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the Role of Nicotine in Tobacco Use.
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- First Triennial Report to Congress, by Department of Health and Human Services, 840000. The Psychopharmacology of Addiction, by Lader Mh, 880000. List of Footnotes. Smoking and Health - Report of the Advisory Committee to the Surgeon General of the Public
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~ Psycho}harmacology (1992)'Ifi , 8:397-407
Review
The role of nicotine in tobacco use
John H. Robinson and Walter S. Pritchard
Biobehavioral R&D, R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Company, Bowman Gray Technical Center,
Reynolds Boulevard, Winston-Salem, NC 27102, USA
Received November 26, 1991 / Fusal version January 14, 1992
~ fl.t.t:l : -~rtl.rfT"i~
Abstrae The 1988 US~Surgeo~ Generals Report titl~ed
. , , .
'.Ntcotine Addtctton ' , is ~ ,tth~ in ttio.'litera-
ture as:h~aving estabhsh"e~ ,.; f icact" that',nicotine de-°
rived from cigarette smoke i 's'ad dttve iri the same. sense
..
,,
.., .
as "classic". addicting drugs such as heroin.
` and cocaine.
This manuscripts critically'evaluates key'research find-
ings used in support of this claim and identifies short-
comings, in the data that seriously question the logic
of labeling nicotine as "addictive". In addition, the man-
uscript argues~ that the~role of nicotine in tobacco use
is not lik'e.tlie role of cocai~ne in coca leaf use as argued
by the 1988 Surgeon ~Geiieral's Report, 'but is, in fact,
more like therole of caffeine iri coffee drinking as con-
cluded in the 1964 US Surgeon General's Report.
Key words: Tobacco use - Nicotine - Addiction
Historically, tobacco and its primary active pharmaco-
logic ingredient, nicotine, have been the focus of more
scientific study than perhaps any other product con-
sumed by humans. Since the publication by Langley and
Dickinson (1889) on the effects of nicotine on peripheral
ganglia, scientists have studied its effects on various bio-
logical tissues and, in particular, the central nervous sys-
tem (CNS). A review of reports published by the US
Surgeon General and the National Institute of Drug
Abuse (NIDA) indicates that the physiological, pharma-
cological, medical, psychological, and sociological as-
pects of nicotine and cigarette smoking have been the
subject of literally thousands of scientific articles. De-
spite this huge literature, however, the question "Why
do people smoke?" is still asked and, as behavioral sci-
entists, we believe that it is to a great extent still unans-
wered.
One approach to answering this question is to ask
a large number of smokers why they smoke. In general,
two broad categories of responses have emerged, one
Correspondence to: J.H. Robinson
Psychopharmacology
iDSpringer-Verlag 1992
related to pharmacological aspects of smoking and the
other -related ; to '!-non-pharmacological> factorsa(Spiel,
berger 1986). The pharmacological effects produced by
cigarette smoking have been attributed,:, for,_the;most
part, to nicotine absorbed by the smoker from inhaled
mainstream smoke. We will use the term "smoking/nico-
tine" to refer to this determinant of the pharmacological
effects.
The non-pharmacological aspects of smoking include
the "taste". of the cigarette smoke,;sensory.responses
in the throat and upper airway;'mariipulation ~of, the
cigarette itself as well as the smoke it produces, and
the social aspects of cigarette smoking. A demonstration
of the importance of non-pharmacological factors in
smoking motivation can be seen in the findings reported
by Rose and colleagues (Rose et al. 1984) that anestheti-
zation of the mouth, throat, and upper airway signifi-
cantly reduced self-reported desire to smoke in a group
of regular smokers.
The "nicotine paradox"
The responses related to smoking's pharmacological ef-
fects can be categorized on two predominant dimen-
sions. The peripheral effects of smoking/nicotine are
largely stimulatory (e.g., increased heart rate, most no-
ticeable for the initial cigarette of the day; Benowitz
1987). Indeed, a large segment of smokers report that
increased mental alertness produced by smoking/nico-
tine is an important aspect of their smoking motivation.
However, an even larger segment of smokers report
that smoking/nicotine helps them to function in the face
of environmental stress by having a calming effect on
their mood, and that this effect comprises a major aspect
of their smoking motivation. For example, Frith (1971)
reported that over 80% of 2000 smokers questioned
listed "pleasurable relaxation" as an important smoking
motive. These two seemingly contradictory motives
(smoking for purposes of mental stimulation and smok-
ing for purposes of mental relaxation) form the so-called

7
It I
399
connotations of a strongly negative nature (Davies
1990), a ploy "not lost sight of by the Surgeon General's
Office" according to Pandina and Huber in their review
of the nicotine addiction question (1990, p 55).
In addition, as noted above, the conclusions drawn
in the 1988 SGR are in sharp contrast to those of the
1964 SGR (Smoking and Health - Report of the Advisory
Committee to the Surgeon General of the Public Health
Service, US DHEW 1964). When a universally accepted
scientific de6nition of addiction did exist, the 1964 SGR
concluded "In medical and scientific terminology the
practice [smoking] should be labeled habituation to dis-
tinguish it clearly from addiction, since the biological
effects of tobacco, like coffee and other caffeine-contain-
ing beverages, ... are not comparable to those produced
by morphine, alcohol, barbiturates, and many other po-
tent addicting drugs" (p 350, emphasis in original).
. The basis for the distinction developed in the 1964
SGR was the established WHO definitions of addiction . dependence;was adopted by the WHO, namely,
the con-
'
and.habituatiori as`outlined on p 351 of the.1964 SGR ecpt of intoxic
atton i,;t,.,
,
r
Addiction was defined as "a state of periodic or clirontc
intoxication produced by the repeated consumption of
a drug (datural or synthetic). Its characteristics include: .. Inttiori
: ~...'~',::
_
, .
..,
r
.
,
~
~
.,
:
an over ,powerin ... g. 1) 'desire or need (coinpulsion) to
continue taking the drug and to obtain it by any means;
2) a"tendency to increase the dose; 3) a psychic (psy-
chological) and generally a physical dependence on the
effects of the drug; 4) detrimental effect on the individual
and on 'society. ", We may also note that this definition
probably comes close to what the average laypersori has
in mind when'using the term "addiction".
In contrast, habituation was defined as "a condition
resulting from the repeated consumption of a drug. Its
characteristics include: 1) a desire (but not a compul-
sion) to continue taking the drug for the sense of im-
proved well-being which it engenders; 2) little or no ten-
dency to increase the dose; 3) some degree of psychic
dependence on the effect of the drug, but absence of
physical dependence and hence of an abstinence syn-
drome; 4) detrimental effects, if any, primarily on the
individual [rather than society] ".
