular smokers appears to be small and
inconsistent (Best et a1.1984; Johnson et al. 1986; Biglan,
Severson, et al. 1987). However, the small number of
regular smokers (that is, those who smoke every week)
tends to preclude meaningful analyses of cessation re-
sulting from these programs (Best et a1.1984).
Cessation Interventions in the School
Young people who smoke have been a persistent
concern of both educators and voluntary health agencies.
A number of materials and programs for adolescent
smoking cessation have been developed and imple-
mented, but evaluation typically has been anecdotal or
descriptive (Hulbert 1978; Patterson 1984; Brink et al.
1988). Many of the older programs are described by
Thompson (1978), USDHEW (1979), and Seffrin and
Bailey (1985). Cessation programs are sometimes led by
peers, sometimes by teachers or volunteers. Participants
are recruited through school channels such as newslet-
ters, classes, and public address announcements. Evi-
dence from these descriptive reports, as well as from
some of the formal research programs described below,
indicates that recruitment is difficult; adolescent smokers
are hesitant to come forth. In some instances, the par-
ticipants in the school cessation programs are referred
by school authorities for infractions of school smoking
policies and are thus not coming to these programs
voluntarily.
These issues are illustrated by a program evalua-
tion reported by the American Lung Association ~un-
published data). The program, developed by a Minnesota
affiliate of the American Lung Association, was evalu-
ated in 22 schools in four states. A total of 241 students
(mean age = 16 years old) participated in eight 50-minute
sessions during school hours over a four-week period.
Over half the students, however, were required to par-
ticipate as a consequence of being caught smoking on
school grounds. This inclusion of nonvoluntary partici-
pants may partly explain the program's low success rate:
at the end of the sessions, only 30 students (14 percent)
reported that they were abstinent (program dropouts
were counted as smokers). Low cessation rates like
these, coupled with recent legislation such as the Oregon
law forcing school authorities to take action against stu-
dents caught smoking on school grounds, signal the
need for more effective cessation approaches for student
smokers.
Lotecka and MacWhinney (1983) compared an in-
tervention group focusing on cognitive behavioral skills
(N = 53) with a group only receiving health information
(N = 54). Less than 50 percent of the students in each
group participated in the three-month follow-up. Of
those assessed at that time, 78 percent of the students in
the cognitive behaviorgroup reported a decrease in smok
ing, and only 4 percent reported an increase; the compa-
rable figures for the information-only group were 46
percent and 31 percent. No information was provided
on complete abstinence. Given that reported rates of
smoking are relatively unreliable and that the program
228 Prevention
013`10~8
,SI1~i1~

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
from other drugs. In most cases, little or no evaluation
has been done to measure the effect these programs
h;-ve on tobacco use.
Project California 4-Health focuses specifically on
tobacco and is a joint effort of the University of Califor-
nia at Davis and the University of California Coopera-
tive Extension 4-H programs. The program, which
teaches older teens to present a tobacco-use prevention
program to youth aged 9 through 12 in settings outside
of school, is currently being evaluated (Project Califor-
nia 4-Health 1992).
Two programs are noteworthy because they have
been designed to reach high-risk youth. Girls Inc. (for-
merly Girls Clubs of America) is a nationwide (120-city)
network of over 200 centers serving young girls aged 6
through 18; over half of these girls belong to racial and
ethnic minority groups. The organization's Friendly
PEERsuasion program focuses on avoiding substance
abuse (Girls Inc. 1991). Developed under a grant from
the Office for Substance Abuse Prevention, Friendly
PEERsuasion uses an older-to-younger peer leadership
approach to encourage girls aged 11 through 14 to
choose healthy alternatives to using illegal drugs, alco-
hol, and tobacco. The Boys and Girls Clubs of America,
a nonprofit organization that provides programs in sev-
eral areas, including health and physical education, has
recently established clubs (built on the structures and
supports of the Boys and Girls Clubs of America) in
several housing developments around the country.
