Tobacco Institute
Annual Report to the Board of Directors
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- National Chamber Foundation
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- Date Loaded
- 22 Apr 1999
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- Kloepfer, W. 1
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- MARGINALIA
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- 1. Kloepfer, W. Author
- Affiliation:
Tobacco Institute
- Affiliation:
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CONFIDENTIAL:
MINNESOTA TOBACCO LITIGATION
Annual Report to the Board of Directors
William Kloepfer, Jr.
December 13, 1984
Following David and Roger this morning is a natural.
Because the sole objective of our public relations is to
support their divisions on every issue they described.
We do it in four ways:
Producing documented materials.
Providing expert witnesses.
Developing coalitions.
Challenging the anti-smokers.
In a moment I'll recall some anecdotes which have
illustrated our public relations pursuit of that goal and
those methods. First a word about the public affairs climate.
I think 1984 is the year that the anti-smokers came of
age. They settled on a leader, an individual capable of
uniting the many competitive organizations intent upon closing
the doors of this industry. That individual is the United
States Surgeon General. Dr. Koop has called for a smoke-free
society by the year 2000. He has made that his personal and
ofticial crusade. He has attracted funding. He has attracted
journalists. He has inspired anti-smoking militarism. That
militarism is more than a mere P.R. theme. We see it clearly
in our own research. The gestation of the anti-smoking
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movement during the past two decades has brought forth a
stampeding elephant.
I'll remind you of what we saw in our biennial poll,
last spring.
A full third of the sample did not regard our industry as
important to the U.S. economy. More than two-thirds said we
are not at all concerned about the health and safety of our
customers. Nearly one-fifth wanted smoking banned altogether
in the workplace. Nearly TO percent believed that cigarette
smoke in the air is probably hazardous. Nearly 70 percent of
the smokers said they frequently or occasionally feel
uncomfortable about their custom.
The public relations challenge seems more severe than
even during the days of Wilbur Cohen and Joe Califano.
That is the bad news. The good news is our responses.
We are substantially more aggressive, but never at the
sacrifice of truth or ethics.
We are tighter knitin our division, as an organization.
We are filling the communications needs of our political
divisions. We are earning dood will for The Institute with
other communications projects.
Look at the fire issue. It took Congress three years to
kill preempting legislation and pass the study bill. In the
meantime, our f.Lre prevention program met a public need and
created the contacts and an environment which made it easier
for our lobbyists to do their jobs.
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We started in 1982, took hold in 1983, and produced
results this year. Before we began, the fire service was
slowly uniting against us. Uniformed firefighters were
appearing at legislative hearings, writing articles and g'.Lving
interviews, demanding self-extinguishing cigarettes.
Our small grants for fire prevention education, enabling
purchase of hardware and materials, have reached 42
metropolitan communities.
Our materials to help volunteer departments recruit and
raise funds and teach fire prevention have been requested by
1,500 other communities.
Our support has resulted in two studies of comparatively
low accidental fire rates in Europe and the Far East, and they
are being widely read by American experts for the lessons they
contain. One of them is that the authorities in Asia and
Europe have focused on more important measures than regulating
cigarettes.
Our prevention education material for senior citizens --
statistically they are a special problem -- is in draft.
Our evaluation project to enable testing of the
effectiveness of local education projects is in draft.
Our manual to help fire departments promote smoke
detector use is being readied for fire service use with rural
and city poor families.
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We have been told we have the best structured fire
prevention project ever sponsored by the private sector.
By this past summer several of the largest fire service
groups were working with us on legislation.
We are not out of the woods. But we face the rest of it
with the fire fighters.
And the youth problem. The proponents of labeling and
promotion restriction bills say over and over that this
industry promotes its products to kids. Just four-and-a-half
months ago the Executive Committee told us to launch our
Responsible Living Project, in effect to prove our policy that
smoking is an adult custom, not just talk about it.
In eight weeks we pulled together our advertising, our
previews and promotions, and last September 25 we and the
National Association of State Boards of Education announced
the availability of our booklet, "Helping Youth Decide", to
help parents communicate better with youngsters about a
variety of decisions better made as adults -- such decisions
as drinking, driving, sex, enlisting in military service, and
smoking.
The anti-smokers were speechless. The people genuinely
interested in youth welfare were generous with praise and
offers to help. Educators from New York to Oregon and civic
leaders from the Urban League to the Kiwar_-s and Hispanics and
police officers are enthusiastic about the project. Members
of Congress pitched in. The news media reported that we had
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done something right. The Pennsylvania State Legislature
passed resolutions commending us. As of yesterday, more than
Ire, P of the booklet "Helping Youth Decide," were in the
hands of parents around the country.
Our lobbyists in Texas, Minnesota, Massachusetts and
California have requested that we specially promote the
project locally to help offset those blue ribbon panels, to
deal with sampling bills, and to help fight excises earmarked
for public education.