The 1988 SGR acknowledged the dramatic change
in position regarding nicotine "addiction" relative to
the 1964 SGR. According to the 1988 SGR, the reclassi-
fication of nicotine as addictive rather than habituating
is supported by two key arguments:
1) The WHO no longer used the terms "addiction"
and "habituation", dropping this distinction in favor
of a single new entity, drug dependence. (This action by
the WHO was perhaps motivated by the trivialization
of the term "addiction" in the popular media, where
it was used to refer to any behavior that people regularly
engaged in: sex, watching TV, exercise, video games,
eating chocolate, etc.);
2) Reports appearing in the scientific literature since
the publication of the 1964 SGR reportedly demon-
strated that nicotine shared many features with proto-
typic drugs of abuse and had now been shown to fulfill
the three primary criteria (as defined by the Surgeon
General for the first time in the 1988 SGR) of an addict-
ing drug. These criteria were: (a) highly controlled or
compulsive use; (b) psychoactive effects; and (c) drug-
reinforced behavior. The 1988 SGR also asserted that
the recent scientific literature had demonstrated that nic-
otine passed several of the "additional criteria" listed
as "useful" in defining addictiveness. These included
use despite harmful effects, relapse following abstinence,
recurrent drug cravings, tolerance, physical dependence,
and euphoric effects. We will examine both of these
claims used, by the Surgeon General in support of his
reclassification of nicotine as addicting rather than habi-
tuating.
While it is true that the WHO dropped the semantic
distinction between "habituation" and "addiction",
replacing its concept of addiction with the term "depen-
dence" (as stated in the 1988 SGR), a key concept from
the original WHO definition of addiction "was not
dropped (as implied by the 1988 SGR) 'when `the term
A critical attribute stressed in the original WHO defini-
tion of addiction was "a state of periodic :or chronic
intoxicatiori"produced by the repated consumption of
a drug" (1964 SGR, p 351). Since this phrase'was not
included in the definition of habituation, `it 'served as
a key polnt~of distinction between addictirig'a.nd habi-
tuatirig drugs."This definitiori.of addiction also tmplied
that someone'under the influence of an'addicting drug
.not only had a diminished capacity to decide"whether
to continue taking the drug, but also suffered impaired
cognitive performance. One consequence of the latter
was the potential for adverse impact on others (e.g.,
workplace accidents, impaired driving ability leading to
vehicular accidents).
In 1978 the WHO reiterated the importance of the
concept of intoxication, stating that "psychotropic"
substances considered for control by the international
community must be capable of producing both a state
of "dependence" and "central nervous system stimula-
tion or depression, resulting in.hallucinations or distur-
bances in motor function or thinking or behavior or
perception or mood" (WHO, Technical Report Series,
No. 618, 1978, p 8). The concept of "intoxication" (neg-
ative disturbances in psychological or motor function)
is viewed by many as critical in determining if a drug
is addictive.
In 1984, NIDA presented the First Triennial Report
to Congress from the Secretary of Health and Human
Services (US DHHS Publication No. ADM 85-1372).
The report presented the state of drug abuse and drug
abuse research as determined by NIDA. In describing
the effects of psychoactive drugs (psychoactivity now
being a primary criterion in the new definition of addic-
tion), the report states:
A predictable effect of the use of almost any psychoac-
tive drug is a distortion of the perception of time, space,
and the location of objects within space. A corollary

400
effect is a dose-related reduction in physical coordina- does not find it difficult to perform "easy
tasks like
tion or psychomotor functioning. Normally easy tasks placing a top on a jar or walking" (ibid.), or
driving
like placing a top on a jar or walking become difficult a car. Indeed, nicotine in the majority of
circumstances
to perform. The ability to visually locate objects in space, results in improved performance as well
as other psycho-
judge their distance and track them is impaired. (pp 19- logical benefits to the smoker (Wesnes and
Warburton
20). 1978, 1983, 1984a, b; Wesnes 1987; Warburton 1988a,
In short, the NIDA report states that psychoactive b; Pritchard 1991 b; Pritchard et at. 1991).
drugs produce intoxication, and that psychoactivity is In addition, Hindmarch and colleagues have
con-
a primary criterion for addiction. The concept that ad- sistently reported distinct differences in
the effects of
dictive drugs produce disturbances in psychological and/ nicotine and "classic" addicting drugs on
performance
or motor functions was thus forcefully stated. It should tasks, including "driving" automobile
simulators (see
be noted however, that the concept of a psychoactive Hindmarch et al. 1991; Kerr et al. 1991). In
these tests,
drug producing intoxication does not appear in the 1988 smoking/nicotine clearly resulted in
improved mental
ad-
SGR, perhaps because the literature demonstrates that and motor performance in contrast with
"classic" ad-
it simply does not apply to nicotine, as discussed below. dicting drugs, which resulted in reduced
mental and mo-
it same NIDA report .(1984) did conclude, however, tor performance. The concept of mtoxication ,
central
that compulsive tobacco use to the issue of whether or not a drug is addicting, simply
does not apply to nicotine. Moreover, smoking/nicotine
.:. ~~, , is clearl com atible with rformin `
is a`fornm' of drug abuse,or drug addiction, in which t,. :,. y p I~ ,, ., ,. g everyday tasks and
of nicotine the, smoker "as ~,roviding psychological
nicotine ts critical. Specifically, it is evident that the role ( yts, perceived by, ,
- ,..m. ..-ctgarette., ,'smoking is similai ,,the role .(.~benefits ,~1,~fW ~ ~~~~i Y~1/ Fusy~a>;
r-
. ,.'to' ,. ...
of cocaine in',coca use, ofTHC [delta-9-tetrahydrocani- ;tai. To. reiterate, the author jof
,e~;,nicoUne, chapter of
binol] in marijuana smoking;'and of ethanol in*aldoholic t;:~e r1984 NIDA 'report, ireferenoede the
;smoking and
beverage consumption (p 113). :. health literature and not the cognitive perforinance liter-
; ature to_illustrate the "debilitating;'.effects:of nicotine.