Dubbed the SMART Moves (Self-Management and Re-
sistance Training) program, these clubs aim to prevent
substance abuse (including tobacco use) among high-
risk youth by also targeting parents and the community
(Schinke, Orlandi, Cole 1992).
To counter the association between baseball and
smokeless tobacco use, Little League Baseball, Inc., with
the support of the NCI and NIDA, has developed for
young players two pamphlets that emphasize the
negative social consequences of smokeless tobacco. A
more extensive program for preventing smokeless to-
bacco use among youth who are baseball players is
currently being evaluated among Little League and
Senior League teams in Harris and Galveston counties
in Texas (Evans, Raines, Getz 1992). This intervention
targets players and their parents and involves profes-
sional baseball players.
In 1987, a program developed and implemented
in 72 of the 4-H clubs in 24 California counties targeted
reduction of smoking and smokeless tobacco use
(D'Onofrio, Moskowitz, Braverman, unpublished data).
Club members aged 10 through 14 years were involved
in the study; 68 percent of the sample were retained at
the two-year follow-up. The program included five
tobacco-related outcome variables-knowledge, attitudes,
perceived social influences, intentions, and behaviors-
and involved five sessions of tobacco education provided
at the monthly club meetings by volunteers (41 adults and
26 teens) trained to deliver the program. At the first
follow-up (one year later), the program demonstrated a
significant impact on participants' knowledge of the harm-
ful effects of'smokeless tobacco use and on participants'
intentions to smoke, but the program had no effect on
actual use of smokeless tobacco. The two-year follow-up
showed no difference between members of clubs receiv-
ing treatment and members of control clubs. The authors
concluded that providing a tobacco-prevention program
through 4-H clubs was difficult to manage because of time
constraints on club meetings, but the effort proved to be a
useful complement to school-based programs to change
social norms.
Other youth organizations that incorporate tobacco-
use prevention as part of a general emphasis on prevent-
ing substance abuse include the YWCA (Condas 1992),
Camp Fire Boys and Girls (Emerson 1992), the Boy Scouts
of America (Grau 1992), and the Girl Scouts of the U.S.A.
(Eubanks 1992).
The National Parent Teacher Association (PTA) has
adopted a number of resolutions that recognize the haz-
ards of tobacco use and support educational programs
and community policies to discourage tobacco use (Na-
tional PTA 1984). However, the organization's materials
for parents about drugs do not discuss tobacco use.
"Just Say No" International is an organization
founded in the late 1980s to promote local dubs for youth
aged 7 through 14 years. These clubs give children infor-
mation, skills, and support to help them resist drugs,
including tobacco ("Just Say No" Internationa11992). The
parent organization and the 11,000 local clubs are largely
funded through private sources and are based in schools
and community settings, including same public housing
sites. Activities include education, recreation, outreach
and peer-education, and community service. An evalua-
tion of 121ocal dubs that had been active for at least one
year revealed that these clubs can offer young people a
meaningful role in improving the community, strengthen-
ing community ties, helping community members com-
mit to drug-use prevention, and coordinating other
prevention efforts (Duper 1992).
Prevention Programs Initiated by the Tobacco
Industry
Since 1984, the Tobacco Institute has distributed a
series of publications intended to discourage children from
smoking (National Association of State Boards of Education
[NASBEI 1984,1987;TobaccoObserver1984). Althoughallof
thesepublicationsemphasizededsion makingskills,onlythe
Prevention 237
TIMN 0139087

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
use. The overall design of the MPP included all commu-
nities within metropolitan Kansas City (Kansas and Mis-
souri) and Indianapolis (Indiana). Within each of these
two areas, cohorts of adolescents were assigned by school
to intervention or delayed intervention (control) condi-
tions. The intervention programs initially targeted sixth-
or seventh-grade students and consisted of a 10-session,
school-based social skills curriculum; 10 homework as-
signments to be completed with parents or guardians;
mass media coverage using television, radio, and print;
community organization; and policy change. In the first
two years of the project, 22,500 adolescents participated
in the school and community intervention. Analyses
from students in 42 schools (N = 5,008) indicated a lower
prevalence of past-month cigarette, alcohol, and mari-
juana use at one-year follow-up for those exposed to the
school intervention than for the control group (17 per-
cent vs. 24 percent for cigarette smoking, 11 percent vs. 16
percent for alcohol use, and 7 percent vs. 10 percent for
marijuana use) (Pentz, Dwyer, et al. 1989).