Here, I hope, is a harbinger. John Rupp went up to
Methuen, Massachuetts two months ago to testify before the
Board of Health on incipient proposals for smoking
restrictions and a sampling ban. He pointed out that the
industry has gone the extra mile regarding youth smoking on
many occasions and exhibited the current project as the
latest. The Board asked for ten more copies of the booklet
and tabled its proposals.
I'll leave this subject with one more remark. You know
you've done something good when a teenage girl writes you and
says, when I sent for your booklet I didn't know what to
expect. I'm now able to talk and organize things out with my
mom for the first time in two years. Or when a man sends a
postcard with thank you in caps, and says, it really opened
the door of conversation between my son and me.
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And then there were the antics of the Civil Aeronautics
Board last spring. It was very satisfying, to put it mildly,
to the staff of the Public Relations Division to spearhead the
drive which demonstrated that the American public, frequent
flyers in particular, were opposed to stricter smoking rules
on airlines. We ran polls, pushed petitions, developed
letter-writing campaigns, and worked with the field staff to
analyse the effect the rules would have on airlines, airports
and air passengers. We pulled together groups to testify on
our behalf, coordinated air carrier response and we even
helped filled all of the seats in the hearing room. Resu:Lts?
You know the results.
Each of our contacts remains alive and vigilant for any
next round which could occur at the Department of
Transportation.
Smoking restrictions? This year we found a prominent
labor lawyer who argues that workplace smoking rules ignore
collective bargaining. We found an economist who refutes the
notion that smokers are costlier employees. We found a
well-known police official who states that minor ordinances
are a drain on police resources and morale. We commissioned
major research which found that labor officials and first line
supervisors do not see smoking as having any effect on
productivity. We ran polls in a half dozen cities and
counties which showed that public majorities do not support
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workplace restrictions. We caused a study by a corporate
planning and design firm which has found-that efficient space
planning is befouled by smoking restrictions.
We wrote a who-what-how-to manual on the convenience
store industry to help our field staff develop that ally at
the local level. With help from counsel we set up a tobacco
industry labor-management committee to advertise that attacks
on smoking are attacks on jobs, and with labor in Erie County,
with the media and behind the scenes, made the vote on the
non-binding smoking restriction referendum that the
Commissioners, by their own admission, are thinking twice
about what to do.
We have asked the president of the American Associat:ion
of Affirmative Action to propose how, with our support, his
group may address the question of how smoking restrictions hit
minorities hardest and are, therefore, an indirect means of
discrimination.
We produced a compelling kit full of documentation for
personal visits with employers considering smoking policies.
Our first road test was a few days ago with a Maryland state
agency and we are awaiting the feedback.
Now, the largest immediate issue -- excises.
This year we popped consulting economists into
Secretary
Regan's regional hearings on tax simplification, each of them
building into the records testimony that excises are lousy.
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With our support five of them have formed a Committee on
Taxation and Economic Growth and published their views in-a
pamphlet. They'll go anywhere to testify.
We helped the Vietnam Veterans of America -- they're
coming into their own now -- publish a pamplet summoning its
members to lobby. It has a long title and a specific message:
"Excises are the most flagrantly discriminatory and
regressive taxes that exist."
We have completed a letter-to-editor how-to pamphlet,,
ready for dispatch by Sam Chilcote the first of the year to
tobacco related organizations and TAN activists, explaining
how to write in opposition to excises, including addresses of
daily paper editors, to be ready for the new year's tax bills.
We helped labor officials prepare the testimony they
presented in Congress and before the National Conference of
State Legislatures in opposition to earmarking of excises.
We opened dialogue and prospects for cooperative
prospects with The National Chamber Foundation, the AFL's
Citizens for Tax Justice, the liberal Save Our Security
organization, Women in Farm Economics, The League of United
Latin American Citizens. We found the best key in opening
these doors to coalitions is to talk of the evils of excises
ir. generic terms, without the cigarette adjective.
We have brought you a kit of the tax materials that are
already out of the pipeline. It will grow.
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Such issue management, subordinate to the needs of our
political divisions, meets our basic objective. At the same
time, we spent 1984 in substantial strengthening of our media
relations and news output.
Our speakers appeared more frequently on assignments by
our issue managers. Example: Anne Browder two weeks ago in a
speech to the National Caucus of Black State Legislators. At
the same time, they are being more cautious about accepting
appearances which result in more publicity for the
anti-smokers. Example: Our consistent refusals to appearr on
talk shows with Elizabeth Whelan or Peter Taylor during their
anti-smoking book promotion tours.
It's still easier for us to rebut someone else's news
than to make our own. But we made some progress this year.
Examples: Our releases which told many different communities
about the smoking flight blackouts they faced if the CAB went
the wrong way. Or the overnight poll we released on the Great
American Smokeout day which reported that three-quarters of
the public wished the Cancer Society would spend its money on
research instead of stunts.
The PR team in your shop is more effective, more
cohesive, more productive and better directed today than a
year ago. That is to their credit.
Much of the credit also goes to Tom Humber and his
Communications Committee. They have been patient, generous
with their time and expertise, and supportive throughout.
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