The NIDA report comes to this conclusion with re- However, others (US DHHS 1988; Froggatf and Wald
gard to nicotine, but makes no mention of nicotine pro- 1989; Roe 1989), have suggested that the
smoker's in-
ducing psychological or motor disruption. This is in creased risk of health-related problems 'is
believed to
sharp contrast to the other substances to which nicotine be due primarily to the ingestion, of the
"tar'.' fraction
was compared,, and, in fact,: the NIDA report contains of cigarette smoke, not to the ~ngestion of
nicotine: While
extensive documentation'regarding disturbances in psy- some may argue that this'is"a subtle
d'istinetion, and
chomotor, behavioral, 'and cognitive funetions of people that nicotine and "tar" should not'be
separate issues,
and animals under the influence of (or experiencing with- the distinction becomes important when
attempting to
drawal from) these other substances, including THC compare nicotine with "classic" addicting drugs
(whose
(marijuana), alcohol, amphetamines, cocaine, narcotics, intoxicating effects diminish cognitive
performance as
barbiturates, and hallucinogens. well as the capacity of the user to decide whether or
We believe that the omission of any discussion regard- not to use that drug). Increased risk of
developing cer-
ing the effects of nicotine on psychological function was tain diseases in smokers has been
principally ascribed
not simply an oversight by the author of the nicotine to the "tar" fraction of cigarette smoke, and
should
chapter of the NIDA report (Burling) or an indication remain a separate issue from that of the
"addictiveness"
that he disagreed with statements in the report concern- of nicotine, especially given the potential
availability of
ing the adverse psychological and motor effects of the cigarettes yielding. nicotine but having
minimal biologi-
other substances discussed in the report. This seems evi- cal activity (Russell 1991).
dent from the footnote that accompanies the nicotine Thus, it is clear that nicotine lacks a feature
many
chapter, which states: consider essential to the definition of an addictive drug.
In our opinion, the fact that smoking/nicotine clearly
A concept central to many discussions of drug abuse does not result in "intoxication" (psychological
debilita-
is that the substance produces "damage" or "debilita- tion) is consistently overlooked in the debate
on nicotine
tion." This aspect of cigarette smoking will not be ad- "addiction". This obvious difference between
nicotine
dressed here as there are extensive data indicating 1) and the "classic" addicting drugs has been
ignored by
the actual toxicity of tobacco, and 2) the widespread the Surgeon General in changing the
classification of
perception by smokers that their habit is harmful. (p 97, nicotine from habituating to addicting. To
this end, he
emphasis added). cited evidence appearing in the scientific literature of
In this NIDA report, Burling has subtly changed the certain commonalities between nicotine and
"classic"
meaning of "damage" or "debilitation" from the psy- addicting drugs (cocaine, heroin, alcohol,
etc.). The un-
chological domain to the health domain in an attempt derlying rationale for these studies has been
termed the
to classify nicotine as an addicting drug. A person who "analogy" argument (Warburton 1989). From
the per-
has ingested nicotine in amounts characteristic of normal spective of the Surgeon General, if
studies demonstrated
smoking does not suffer the "distortion of time, space that two drugs share a certain number of
features in
and the location of objects within space" associated with common, then by analogy, those drugs may
be consid-
the other substances reviewed in the report. A smoker ered to share other, perhaps untested,
features.
51205 1957

405
Animal self-administration
The 1988 SGR provided a table (pp 183-188) summariz-
ing nicotine self-administration studies. Much of this ta-
ble had appeared verbatim in a report by Henningfield
and Goldberg (1983 b) in which they concluded that ".
nicotine shares many salient features of other drugs of
abuse. However, nicotine differs from other drugs in that
the range of environmental conditions under which it
serves as a reinforcer appears to be more restricted"
(p 991, emphasis added). Yet, the 1988 SGR concluded
that the "... pharmacologic and behavioral processes
that determine tobacco addiction are similar to those
that determine addiction to drugs such as heroin and
cocaine" (p 9, emphasis added). This conclusion is based
in large part on nicotine's ability to serve as a primary
reinforcer in animal self-administration studies.
A revieww of the studies outlined in the 1988, SGR
supports the original conclusion of -Henningfeld::and
Goldberg (1983 b) that the range of environniental con-
ditions under.which nicotine reinforces behavioc'1ppears ',
to'be'more restncted 'thari _ classic addic~ng~aFirug's, .
, ..._ .. .;.~~r.:.e in particular heroiri arid cocaine. There are clear,,cu~ dtf;
.,.~.,.~.
ferences between`the self-administratiori behavior of ani=
mals for drugs such as cocaine and heroin versus nicotine
and caffeine (which has also been shown to be"self-ad-
ministered relative to saline; Griffiths et al.'1979). For
example, animals given unlimited access to cocaine and
heroin often ignore food and water, self-administering
,~.,:...,.. .
the drug until death (Bozarth and Wise 1985).
Environmental stimuli play a much more important
role in the self-administration of nicotine than heroin
or cocaine self-stimulation (see Bozarth 1990). With the
exception of some reports by Henningfield and Goldberg
(cf 1988 SGR), studies that directly compare the rein-
forcing efficacy of nicotine and cocaine generally find
nicotine to be a much weaker reinforcer than cocaine
(see US DHHS 1988, Table 4, pp 183-188).
We should also note that self-administration behavior
does not prove that the reinforcing stimulus is producing
euphoria nor should that stimulus be considered "addic-
tive". Given the proper schedule of reinforcement, mon-
keys have been trained to self-administer painful electric
shocks to themselves (Morse et al. 1967). In one study
(McKearney 1968), three monkeys lever-pressed over
800000 times to receive some 3000 painful electric
shocks. One would hardly argue that electric shocks pro-
duce euphoria or that they are addicting.
Thus, while IV nicotine can serve as a reinforcer in
self-administration paradigms (as caffeine can), the cir-
cumstances under which nicotine is reinforcing are much
more limited than the "classic" addicting drugs such
as cocaine, heroin, and amphetamine (see Bozarth 1990).
Specifically, even IV nicotine is a much weaker reinforcer
(Dworkin et al. 1991) than these other substances and
in all likelihood is much closer to caffeine on a hypothet-
ical "reinforcement continuum" than it is to cocaine
or heroin. It seems clear that the role of nicotine in
cigarette smoking is similar to the role of caffeine in
coffee or cola drinking as concluded in the 1964 SGR.
The pursuit of the goal of "creating" a smoke-free soci-
ety by the year 2000 has led the authors of the 1988
SGR to rely on data that do not often support the con-
clusions they have drawn.
Summary and conclusion
The goal of this paper was to critically evaluate evidence
used to support the conclusions expressed in the 1988
SGR that have been popularly reported as proving the
claim that nicotine is addicting, just like heroin and co-
caine. Much of the data offered as evidence for this
conclusion simply do not stand up under critical review.
If this' paper -provokes a spirited and open discussion
of these data, it will have served an important goal.
In our opinion, it is political zeal rather than scientific
merit that supports the conclusion of the 1988 SGR that
the "pharmacologic and behavioral processes that deter-
mine tobacco: addiction are similar to those that deter-
mine addiction'to drug'i 'such as heroin and cocaine".