Similar results were observed after two years for a
longitudinal panel of students from eight schools in Kan-
sas City (N = 1,122) (Pentz, MacKinnon, Flay, et a1.1989)
(Table 6). Third-year results demonstrated sustained
impact only on tobacco and marijuana use, but reduc-
tions were equivalent for adolescents at lower or higher
risk (Johnson et al. 1990). The MPP is particularly
' important because it demonstrates the feasibility of a
large-scale, communitywide effort focused exclusively
on youth. The program has also demonstrated impact
on those at high risk, and it has considerable method-
ological strength. The MPP's long-term impact on
tobacco is still to be determined.
The New England Research Institute has developed
and tested a community program for smoking prevention
among Hispanic (Puerto Rican) adolescents. The program
includes a music video, buttons and T-shirts, a smoking
cessation booklet, information booths and a traveling
music show at area festivals, and a basketball tournament
that includes a discussion about pressures to smoke
(McGraw 1990). The preliminary results of the evaluation,
however, indicate no differences between the intervention
group (in Bostori) and a comparison group (in Hartford) in
reported smoking rates, attitudes toward smoking, or in-
tentions to smoke.
Currently under way is Project SixTeen, a commu-
nity trial being conducted by the Oregon Research Insti-
tute from 1990 to 1995. In this project, experimental
communities receive a school program combined with
community intervention that includes parental involve-
ment, media campaigns, efforts by health care providers,
and changes in policies and regulations (Ary and Biglan,
unpublished data).
State and Federal Tobacco-Control Efforts at the
Local Level
A number of states have adopted tobacco-control
programs that include community-based adolescent
components. The Association of State and Territorial
Health Officials (ASTHO) has recommended the devel-
opment of statewide tobacco-control plans that include
both school and nonschool activities for youth (ASTHO
1989). . At least 12 states have developed freestanding
statewide tobacco-control plans, and another 22 states
have incorporated them into plans for controlling chronic
disease (CDC 1991b). All but 15 states have a specific
budget devoted to .tobacco-related activities. Examples
of state-funded nonschool activities to prevent tobacco
use indude the K.I.D.S. Coalition, a Utah program that
encourages youth to work with community leaders to
Table 6. Outcomes of the Midwestern Prevention Project: adjusted net differences in the percentage
of
smokers in program and control groups, from baseline to 6-month, 1-year, and 2-year follow-up
Adjusted net difference*
Smoking variable 6 months 1 year 2 years
Lifetime use 2.3 1.2 11.7+
Past-month use -7.5$ -10.2§ -16.09
Past-week use -6.4= -7.9t -11.7§
Source: Pentz, MacKinnon, Flay, et al. (1989).
*Analyses done with school as a unit of analysis, adjusted for race and grade.
tp <.10 (one-tailed test).
tp < .05 (one-tailed test).
9p <.01 (one-tailed test).
TIMN 0139085
Prevention 235

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
adolescents their age and that the majority of persons in
any age group are nonsmokers. Students examine the
reasons that adolescents say they smoke, including to be
accepted by peers, to appear mature, or to help cope with
difficult situations. The factors that affect adolescent
smoking can also be explored, including the influence of
parents, peers, and mass media; for example, students
can learn how role modeling and adverti'sing can falsely
establish positive cultural meanings for smoking (see
"Research on the Effects of Cigarette Advertising and
Promotional Activities on Young People" in Chapter 5).
