Tobacco Institute
I. Public Smoking: the Problem (Sdc Introduction)
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- TIMN0014552-0014597
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- Speech/Presentation
- Characteristic
- CONFIDENTIAL (STAMP)
- Site
- S. Chilcote
- Date Loaded
- 05 Jun 1998
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- Mn1-3
- Mn1-102
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- 006
- Litigation
- Minnesota AG
- UCSF Legacy ID
- mqo03f00
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I.
CONFIDENTIAL:
MINNESOTA TOBACCO LITIGATION
Public Smoking: The Problem (SDC Introduction)
A. Fourteen years ago, Surgeon General Jesse Steinfeld
launched the campaign to ban smoking in public places,
claiming that "evidence is accumulating that the
nonsmoker may have untoward effects from the pollution
his smoking neighbor forces upon him."
B. A decade later -- in 1981 -- 225 anti-smokers from
throughout the U.S. gathered in New York City to
develop a°Blueprint for Action" against smokers.
Almost 25 percent of their recommendations directly
address the public smoking issue. The remainder,
of course, affect it. Let me give you some examples:
o Work for voluntary segregation of smokers.
o Limit workplace and public smoking by law.
o Promote litigation, including workplace
suits.
o Resiuire all government grantees and contrac-
tors to protect nonsmokers.
o Create tax initiatives to develop smoke-free
work areas.
o Promote use of the terms, "involuntary" and
"forced" smoking rather than "passive."
o Publicize smoking as a form of indoor air
pollution.
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o Promote research on environmental tobacco
smoke.
o Increase the excise tax to discourage ambient
smoke.
C. Most of these suggestions should sound familiar.
Anti-smokers at the federal, state and local
levels are promoting these and other measures
in their attempt to drive smokers out of the public
and into the closet.
D. Public smoking issue is rapidly becoming an extension
of the primary issue -- in the media's eye as well as
in the public's eye.
E. Health, of course, is the underlying reason for all
attempts to restrict the smoker's right to smoke in
public.
1. Our ninth Roper survey last year showed a
dramatic increase in the number of respondents
who believe it is probably hazardous to be
around people who are smoking.
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2. In 1974, fewer than half the respondents believed
this. Today, nearly 7 in 10 agree. And for the
first time, a majority of smokers believe that
ambient smoke is hazardous. A decade ago, only
30 percent of smokers believed this.
3. If this trend -- toward increasing public accep-
tance that ambient cigarette smoke is dangerous -®
continues, in just eight years we will
find that the percentage who accept public smoking
as a probable hazard- will> equall the percentage who
accept primary smoking as a hazard.
4. Although health remains the most salient of the
issues addressed by nonsmokers, the Roper results
continued to report an increase in the number of
people who said they found it annoying to be
around smokers. Two-thirds of nonsmokers said
they were annoyed. In 1970, only one-third
reported annoyance.
5. Even smokers now are reporting annoyance about
being around other smokers -- one in ten.
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6.
F.
A just-completed survey of journalists shows
similar results: (here report results of Tarrance
media gatekeeper survey).
REDACTED
G. Meanwhile, proposals to restrict smoking in public
places continue to increase. What began in the states
in Arizona in 1973 has spread across the country --
most recently to the local and federal levels.
H. You've heard the numbers. Our industry has faced
more than 1,200 smoking restriction bills
in the last 15 years, with a better than 90
percent success rate.
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I. In 1984, we faced more than 100 bills in 28 states;
four were enacted. In 1985, our state activities
division has ranked smoking restriction legislation
as a top priority in 32 states; number two priority
in 8 others. At the local level, we can expect to
face restriction proposals in more than 100 cities and
counties, including:
o all of Florida
o most of California
o Boston
o Detroit
o New York City
o Philadelphia
o Memphis
o Dallas
o Northern and Tidewater Virginia
o Seattle
~. The anti-smokers' new target, of course, is the
workplace. Five states and 86 local jurisdictions now
require private sector employers to adopt smoking
restrictions in the workplace. Two-thirds of these
localities are in California. Although no state
enacted workplace smoking restrictions in 1984, 15
considered them.