We recogniu that 'nicotine plays an important'role in
smokmg behavior for'many people. Of hundreds of veg-
etable inatecials that could readily be put in, pipes_ or
rolled 'iti` cigars o'r 'cigaiettes and smoked, 'people have
chosen to smoke nicotine-containing tobaccos: v: -
1We also recognize that these people enjoy whatever
pharmacological and psychological effects they achieve
from _ smoking, and that this enjoyment can positively
reinforcithe'smoking habit. Most importantly, however,
commoii'sense tells us that nicotine Is not like heroin,
cocaine or any other "classic" addicting drug in its phys-
iological and behavioral effects. One does not have to
be a trained behavioral scientist to come to this conclu-
sion. Simply ask and honestly answer the question as
to how many people would board a plane piloted by
someone who had just consumed an addicting drug (al-
cohol, heroin, cocaine, barbiturates) versus a plane pilot-
ed by someone who had just had a cup of coffee and
smoked a cigarette. Interestingly, this latter pilot would
be classified as a "poly-drug" abuser by NIDA since,
like nicotine, caffeine produces "euphoria" (Henn-
ingfield 1986) and possesses "all the cardinal features
of a prototypic drug of abuse (Griffiths et al. 1986,
p 416; see also Griffiths and Woodson 1988; Holtzman
1990).
If nicotine is not an addicting drug as the 1988 SGR
has painted it to be, the next question that arises is:
what motivates the continued use of tobacco products
by humans? We believe that Warburton (1990) has devel-
oped a balanced, functional theory of nicotine use that
recognizes the beneficial psychological effects of nico-
tine. This "resource" or "psychological tool" hypothe-
sis holds that people smoke cigarettes primarily for pur-
poses of enjoyment, performance enhancement and/or
anxiety reduction. This theory also passes the common-
sense test of why people smoke. They smoke, not because
they are addicted to nicotine, but because they achieve
some benefits from smoking, enjoy these benefits which
are totally compatible with everyday tasks and stresses,
and choose to continue to enjoy these benefits. While
this manuscript cannot "prove" the resource hypothesis,

401
The "analogy argument"
The "analogy argument" is seriously flawed from a sci-
entific standpoint. As Warburton (1989) pointed out in
his critique of the 1988 SGR, no matter how many fea-
tures X has in common with Y, it takes only one feature
of X not found in Y to make the analogy fallacious.
We have already identified one key concept (intoxica-
tion) in the WHO definition of an addictive drug that
nicotine does not share with "classic" drugs of abuse.
Yet, the 1988 SGR goes to great lengths to establish
commonalities between nicotine and other drugs in an
attempt to prove that nicotine is addicting.,.-- .
The shortcomings of this line of reasoning should
be obvious. Imagine a researcher interested in studying
pain. He chooses to use two stimuli, a bowling ball and
a cinder block, and begins to identify the physical and
behavioral traits these two objects have in - common.
Both objects weigh about the same. When dropped on
a subject's foot,~ both objects aoixlerate atahe same rate;
"euphoriant" model of nicotine addiction, since this
model is often cited as an explanation of the reinforcing
psychoactive effect of smoking/nicotine that contributes
to the "addictive" nature of smoking (e.g., Henningfield
1984a; Carmody 1989; Bourne 1991).
Criterion 1: highly controlled or compulsive use
The concept of highly controlled or compulsive use has
been included in many definitions of addiction (Warbur-
ton 1985) and fits extremely well with the layperson's
idea of drug addiction, i.e., the addict who is unable
to resist uncontrollable drug cravings (Davies 1990).
However, as Warburton (1990) has noted, this criterion
does not fit particularly well when one considers ciga-
rette smoking, where extended periods of abstinence may
be readily managed by many smokers. In today's restric-
tive environinent;' many smokers are prevented ,from
smoking on planes;in public places, or at work, without
I
inflict similar amounta.of pain,zproduee;Aimilar; physto significantly'di&rupting other aspects of
their,;behavior
logical responses anii result in similar :vecbal reports by or pecfoimaaoe.-Fortittal restiictions
aside, some'smokers
the subject. The `two'objects appear to posses`'s a nulnber may smoke :oiily at work because
their spouse :obiects
of common properties. -It would, howet+er, be inaccurate
to conclude that the subject could achieve :his usual
bowling average using the cinder block.
The logic of this admittedly facetious example is not
too far removed from that used to draw inferences in
some of the studies cited in support of the conclusions
reached in the 1988 SGR. We will now critically examine
some of the key evidence used to support the 1988 SGR's
conclusion that "the pharmacologic and behavioral pro-
cesses that determine tobacco addiction are similar to
those that determine addiction to drugs such as heroin
and cocaine" (p 9).
Nicotine and the three prlmary 1988 SGR
Criteria for defining addictive drugs
The 1988 SGR employed a definition of "addiction"
that included three main criteria along with several "ad-
ditional criteria". The list of additional criteria included
such factors as tolerance, withdrawal/physical depen-
dence, drug craving, relapse following abstinence, and
stereotypic patterns of ingestion behavior. Warburton
(1989) and Collins (1990) have addressed these issues
and concluded that while nicotine may, under limited
circumstances or to a limited degree, possess or result
in some of these, the literature in general does not sup-
port the concept that nicotine is equivalent to cocaine,
heroin, or other potent addicting drugs in terms of these
additional criteria.
Since the task of adequately reviewing the literature
regarding the "additional" criteria is beyond the scope
of the present paper, the reader is referred to Warburton
(1989) and Collins (1990) for summaries of these topics.
Only the three primary criteria were deemed by the 1988
SGR to be necessary for defining addiction. We will fo-
cus our comments mainly on the three primary criteria
as specified in the 1988 SGR. We will also examine the
' to smoking'in the home, and may abstain from smoking
in specific social situations if others object. Others smoke
on a regular basis throughout the day, and do develop
strong habitual behaviors relative to when and where
they smoke.
Since many smokers perceive smoking as providing
benefits in terms of enhanced cognitive performance or
stress reduction (Gilbert 1979; Warburton 1988a, -b;
Wesnes 1987; 1988 SGR), it is not surprising that regular
patterns of use develop. By applying the 1988 SGR defi-
nition of compulsive use as a criterion for addiction,
anything that a person ingests, enjoys, and therefore in-
gests again under regular circumstances fulfills this crite-
rion for being "addicting". This would apply to such
behaviors as the proverbial morning cup of coffee, regu-
lar use of aspirin or non-steroidal anti-inflammatory
drugs for relief of arthritis pain, or obtaining psychoac-
tive effects from sweets or a bedtime glass of milk due
to alterations in brain levels of the neurotransmitter ser-
otonin (Fernstrom 1983) 2.