A related component is to engage students in training,
modeling, rehearsing, and reinforcing methods that
counter these influences and to coach students to com-
municate these techniques to others. Some approaches
also include generic personal and social skills training to
promote overall competence and reduce motivations to
smoke (Botvin and Wills 1985).
Curriculum Format
Among the numerous approaches to teaching skills
to resist social influences to smoke, the format variations
are in most cases minor (Best et a1.1988). For example, a
number of these approaches rely on classroom teachers
to deliver the smoking-prevention program. The six-
session program designed by Colquhoun and Cullen
(1981) focused on refusal skills training provided by
classroom teachers with the help of local physicians.
Biglan, Glasgow, et al. (1987), on the other hand, trained
health and science teachers to deliver intervention ses-
sions on four consecutive days, followed by a booster
session two weeks later.
Other intervention variations have used a combina-
tion of trained staff or teachers plus student peer leaders.
Perry, IQepp, and Sillers (1989), for example, used same-age
peers in a smoking-prevention program that promoted
cardiovascular health. Ellickson and Bell (1990), on the
other hand, employed trained health educators to deliver
their intervention to seventh graders and contrasted this
approach by delivering the intervention through students'
regular teachers assisted by teen leaders. Similarly, Arkin et
al. (1981) organized seventh-grade student nominations of
classmates who students felt would be effective peer lead-
ers. Those selected then served as discussion leaders and
helped students rehearse and role-play appropriate re-
sponses to situations that simulated social pressure.
In Project SHOUT (Students Helping Others Un-
derstand Tobacco), college undergraduate students in
psychology, health sciences, and other majors worked
for college credit toward their degrees by serving as peer
leaders to young adolescents. The college students were
mature and reliable enough to deliver interventions (both
in the classroom and over the telephone, in booster calls)
yet sufficiently youthful to be acceptable to an adult-
wary audience (Young et al. 1988; ,Young et al. 1990;
Elder et a1.1993).
Table 4. Essential elements of school-based smoking-prevention programs
1. Classroom sessions should be delivered at least five times per year in each of two years in the
sixth
through eighth grades.
2. The program should emphasize the social factors that influence smoking onset, short-term
consequences, and refusal skills.
3. The program should be incorporated into the existing school curricula.
4. The program should be introduced during the transition from elementary school to junior high or
middle school (sixth or seventh grades).
5. Students should be involved in the presentation and delivery of the program.
6. Parental involvement should be encouraged.
7. Teachers should be adequately trained.
8. The program should be socially and culturally acceptable to each community.
Source: Glynn (1989).
Prevention 219
TIMN 0139069

Surgeon General's Report
what?" Intention to smoke was assessed by the question,
,,po you think you will ever smoke cigarettes in the
future?" to which there were six possible responses.
Subjects who had small differences between their
self-image and their image of smokers, and those who
had large differences between their self-image and their
ideal self-image, were found to have greater intentions to
smoke. These findings can bear closer scrutiny. Smok-
ers' images received relatively low scores from all stu-
dents, but to a lesser extent among students who had
greater intentions to smoke. Since these students had
also assigned themselves lower self-images than their
peers, they were that much closer to the image scores
they assigned to smokers. Also worth elaborating is the
observed relationship between greater intention to
smoke and greater disparity between self-image and
ideal self-image: students intending to smoke assigned
themselves lower scores for both images than did their
peers. The authors conclude that youth with relatively
low self-concepts who do not perceive themselves as
being particularly healthy, wise, tough, or interested in
the opposite sex may be drawn to smoking as a way of
enhancing their low self-image, especially since smoking
has been consistently associated with these attributes
in advertising.
