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e DRAFT DEVELOPMENT OF A YA.IVIS VALUE SYSTEM; A DISCUSSION Generally speaking until the late 1980's there had been little effort made to synthesise and review the psychological behaviours of Chinese people, at least in a scienti.fic and methodological way, Indeed, despite the existence of literally hundreds of titles purporting to explain Chinese behaviour, most rely on the personal observations and insights of their authors rather than empirically sound evidence. This is not to say that anecdotal observations and our own "windows of experience" are not of great assistance in aiming to better understand the Chinese community, in addition to the results of the YAMS interviews. However the methodologically sound studies provide the structure for applying these experiential insights. Traditionally the Chinese have always been worried about how they can accommodate the benefits of modernisation into their society without losing valued elements of their own culture and cultural identity. In Hong Kong, people according to Dr Michael Bond of the Hong Kong Chinese University ':..appear to accept and endorse the idea of 'a modern Chinese' as a person who retains the essential Chinese virtues of sexual propriety, devotionn to ones family, political disinterest and social introversion...they regard motiern Chinese, like modern Westerners, as oriented towards technical mastery as pragmatic, an achiever, iftlelligettt and proud of Chinese culture" (BevQnd The Chinese Face - Tnsights from E5yC;i Qgy, ed. Dr Michael Bond, Hong Kong Oxford University Press 1991]. This concept of "a modern Chinese" seeks to determine the extent to which Asian and particularly Chinese/Confucian cultural values are balanced with other (desirable) elements of Western cultures. Dr Bond does point out that it is important to distinguish between the process of modernisation and the concept of Westernisation. This is because Eastern cultures are not becoming more western, it is just that the process of modernisation began in the West a little earlier. Indeed, the desire to acquire things Western has often been associated with a need among Asian's to become more western. In fact noting could be further from the truttl, it is Just that the desire for these goods and services reflects a natural and basic human inclination towards having a more comfortable life! There is however considerable debate as to the extent to which any culture can retain its own identity without being overpowered by a convergent modern-world culture. At this stage we tend to take the view of a number of social-psychologists and commentators who note that despite some inevitable sharing of values, differences between modem cultures in Asia and the West (Europe and US) ~Q cxist. Whether these differences can be accomadated within a cross-cultural value system or not however is at least for now a debatable point, but various discussions are reviewed here. c©d 897

e What is clear however is that there do appear to be distinct values held by the Hong Kong YAMS that are different from those desired from the "post- materialist" values identified in the European study - values which have been identified in trying to explain the modernisation of Western European and North American cultures. In our view there are several differences between modern Asian and European/ American culttues, The recent commentary in the West tends to support the view that the more modern, western cultures are now seeking what Maslow described as social and self actualisation needs. However the extent to which similar needs are sought in Asian cultures is debatable according to Dr Bond. He cites Yang Kuo-shu's conunents on Japanese culture as one example, where the Japanese society is characterised by a blend of traditional and modern values: "Strong traditional values such as group solidarity, interpersonal harmony, patetrutlisttt, and familism are coazi.rting with quite modem values such as achievement and competition, anA...along with democratic values exist beliefs in hierachial social structures and in auihority, obedience, and inequality of men and women" [~vnc The Chine,se Face - Insights from Psychology, ed, Dr Michael Bond, Hong Kong Oxford University Press 1991], Yang Kuo-shu also identifies how the values (what he terms "Evaluative- attitudinal Characteristics") of the Chinese are changing under social as well as economic modernisation, especially in the development of a less collectivist, more individualistic character; Decreasing Characteristics Increasing Characteristics Preference for inner development Preference for achievement Preference for collectivist relationship Preference for an individualistic relationship Preference for social control and restraint Preference for self-indulgence 'laheoretical value Aesthetic value Social value Religious value External control beliefs Internal control beliefs Authoritarian attitudes Democratic attitudes These comments tend to suggest that either within a global cross-cultural system or on their own, there are a distinct set of Chinese or Asian values, 2od e9i