Criterion 2: psychoactivity
The second primary criterion proposed by the 1988 SGR
for an addicting drug, psychoactivity, was characterized
by Warburton (1990, p 166) as "trivial" when one con-
siders nicotine. While it is true that nicotine is "psy-
choactive" which can be defined as producing pharmaco-
logical effects in brain tissue that result in changes in
nerve cell activity, so are a number of other drugs that
2 Nicotine gum has been reported not to relieve craving for ciga-
rettes (Hughes et al. 1984; Schneider and Jarvik 1985) while admin-
istration of other sustances does, e.g., dextrose (West et al. 1990)
or the antidepressant doxepin (Murphy et al. 1990). In fact, telling
subjects that they are receiving nicotine gum during cessation has
been reported to attenutate craving regardless of whether the gum
in fact contains nicotine or not (Hughes et al. 1989).

404
001, "Joc
~e . . . .re~,. arD. . - .- <`~0 a~o\ Qa~ ~a(a re
iiii+rt}~(f.~tlf~~frj=t'( ': ~:}97J41 'ti, ? ll,
wass feeling ,rcalmer ; -In our.4optnion the data do_not sup-
port,,the contentton that;nico,tine as,a euphoriant and
are presented in a misleading fashion to give the impres-
sion that nicotine is sirailar to "classic" addicting drugs
when, in fact, it is not.
In summary, Henningfield and his colleagues have
drawn conclusions without conducting a proper drug
discrimination study (see Clark 1990). However, the data
from these and other studies, coupled with the determi-
nation that nicotine (under limited contingencies) can
serve as a reinforcer in animal self-administration para-
digms are used to support the contention that nicotine
possesses all the -properties of "a prototypic drug of
abuse" (Henningfield 1984a, p 197). In our opinion the
data clearly do not support such a contention, but this
conclusion and these data have, nevertheless, been wide-
ly publicized. -
A variation of the "euphoria model" of smoking has
been argued by Pomerleau (see Pomerleau and Pomer-
leau 1984). The results of this study have been widely
interpreted as evidence that nicotine obtained from smok-
ing has the capacity to cause the release of the endoge-
nous opioid beta-endorphin. This research has also been
used to support the notion that smoking is addictive
by implying that "euphoria" produced by smoking re-
sults from increases in circulating levels of beta-endor-
phin (Bourne 1991). The Pomerleau model also proposes
that changes in the circulating levels of beta-endorphin
or other hormones and neuromodulators [e.g., cortisol,
adrenocorticotrophic hormone (ACTH)] are responsible
for the psychological effects of smoking. However, this
model is also inadequate.
The neurohumoral changes (especially beta-endor-
phin) that were reported by Pomerleau, were seen only
in subjects who achieved extremely high plasma concen-
trations of nicotine (> 60 ng/ml). These unusually high
plasma nicotine concentrations were achieved as a result
of smoking two very high-yield cigarettes (2.87 mg nico-
tine versus 1.1 mg for leading, filtered, "non-light" ciga-
rettes) in an extremely short period of time. Research
has shown that this smoking paradigm in all likelihood
Ftg.1. When Warburton (1988) re-plotted
Henningfield's (1984b) "euphoria" data as
a differential from baseline (placebo) score,
he concluded that "nicotine is, at best, a
weak euphoriant and ... it is not like mor-
phine in opium use." From "The Psycho-
pharmacology of Addiction" (1988) Lader
MH (ed) by permission of Oxford Universi-
ty Press
i.Eis~ii~t~
resulted,in symptoms pf acute n~lFitcotine toxicity (prtmari-
ly.nausea, sx,Ciilbert and Welser 1989; fiilbert etal.
1992). The cigareites and smoking paradigm (2 cigarettes
5 min apart) used in this study are unrelated to the real-
life smoking patterns of the vast majority of smokers.
Furthermore, although often overlooked in subsequent
reports of these data, these neurohumoral effects were
not observed when the subjects smoked two "low" nico-
tine (0.48 mg, FTC yield) cigarettes in succession. What
has been assrimed to,be a specific rewarding effect of
nicotine in humans was, in all probability, a non-specific
response to the stress of nausea and malaise brought
about by toxic levels of nicotine. Pomerleau has stated
that "Because the hormonal profile associated with nico-
tine-induced nausea resembles that of nausea produced
by other manipulations (motion sickness, administration
of other drugs), it is likely that the observed hormonal
pattern at this level of stimulation is characteristic of
nausea and not unique to nicotine" (Majchrzak et al.
1987). However, this "qualification" of the original re-
port is not generally cited-when these data are refer-
enced. In sum, the studies purporting to demonstrate
that smoking/nicotine is a euphoriant similar to cocaine
and heroin are seriously flawed from a number of per-
spectives. A critical review of this literature leads to the
conclusion that nicotine absorbed from cigarette smoke
is simply not a euphoriant in humans.
Criterion 3: drug reinforced behavior
The few extant human studies of the self-administration
of nicotine also indiate that nicotine is not a particularly
good reinforcer. Although the primary focus of this re-
view is on human studies, we will briefly examine litera-
ture regarding nicotine self-administration in animals.
NIDA has established such studies as an important test
of a drug's "abuse potential" and the 1988 SGR relies
heavily on these studies to support the third major crite-
rion of an addicting drug.
51205 1961

402
are consumed every day by millions of people. Theophyl=
line in tea, theobromine in cocoa products, and the most
widely consumed drug in the world, caffeine (coffee, soft
drinks) are all "psychoactive".
The fact that a drug is psychoactive (capable of pro-
ducing central nervous system effects) cannot establish
whether or not it is addicting. The determining factors
should be the specific effects produced and the magni-
tudes of these effects. The vast majority of published
research findings show that the subtle "psychoactive"
effects of nicotine are clearly distinct from the mental
and motoric disturbances produced by the "classic" ad-
dicting drugs.
In spite of these clear differences, some researchers
have reported studies of nicotine-induced "euphoria"
in an attempt to demonstrate similarity between nicotine
and "classic" addicting drugs on the bases of specific
psychoactive effects (Henningfield et al. 1983, 1985; Ja-
sinski et al. ,1984; see Henningfeld 1984b; Jasinski and
Henningfeld ;1988, and Henningfield et. al. 1986 for re-
views). In th,ese;studies; subjecis (typically.with histories
of hard-core,drtig abuse) _e:aUowed to. self-administer
(by lever pressing) injections of nicotine.or physiological
saline, or were given intravcnous (IV) injections if nico-
tine. Henningfield stated that because of their drug histo-
ries, these subjects represent "a very discriminating pop-
ulation, like fine wine tasters" (Charlotte Observer,
Apri124,1982). An extension of this logic would indicate
that manufactures of fine wines and spirits waste huge
sums of money for trained taste panelists when they
could get better information from derelict "winos".