In a study conducted in 1991 (Burton, Moinuddin,
Grenier, unpublished data), 239 black and white sev-
enth- and eighth-grade students in Chicago were asked
to rate 'on a five-point scale their self-image and their
ideal self-image according to 13 attributes. Some at-
tributes (such as "special" and "important") were promi-
nent in both scales; other attributes that were highly
rated in one image scale were much lower in the other.
The attributes that revealed the largest discrepancies
between ideal self-image and self-image were "good-
looking," "sexy," "tough," and "athletic." The same
students were also asked to indicate on a three-point
scale how much they would want to buy a given prod-
uct. When responses to the two sets of questions were
compared, having _"sexyr' as an ideal self-image at-
tribute was associateii.with expressing an intention to
purchase Camel cigarvttes, and having "tough" as an
ideal self-image attAute was associated with express-
ing an intention to purchase Marlboro cigarettes.
The image attributions of adolescents described in
this set of studies suggests a mechanism of smoking
initiation (Figure 3). The visual images in advertise-
ments may thus serve to shape the ideal self-image of this
impressionable audience, since the ads may portray at-
tributes that children and adolescents would like to have.
The greater the discrepancy between their self-images
and their ideal self-images, the more likely these young
people are to try to make their self-images more like their
ideal self-images (e.g., by "buying into" an improved
self-image through responding with the purchase in-
vited by the ads).
In commercial advertising theory, this notion in-
forms imagery-advertising conceptualization, which pre-
sumes that the need for consistency or balance will
motivate an individual to try to close the gap between
self-image and ideal self-image (McGuire 1989). This
con-ceptualization entails an active striving to make the
self-image more like the ideal self-image, and not the
other way around. Imagery-advertising conceptualization
is most compatible with identification theories (e.g., role
theories, reference-group theories, and self-presentation
theories) that stress the need to expand identity by adopt-
ing distinctive thoughts, feelings, or actions (McGuire
1989). Thus, the teeiiaged girl who responds to a Virginia
Slims advertisement that portrays independence is moti-
vated to buy and use the product in order to enhance her
sense of independence.
Young f'eople's Misperceptions of Smoking
Prevalence and Implications for Tobacco Use
In~ contrast to the image-advertising modet de-
scribed above, the model in Figure 4 is not concerned
with the content of cigarette adver tisements, but instead
with the pervasiveness of the ads. According to this
conceptualization, the pervasiveness of cigarette ads leads
youth to overestim?kte the prevalence of smoking and to
consider smoking as normative. Studies have consis-
tently reported that adolescents overestimate the preva-
lence of cigarette smoking (Johnson 1982; Chassin et al.
1984); moreover, those who smoke overestimate smok
ing prevalence to a greater extent than do nonsmokers
(Sherman et al. 1983; McCarthy and Gritz 1984). Over-
estimating smoking prevalence has been found to be
among the strongest predictors of smoking initiation and
acquisition (Chassinet a1.1984; Collins et al.1987; Sussman
et al. 1988; see 'Terceived Environmental Factors" for
smoking in Chapter 4).
Burton et al. (unpublished data) examined the rela-
tionships among cigarette advertising, estimates of smok-
ing prevalence, and intentions to smoke. Children in
Helsinki, Finland, where there has been a total tobacco
advertising ban since 1978, were compared with children
in Los Angeles, where tobacco is advertised in various
print media and through promotional activities. Because
the Finnish children may have been exposed to tobacco
advertising through foreign magazines or through trav-
eling to other countries, the study is characterized as
comparing pervasive vs. occasional exposure to adver-
tising. Classroom samples of 477 Helsinki students and
453 Los Angeles students-aged 8 through 14 years in
both samples-whose lifetime cigarette use consisted of
192 Advertising and Promotion
TIMN 0139044

Surgeon General's Report
sizes, the limited number of studies, the lack of control
groups, and the lack of long-term follow-up necessitate
cautious interpretation. Further research on cessation
must consider the effects of usage frequency and
intensity and must focus on relapse rates, use of nico-
tine replacement in cessation, self-help attempts at
quitting, effects of advice by physicians and other health
professionals, and effects of taxation and environmen-
tal restrictions.