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IC. At the local level, workplace proposals were
introduced in 50 cities and counties; 15 were
approved, 21 are pending.
L. We have 17 professional field staff battling these
proposals. They are assisted by lobbyists in each
state capital and in local jurisdictions as appro-
priate. Our volunteer Tobacco Action Network now
numbers about 85,000; of these, about 12,000 have
been identified as activists who can be relied upon
to act when the call for help goes out.
M. But we are badly outnumbered by the voluntary health
organizations, who can call upon more than 3 million
members or volunteers nationwide.
1. The American Cancer Society reports some 3,128
local chapters -- one in every county in the
country. One of every 100 Americans is an active
ACS volunteer, they claim.
2. The American Heart Association maintains local
chapters in 3,000 communities.
3. The Lung Association has 141 state and regional
chapters.
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That's more than 6,000 staffed offices or units
supporting smoking restriction legislation across
the country. And I'm not including the grass roots
organizations such as GASP which form to work on
specific pieces of legislation.
N. Eighty-five thousand-plus versus six million. If we
assume that 15 percent of that six million can be
described as "activist," as is true with our TAN
volunteers, we are outnumbered 900,000 to 12,000 in
terms of individuals who are willing to act when
called upon. That's a ratio of 75-to®1.
0. And those numbers don't even take into account the
fact that those 75 individuals boast a far greater
credibility with legislators and the general public
than our one.
P. Public opinion is increasingly on the anti-smokers'
side as well. Our 1984 Roper survey found increasing
support for separate sections for smokers in public
places, especially in eating and work places. A
decade ago, about half the public favored separate
smoking and nonsmoking sections in restaurants.
Today, 90 percent do. In 1974, 50 percent approved
of workplace restrictions. Today, 75 percent approve.
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Q. That's formidable opposition. And there's more.
R. The problem is no longer restricted to the state and
local levels. The federal government, too, is in on
the act. For example:
1. The Office on Smoking and Health has $500,000
to conduct a literature review on health effects
of public smoking. We should see the results
of this study later this year.
2. The same department plans to devote its annual
Surgeon General's report for 1985 to synergestic
effects of tobacco smoke in the workplace.
S. Not to be outdone, the National Cancer Institute
is spending another $500,000 on passive smoking
research.
4. Air quality studies are occupying several federal
agencies. Among them:
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a.
The Environmental Protection Agency, which '.ls
working with the National Academy of Sciences
on a$75,040 passive smoking study, also is
using $2 million appropriated by Congress for
studies of indoor air quality.
b. EPA, of course, is home to James Repace, whose
claim that 500 nonsmokers may be dying each
year from exposure to cigarette smoke,
recently was validated by one department
within the agency.
c. The National Academy of Sciences may be
doing yet another air quality study -- this
time for the Department of Transportation.
Legislation signed by President Reagan in
1984 authorizes a study of air quality in
aircraft cabins.
d. Also last year, the Reagan Administration
reactivated an Interagency Committee on
Indoor Air, which now is coordinating research
among a variety of federal agencies. With
the wide publicity given James Repace's recent
claims, we can expect cigarette smoke to be
given close scrutiny in much of this researc:h.
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e. There's been talk of Congressional hearings on
this issue, too. Last time, in 1978, was
in the House Agriculture Committee, with Rep.
Walter Jones of North Carolina, who was
friendly toward the industry. This time, we
may be facing Rep. Henry Waxman's Subcommittee
on Health and the Environment.
5. Last year, as you know, we fought long and hard to
persuade the Civil Aeronautics Board that there
was no reason to further restrict smoking on
board commercial aircraft. We won that battle.
The CAB went out of business at the end of 1984.
But most of its consumer protection regulations,
including smoking, transferred to the Department
of Transportation. We can be sure that, once the
shakedown is complete at transportation, anti-
smokers will be back trying to accomplish what
they failed to do at the CAB.
S. What do these health claims, the heightened public
sentiment for smoking restrictions, increasing non-
smoker annoyance toward smokers mean for this
industry?
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