The subjective responses of these chronic, illicit drug-
abusing subjects were measured using questionnaires de-
signed to measure "liking" or "euphoria". The re-
sponses for nicotine were then compared to the ratings
of "classic" drugs of abuse. Among the major weak-
nesses of these comparisons, it should be noted that the
ratings were not necessarily from the same study or the
same subjects, and the drugs were not administered via
the same procedures. Nevertheless, Henningfield and his
colleagues (Henningfield 1984b; Jasinski et al. 1984;
Henningfield et al. 1985), concluded that high intrave-
nous doses of nicotine (3 mg/kg administered in 10 s)
resulted in significant elevations in "euphoria" or "lik-
ing-scores". They also claim that the effects of this very
large, rapid injection of nicotine are frequently misiden-
tified by these "discriminating" drug abusers as being
similar to the effects of cocaine or amphetamine. For
example, in the Henningfield et al. (1985) study six of
these "experienced" addicts misidentified the high dose
of nicotine as cocaine and one misidentified nicotine as
amphetamine. However, as Clark (1990) correctly notes,
the value of these data is highly questionable since four
of the seven subjects that misidentified nicotine had no
prior experience with stimulants!
Since hard-core drug addicts obviously represent a
highly deviant group the logic of generalizing the results
of these studies to the population at large can be ques-
tioned. We concur with Collins' (1990) observation that
the conclusions drawn from these studies are of limited
value because of the methodological reasons that have
been noted. Consequently, in our opinion, the results
of these studies cannot be readily extended to normal
smokers without extensively testing subjects who are not
drug addicts.
To illustrate another example, the results (" liking
score" figure) of a single study (Jasinski et al. 1984) have
been reported numerous times (Henningsfield 1984 a, b,
1987; Burling 1984; Henningfield et al. 1985; Henn-
ingfield and Nemeth-Coslett 1988; Henningfield et al.
1987; NIH Publication No. 86-2874, Jasinski and Henn-
ingfield 1988; US DHHS 1988) to support establishing
as "fact" that nicotine is a euphoriant just like cocaine.
We believe that this study and others are seriously flawed
and vastly over-interpreted by subsequent authors for
the following reasons.
-. The results of several studies taken together (Henn-
ingfield et al. 1983; Jasinski et al. 1984; Henningfield
et al.1985)' indicated that hard-core drug addicts would
lever-press'=to : self-administer nicotine but-_not saline.
However,r'these -data can :be `readilyd explaincd without
:~~invoking the ;1lnicotine addiction'~.hypothesis; Ia a bor-
g ing or stres-sful laborato'ry session;4ubjects niight achieve
some benefit from nicotine's'capacity to-provide_ mental
stimulation or reduce stress (see Gilbert 1979; Gilbert
and Welser 1989). Drug addicts typically score high on
Zuckerman's Sensation Seeking Scale (Zuckerman 1983,
1987), a measure.including thrill- and adventure-seeking
as important components, and have been reported to
experience drug-like responses when presented with visu-
al cues associated with drug' takitig apparatus or in re-
sponse to placebo drug injections (O'Brien'et al. 1978).
Preference for the nicotine lever over the saline lever
may merely reflect the subjects' preference for any phar-
macological stimulus over no stimulus at all. In addition,
heroin addicts have reported physiological responses fol-
lowing injections of inactive substances (sterile saline;
O'Brien et al. 1978). This may simply be a conditioned
response to the stimuli associated with drug taking be-
havior.
s Precisely identifying a single study where Henningfield and his
colleagues determined that nicotine is a euphoriant similar to co-
caine is difficult. The "liking score" figure that has appeared in
the literature numerous times is from Jasinski et al. (1984). How-
ever, this paper is inadequate in describing the subjects and proce-
dures used to make this determination. For example, the number
of subjects in the nicotine group is not reported and no statement
about the subjects misidentifying the nicotine injections is made.
However, in this report the authors also published a figure (Fig. 3)
illustrating cumulative lever pressing records for subject KU self-
administering nicotine and saline. This figure was published with
the note "Submitted for publication in Pharmacology, Biochemistry
and Behavior"and indeed did appear in Henningfield et al. (1983)
where the subjects were reported to have misidentified nicotine
as "morphine or cocaine". Since data from subject KU appears
in both reports and since data from subjects KU, SK and PE
appear in both Henningfield et al. (1983) and Henningfield et al.
(1985) (where subjects were also reported to have misidentified
high IV doses of nicotine as cocaine) it is not known whether
these subjects were tested in all three studies, or if all the data
were collected in a single study and reported separately, or if sub-
jects were asked to identify the drug they received in the Jasinski
et al. (1984) study and the data were simply not reported.
51205 1959

398
.. . :.~
"nicotine paradox" '(see Gilbert 1979). Coupled with
the non-pharmacological motives, this paradox provides
some insight into the difficulty in answering the seeming-
ly simple question "Why do people smoke?".
One hypothesis relating to the question of why people
smoke, which was formalized in the 1988 Surgeon Gen-
eral's Report (SGR; US DHHS 1988), is that people
smoke because they are "addicted", either to cigarettes
or to nicotine. A study by Eiser (1990) reported that
for a sample of British smokers many (but by no means
all) endorsed the "addiction" hypothesis by agreeing .
with statements such as "I'm not going to be able to
give up smoking unless someone helps me" and dis-
agreeing with statements such as "If I really wanted
to, I could give up smoking"'. However, Gallup Poll
data indicate that, in the US, smokers often hold disso-
nant views, with 61 % answering "Yes" to the statement
"Do you consider yourself addicted to cigarettes or
not?" while 78% of this same sample of 1240 adult
r
.
1964 SOR (US DHEW 1964) which compares the role
of nicotine in tobacco to the role of caffeine in coffee.
We will briefly review several lines of research leading
to the conclusion that the 1964 SGR was, in many ways,
more accurate in classifying nicotine as "habituating"
rather than "addicting" and will argue that classifying
nicotine as habituating represents a more balanced per-
spective than classifying nicotine as addicting.
Thet nicotine addiction hypothesis
,,: 1 . . .. .