Clinical Interventions to Prevent Tobacco Use
Introduction
Physicians, dentists, and other health care provid-
ers who take care of children are in a unique position to
help their patients avoid the use of tobacco (Perry and
Silvis 1987). Children perceive these professionals as
credible health experts and thus may attend more to
what they say than to what parents and other adults say.
Health care providers can serve as powerful role models
who can positively influence the health behavior of their
young patients, especially where a long-term relation-
ship has been formed with the child and the family.
Lastly, health care providers should know when to pro-
vide specific health information at critical times iri a
child's development.
The medical office provides an important opportu-
nity for physicians, dentists, and staff to communicate
attitudes about smoking and smokeless tobacco use
(Kottke et al. 1989; Richards 1992). By not smoking,
health professionals can serve as positive role models,
as the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) and the
American Academy of Family Physicians (AAFP) have
recommended. Smoking by physicians, other staff,
adolescents, or parents should not be allowed in
the physician's office or reception area (AAP 1987;
AAFP 1992).
The AAP recommends that between birth and 21
years of age, a child should make a minimum of 20 visits
to the physician (AAP 1988). These visits offer opportu-
nities to prevent and deter tobacco use. To be successful
at preventing tobacco use, physicians and other health
professionals must know what the risk factors are, how
to identify children who are most vulnerable, and how to
intervene effectively.
Recommendations to Clinicians Who Care for
Children and Adolescents
Education about tobacco should begin in child-
hood, when family standards and values are developing
(AAP and Center for Advanced Health Studies 1988).
The child's visit may also afford the opportunity for a
health professional to advise young parents who smoke
to stop (Perry, Griffin, Murray 1985). During infancy and
early childhood, clinicians should emphasize to parents
the relationship between environmental tobacco smoke
and the infant's health, particularly the association be-
tween environmental tobacco smoke and children's pneu-
monia, bronchitis, asthma, middle ear disease, and sudden
infant death syndrome (USDHHS 1986a, 1990a; U.S. En-
vironmental Protection Agency [USEPAI 1992). Advice
from a child's physician can reinforce advice that parents
may have received from their own doctors. Clinicians
thus need to learn skills to promote antismoking behav-
ior and encourage parents to stop smoking.
The 1VCI and the AAP have developed recommen-
dations for health professionals to prevent their preadult
patients from trying smoking (Epps and Manley 1991b).
These brief activities can be carried out during the peri-
odic visits that the AAP recommends between birth and
21 years of age, as well as at other visits. Five steps that
begin with the letter "a"-anticipate, ask, advise, assist,
and arrange follow-up-are recommended:
Anticipate the risks for tobacco use associated with the
child's development stage. These risks include expo-
sure to environmental tobacco smoke, experimenta-
tion with tobacco, and nicotine addiction (Kandel.1975;
Hawkins, Lishner, Catalano 1985; Dent et al. 1987;
AAP 1988). Children and adolescents are more likely
to use tobacco if their siblings and friends use it and if
tobacco use is perceived as normative or functional
(USDHHS 1986a; see "Interpersonal Factors" and "Per-
ceived Environmental Factors," both for smoking and
for smokeless tobacco use, in Chapter 4). Adolescents
are vulnerable to tobacco use-; :pecially those with
fewer coping skills (Doueck et a1.1988), those suscep-
tible to cigarette advertising (Blum 1980), and adoles-
cent females concerned about their body weight. (Gritz
1986).
Ask at each visit, about tobacco exposures and tobacco
use (Richards 1992). Ask about tobacco use by the
patient and by the patient's friends and family. When
seeing infants and young children, ask parents whether
the patient has regular contact with anyone who
smokes. Ask if tobacco use is being discussed among
the child's friends or in school and, if so, in what
classes. Ask about the child's school health education
program. Ask the child about participation in sports
and extracurricular activities that may be incompat-
ible with smoking. In dental examinations, inspect
the intraoral soft tissue. If changes are noted in the
mucosa, ask about smokeless tobacco use.
Advise tobacco users to stop. Advise women of the
adverse effects of smoking during pregnancy. Inform
smoking parents of the health consequences that envi-
ronmental tobacco smoke can have on their children.
Advise children and adolescents who are using (or
232 Prevention
~ TIMN 0139082

Preventir<<ti> Tobacco Use AmonY Yowig People
contemporary marketing techniques coupled with be-
havioral science theory to develop three campaigns that
could be practical and inexpensive enough to be dissemi-
nated nationally if proven successful. A radio campaign
used eight messages about expected consequences of
smoking. Another radio campaign invited young people
and their friends to enter a sweepstakes by pledging not
to smoke. Lastly, a television campaign combined these
two approaches. These campaigns were conducted as
paid media, not as public service announcements. The
intervention, which involved 10 media markets in the
southeastern United States, was expected to reach 75
percent of its adolescent target audience during 1985 and
1986. Although none of these campaign approaches
resulted in reductions in the onset of smoking, improve-
ments were observed in two important psychosocial fac-
tors-the expected utility of smoking and friends'
approval of smoking (see "Social Support for Smoking"
and "Subjective Expected Utility"' in Chapter 4). The
authors also found that radio was as effective as televi-
sion for reaching the adolescent audience (Bauman,
Padgett, Koch 1989; Bauman et al. 1991).
The third study, at the University of Vermont (Worden
et a1.1988), tested the ability of mass media interventions to
increase the efficacy of a school-based smoking-prevention
program. In this intervention strategy, media and school
programs shared educational objectives but were otherwise
independent. A total of 36 television and 17 radio messages
were developed by using extensive diagnostic and forma-
tive research with students in grades 4 through 10. The
messages were broadcast in a four-year paid campaign in
cities in Montana and the northeastern United States from
1986 through 1989. Results indicated that the smoking
prevalence for students who received both the media cam-
paign and the school program was 34 to 41 percent lower
than for students who received the school program only
(Figure 4). The study observed consistently positive results
for intervening measures (Flynn et a1.1992). An alternative
approach that used the community as the unit of analysis
also showed a significant difference between treatment
groups over time (Flynn et a1.1992). This campaign used
various message formats and production styles, including
nonauthoritarian appeals that avoided direct exhortations
not to smoke. The authors suggested that because the
media campaign was not explicitly linked to the school
program (e.g., the two components did not share materials,
designs, or slogans), adolescent viewers may have perceived
that young people across the nation were receiving the same
nonsmoking messages-and that nonsmoking was indeed
the norm.
Other than the three studies funded by the NCI,
little mass-media research has been directed at adolescent
smoking. The recent California mass media campaign
included young people as a major target audience; about
one-third of the television messages, one-quarter of the
radio messages, and over one-half of the outdoor adver-
tisements addressed young people as well as other speci-
fied groups (e.g., pregnant women, young adults, adults)
(Kizer and Honig 1990).
Although the goals of the California campaign in-
termingle youth and adult priorities, the goals that seem
to apply to youth are those that deglamorize the myths
about tobacco use, expose problems created by the to-
bacco industry, and provide information about the haz-
ards of smoking. A few spots touch on these topics (Table
7), but several others, said to be targeted to the youth
audiences in the California media plan, seem to be in-
tended for adults, such as spots about youth access to
cigarette vending machines and about spots that show
children worrying about their parents' smoking. Mea-
surements before and after campaign waves, however,
indicated significant changes in message awareness
(Popham et a1.1991), and a report by Glantz (1993) indi-
cates an association between the media campaign and a
decline in cigarette consumption throughout California.