The 1988 SGR titled The Health Consequences ojSmok-
ing - Nicotine Addiction (US DHHS 1988) resolved, for
many people, the question of why people smoke. Quite
simply, the report stated that people smoke because they
are addicted to nicotine. To ensure that this impression
would not be missed by anyone, incltiding the popular
riresc "the rennrt hiohliohteA thrPr. mainr enndncinnc-
smokers answered "Yes" to the question lio you 1ee1 1
e addicdn
) cigarettes and otller ,forms of
obacco a
~
g,
r
,
you would be able to quit smoking if you made'.the t +~f, r e+ +r.x : ~, t;,- ,-.ur I
, . . t 2~ nlcotine ]s the substance in toba. ~hat causes addt~ i+'
l
u
d
t
o
a
l
t
~
"
decision
up Pol
iona10
r
o do s
or not?
j(G
l
Na
ey + u'on;i`and(3) thefundairietital pro~ts "
'tf}at'determine j ^r~
Data
July 31990;' Public<Opinion On-Line Database):
"
,
to those that determine .
tobaeco addiction are stmilar
Moreover, Spielberger and Jacobs (see Spielberger ,1986)
addictton to drulzs'such as heroin anc( cocaine
,actor anatyccu responses ,rom ,oZy smoxers LU a,arge ;' Verification that these' conclusioiis
have been widely :
number of smoking motivation questions representing, a'ocepted by the medical and scientific
'community re-
psychometrically, the `` best'questions from a number quires only a quick review of the recent
literature, where
of previous smoking motivation scales. An addiction- it is' invariably asserted that the
'"addictiveness" or
"
"
like factor labeled
Automatic/Habitual
accounted for "abuse 'potential" of nicotine equals:(or even exceeds)
less variance than would be predicted based on the that of substances such.as cocaine, opiate
narcotics (e.g.;
number of questions loading on the factor, whereas a heroin), barbiturates, benzodiazepities; and
alcohol (e.g.,
factor labeled "Negative Affect Control (cf previous Jasinski and Henningfield 1988; Goldstein and
Kalant
paragraph) accounted for more. 1990; Henningfield et al. 1990, 1991; Russell 1990; Sto-
We believe that a more reasonable hypothesis con- lerman 1990a, b). Yet, the conclusion that
cigarette
cerning why people smoke, a hypothesis that is consis- smoking is the same as heroin or cocaine
addiction seems
tent with the smoking motivation literature, is that fundamentally flawed from a common-sense point
of
smokers use cigarettes primarily as a "tool" or "re- view, and is diametrically opposed to the
conclusions
source" that provides them with needed psychological stated in the 1964 SGR that nicotine was
definitely not
benefits (increased mental alertness; anxiety reduction, an addicting drug. How persuasive is the
evidence pre-
coping with stress). This resource hypothesis (Wesnes sented in the 1988 SGR supporting the
conclusion that
and Warburton 1984a; Warburton 1988a, b; Warburton smoking/nicotine is the same as addiction to
heroin or
et al. 1988; see also Pritchard 1991 a) stands as a major cocaine?
alternative to the addiction hypothesis, and we argue
that the resource hypothesis passes a "common-sense"
test that the addiction hypothesis fails. In addition, the
comparison of nicotine to heroin and cocaine (US Habituation versus addiction
DHHS 1988) contrasts sharply with the findings of the
' Eiser has proposed that some smokers endorse the "addiction"
hypothesis in an attempt to explain their smoking behavior in a
way that removes any personal responsibility in making a choice
that is viewed by others as unsound or even irrational. After all,
if a smoker is "addicted", he can argue that he has no control
over his smoking behavior and can use this helplessness as a
"shield" for the criticism he receives for engaging in this behavior.
In addition, Eiser has identified another group of smokers who
ascribe to an "illness" definition of addiction, even to the extent
of blaming others for their failure to "cure" this "illness" (see
Eiser 1990 for discussion). In essence, by expressing the belief that
he is addicted, a smoker can use this as an excuse for not making
the commitment required to accomplish a permanent behavioral
change in a habit that is often viewed by others as "wicked" (see
Davies 1990).
There is currently no universally accepted scientific defi-
nition of addiction. While the term "dependence" has
been given a somewhat more precise definition (e.g.,
World Health Organization (WHO) 1981] and on that
basis is more acceptable from a scientific standpoint (as
acknowledged in the 1988 SGR), the 1988 SGR con-
sistently uses the word "addiction" interchangeably
with the word "dependence" on the grounds that the
former provides "information at a more general level"
(p 7). In other words, the word "addiction" is familiar
to the average layperson, even if her/his conception of
what addiction typically means is based on common mis-
perceptions and lacks scientific foundation. To the aver-
age layperson, the word "addiction" carries affective
51205 1955
~
'~. .~..

406
we note that this hypothesis still stands, using the same
data, after the addiction hypothesis has fallen.
We believe the distinctions are clear and cannot be
stated more clearly than what was said in the 1964 SGR:
"the practice [smoking) should be labeled habituation
to distinguish it clearly from addiction, since the biologi-
cal effects of tobacco, like coffee and other caffeine-
containing beverages, ... are not comparable to those
produced by morphine, alcohol, barbiturates, and many
other potent addicting drugs" (p 350, emphasis in origi-
nal). If we lose this common-sense perspective of the
role of nicotine in tobacco use, those of us who enjoy
the "lift" we receive from that first cup of coffee in
the morning or that cola drink in the late afternoon
may find that a few years from now a small group of
researchers have equated our coffee/cola-drinking be-
havior to that of a hard-core crack or heroin addict. _;.
,
Gilbert DO (1979) Paradoxical tranquilizing and emotion-reducing
effects of nicotine. Psychol Bull 86:643-661
Gilbert DO, Welser R (1989) Emotion, anxiety and smoking. In:
Ney T, Gale A (eds) Smoking and human behavior. Wiley,
New York, pp 171-196
Gilbert DO, Meliska CJ, Williams CL, Jensen RA (1992) Subjec-
tive correlates of smoking-induced elevations of plasma beta-
endorphin and cortisol. Psychopharmacology 106:275-281
Goldstein A, Kalant H (1990) Drug policy: Striking the right bal-
ance. Science 249:1513-1521
Griffiths RR, Woodson PP (1988) Reinforcing effects of caffeine
, in humans. J Pharmacol Exp Ther 246:21-29
Griffiths'RR, Brady JV, Bradford LD (1979) Predicting the abuse
liability of drugs with animal self-administration procedures:
Psychomotor stimulants and hallucinogens. In: Thompson T,
Dews PB (eds) Advances in behavioral pharmacology, vol 2.
Academic Press, New York, pp 163-208
Griffiths RR, Bigelow GE, Liebson IA (1986) Human coffee drink-
ing: reinforcing and physical dependence producing effects of
caffeine. J Pharmacol Exp Ther 239:416-425
Henningfield JE (1984a) Behavioral pharmacology of cigarette
Acknowledgements. The authors wish .to thank Drs. Charles D. ,, i,a smoking, Iti: Thompson T, Dews
PB, Barrett JE (eds) Advances
Spielberger and John H. Aeynolds,.IV for comments on an earlier, "..;. ,~~~ behavioral pharmacology,
vol 4. Academic Press, New York,
draR of tWs manuscnpt~ r,~~l3rdf~7dj7~r~ltt JltO(ttiSJ~t~L.is~+Vti ~( ;~ti:pp.1.31,,.210,;d
~~~~trtio't4ritlr,r,iarrt
~'so~~BaC~+ttt f+.a ~i~}s ri~ ~r~alACtJ ~enn(ngteld JE 1984b) Phartnacologteal basis and treatment
of
" r~ oI arelie `smokin : J Chn Ps ~ htat' 45: 24-34
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51205 1963

403
These studies fall short on other methodological..
grounds as well. If a goal of these studies was to compare
the effects of nicotine to cocaine, then cocaine should
have been included in the experiment. Cocaine is gener-
ally accepted as one of the most addictive drugs known.
Results of animal self-administration studies (see below)
suggest that it is quite likely that, if given a choice, these
drug addicts would have consistently chosen the cocaine
lever over the nicotine lever. Apparently the authors
were willing to accept the subjects at their word that
IV nicotine felt like cocaine. This is despite indications
that hard-core drug addicts typically have antisocial per-
sonality disorders, including histories of pathological ly-
ing in order to cover their drug abuse (Schuckit 1973;
Lewis et al. 1983) and thaf some of the subjects who
mis-identified nicotine as cocaine had apparently never
used cocaine (Clark 1990). Other important questions
can be raised. What kind of informed consent did the
subjects sign? Were they led to believe that some of the
injections they received during the test might be cocaine?
Did the subjects thereforc~experience some expectancy
bias? Did theyr;loll the'ta~perunenters what they thought
the -experimenteA- - waritod io~hear in hopes of paiticipat=
ing in other,sessions4here~they'might in fact receive
injections `of cocaine?3: : Clark (1990) is again correct
when he notes' that 'the,authors did not conduct the
proper test to support their conclusions.
In addition, while the nicotine "liking" graph origi-
nally taken from Jasinski et al. (1984) has been published
numerous times in the studies listed above, we have
never seen, this"graph 4published with accompanying
(standaid) error (of the mean) bars. This leaves un-
known the nature of the individual differences that were
found between responses to the nicotine injections and
the "classic" addicting drugs that were tested. Further-
more, it is apparent that not all subjects experience "eu-
phoria" following IV injections of nicotine. In this con-
text, two important points that are often omitted or ig-
nored in subsequent discussions of nicotine "euphoria"
are provided by two earlier studies (HenningCeld and
Goldberg 1983a; Henningfield et al. 1983): 1) nicotine
does not necessarily maintain a sustained rate of lever
pressing that is higher than placebo (saline), and 2) the
subjective responses that follow a rapid (10 s) very high
(3 mg) IV dose of nicotine typically include respiratory
problems, tightness in the chest, and a lightheaded
(faint) sensation lasting approximately 15-20 s. Especial-
ly interesting is one subject's report that he "would be
willing to (pay) seventy-five dollars" not to receive an-
other nicotine injection. In addition, the "liking" score
for nicotine is significantly different from the placebo
"liking" score only at the 3 mg dose of nicotine. This
amount of nicotine (administered in a very short period
of time, 10 s) is much greater than is typically achieved
during smoking.
Another important question to be considered when
critically evaluating the results of the Henningtield group
is the method of nicotine administration. How do the
effects of these bolus (rapidly-administered, single ad-
ministration) IV injections of a large dose of nicotine
(3 mg in 10 s) compare to smoking a 0.5-1.5 mg cigarette
over a 5-10 min period? The key datum here is the com-
parison of the degree of liking/euphoria that people ex-
perience when they smoke a cigarette versus the liking/
euphoria subsequent to an IV injection of nicotine. The
"liking" of a smoker who has just enjoyed a cigarette
is obviously not the same as the "liking" of a heroin
or cocaine addict in response to drug taking (often de-
scribed as the ultimate pleasure or in sexual terms; War-
burton 1990). In fact, Benowitz and Jacob (1990) have
shown. that when nicotine is infused at a slower rate
(2 µg/kg/min for 30 min), smokers cannot tell the differ-
ence between nicotine and saline.
The authors of two reports (Henningfield 1984b;
Henningfield and Nemeth-Coslett 1988) attempted to
address the important distinction between rapid, bolus
administration of nicotine and rates that would better
approximate the absorption of nicotine during normal
cigarette smoking. These authors presented graphs
(again without error bars, also note that the relevant
graph in the second =.reference is published -with 'the
wrong legend) illustrating subjects' feelings following-ad-.
IIlinistration'Of nicotine (IV,and}cigarette~smoig)1; d-
amphetamine, morphine,-"diazepam;°ethanof,ipentobar-
bital, marijuana; ~and "simulated gambltng" tAt first
glance, the results appear to support the authors' contan-
tion that both IV nicotine and tobacco smoking produce
similar euphoric feelings of the same magnitude as those
seen with known addicting drugs. It should be noted
however, that the graphs are plotted on quite differently
scaled y-axes.
The Henningfield graphs give, the (casual) reader the
Impression that tobacco smoking and nicotine are similar
to known drugs of abuse, but the data clearly do not
support the conclusion that nicotine is a euphoriant simi-
lar to morphine or d-amphetamine. Cocaine is not di-
rectly compared with nicotine or smoking, despite the
repeated references to the similarity of nicotine to co-
caine. When Warburton (1988) re-plotted the euphoria
data as difference scores between drug and placebo using
identically-scaled y-axes for each compound tested
(Fig. 1), smoking and IV nicotine (again 3 mg in 10 s)
had the lowest difference scores, with the difference be-
tween-cigarette smoking and placebo being the smallest
of all (even lower than "simulated gambling").
Subsequent research by Henningfield's group (Henn-
ingfield et al. 1985) has expressly failed to find a differ-
ence between cigarette smoking and placebo with regard
to self-reported euphoria, even using a very high-yield
(2.9 mg nicotine, FTC yield) cigarette. Nicotine gum also
fails to produce euphoria (Snyder et al. 1989). In fact,
Nemeth-Coslett et al. (1987) reported that 4 mg nicotine
gum produced lower "euphoria" scores than placebo.
Warburton (1988) presented data on the pleasure-stimu-
lation and pleasure-relaxation effects of nicotine and
other substances. Nicotine was rated as less stimulating
than alcohol, amphetamine, cocaine, heroin, marijuana
and sex and approximately equal to caffeine and choco-
late. Finally, when McNeill et al. (1987) queried a sample
of 104 regular smokers, not one reported that "feeling
high" was an effect that they experienced following
smoking. The predominant effect (64% of the sample)
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