Recently released data suggest, however, that this decline
is not being observed among youth (Pierce et a1.1993).
Figure 4. Smoking prevalence in University of
Vermont program using mass media to
prevent adolescent smoking
,0
18
~
1
1
6
y
u
c
?: 14-I
>
y
12-J .
o»
eo
c 10
3
0
6 8
Ln
~ /
/
~ 6
~ /
3 4 /
2
0
1 2 3 4 5 6
Study year
School program only
- - School program and media campaign
Source: Adapted from Flynn et al. (1992).
Prevention 243
TIMN 0139093

Preventing Tobacco Use Among Young People
Advertising requirements
Prohibited cigarette
advertising on television
and radio
Preempted any state or
local requirement or
prohibition based on
smoking and health with
respect to cigarette adver-
tising or promotion
Extended broadcast ban on
cigarette advertising to
"little cigars"
None
Prohibited smokeless
tobacco advertising on
television and radio
Congressional
reporting requirements Other stipulations
Annual report to Congress on health None
consequences of smoking (U.S.
Department of Health,
Education, and Welfare (USDHEW])
Annual report to Congress on
cigarette labeling and advertising
(FTC)
Annual report to Congress on None
health consequences of smoking
(USDHEW)
Annual report to Congress on
cigarette labeling and advertising
(FTC) h
Biennial status report to Congress
on smoking and health (U.S. De-
partment of Health and Human
Services [USDHHS])
Biennial status report to Congress on
smokeless tobacco use (USDHHS)
Biennial report to Congress on
smokeless tobacco sales, advertis-
ing, and marketing practices (FTC)
None
Created the Federal Interagency
Committee on Smoking and
Health (USDHHS)
Cigarette industry must provide a
confidential list of cigarette
additives' (USDHHS)
Required public information
campaign on health hazards of
using smokeless tobaccot
(USDHHS)
Smokeless tobacco companies
must provide a confidential list of
additives and a specification of
nicotine content in smokeless
tobacco productst (USDHHS)
+List of additives does not identify company or cigarette brand, no public disclosure of additives
on packages or
advertisements required, and no other public disclosure allowed.
No funds have been appropriated to carry out this campaign.
~ Prevention 259
TIM~I 0139109.

Sureeon General's Report
create social change around the tobacco issue (Utah De-
partment of Health 1991), and the Body Guards cam-
paign, a program sponsored by the Minnesota De-
partment of Health that trains minority youth (aged 12
through 14 years) to involve their families and others in
the community in tobacco-free pledges and messages
(ASTHO 1992).
The Federal Comprehensive Smokeless Tobacco
Health Education Act of 1986 (Public Law 99-252), which
included a mandate for health education programs and
materials about risks of smokeless tobacco, coincided
with an increase in state-funded community programs
addressing smokeless tobacco. In Ohio, for example, the
Department of Health has involved American Lung As-
sociation affiliates, Boysand GirlsClubs of America, Little
League, the Cleveland Indians baseball team, 4-H Clubs,
and juvenile detention centers in efforts to reach youth at
high risk of using smokeless tobacco (Capwell 1990).
The most comprehensive state tobacco-control pro-
gram operates in California. Administered by the state's
Department of Health Services and Department of Edu-
cation, the program has been funded since 1989 by a
cigarette excise tax increase of25 cents per pack (asa result
of Proposition 99), one-fifth of which is dedicated to
antitobacco education (Bal et al. 1990). Community-
based prevention services are specifically directed to
high-risk youth (i.e., those who have parents who smoke,
those who have dropped out of school, or those who are
economically disadvantaged) (Tobacco Education Over-
sight Committee 1991). During its first two years, this
program created local tobacco-use prevention coalitions
in all 61 local health jurisdictions, organized a youth
summit called Kids Choose a Tobacco Free Future, held
training workshops for county staff of the Child Health
and Disability Prevention Program t