r In preparing a value system for the YAMS group we were also wary of the need to accommodate changes over time in the gradual modernisation of Hong Kong and other Asian countries, as well as identifying the elements of the traditional Chinese Value system tabt are retained in the modern cultural context. Such a system according to Lau and Kuan (1988) "represents a mixture of old and new otierttatlotts': It is this mixture of orientations both traditional and modem, old and new that we are looking to identify here but a system that can be applied across most Asian markets. This is because most discussions of Chinese value systems appear to concentrate on the traditional value system of agrarian China and do not always accommodate the gretaer China cultural developments in Taiwan and Hong Kong for example. As this research may ultimately be part of a wider Asian comparison, it is important to look to develop value "drivers" that are appropriate to Asian culture as a whole. To do this we have reviewed a number of social-pyschology works in addition to the transcripts to try and build a pan-Asian Value System. It has alsoo been useful to draw on existing studies from cross-cultural pyschology. These studies are essentially oriented towards developing a global system of examining cultural values, and contend that across all cultures there are a number of underlying core values shared by all people to varying degrees. 'Tl:e val'tle concept, more than any other, should occupy a central position....artd he able to unify apparent diverse interestes in all the sciences concerned with human behaviour" [RokeaGh, 1973, pp3] In this area there have been two major studies, the first was conducted by Geert 1°Iofstede and the second by Shalom Schwartz. Surveying work related values across 53 cultural units, Hofstede identified four major dimen.sions of cultural variation namely Collectivism-Individualism, Power Distance, Uncertainty Avoidance and Masculinity. Of these two are generally regarded as important because all three Chinese samples in this study (from Hong Kong, Singapore and Taiwan) occupied similar positions on these "factors" - highly collective and moderately power dista.nt. Another important dimension is that these economies are all developed to similar levels and show that certain fundamental Chinese values have remained intact through the modernisation process. On the other dimensions the Chinese were less distinctive although traits of both are evident in family as well as social attitudes, t_od 89T

a The Collectivist-Individualist dimension is now recognised as a fundamental aspect of cultural variation of which the crucial distinction across cultures is the "degree of interdependence a society maintains among individuals. It relates to people's self concept: 'I' or 'we"', This is an important area as traditionally, Chinese, Japanese and other Asian societies have been very collectivist. Swartz also makes this distinction in discussing his concepts of communal (Asian) and contractual (Western) societies', Key collectivist values that are consistent with modern Asian cultures include; " certain rules about lack of public conflict, maintaining harmonious relationships in groups i.e, a desire to control certain emotions to avoid Imposing one's feelings on others; * greater demands on building and maintaining personal relationships (guanxi in Mandarin) and for what is known as "social morality" where attributes such as kindness, modesty, reliability which are important in maintaining the harmony of interpersonal relationships and reducing individual abrasiveness; * the desire for social stability. This is a core value and is derived from a past of social instability. Confucian structures and their systems were designed so no conflict would appear as their all consuming desire was social harmony. This is also reinforced in authoritarian and hierachial power structures, filial piety and the concept of face; * The family as the basic social unit and similar need for family stability. This reliance on the family and the support system it provides remains strong in Hong Kong and other modern Asian cultures; ' The main difference In Schwartz's approach iS to dePme the collectivist-individualistic dimension in terms of whitt he CAlIs "pttrely social structural grounds". Communal societies are then defined as those societies characterised by "...extended primary groups in which people have diffusc mutual obligations and expectations ..,based on ttsCribCd stAtuSes," In comparison, contractual soci4ties are characteriscd by narrow primary groups and by social relations which devclop various obligations and expectations as a result negotiation". S©d 89't

® In comparison, Power Distance is defined as the "degree to which the members of society accept that power in institutions and organisations is distributed unequally", In th.is regard it is easy to recognise this feature in most Asian governments whether it be the (until recently) unaccessible colonial government of Hong Kong, the paterna.Iistic communist system in the PRC, or the autocratic style of Lc:e Kwan Yew in "demoeratic" Singapore. Justification of governtnent policy on the grounds of "social stability" are very familiar to most Asians and reflects traditional Confucian ideals (in traditional China, the role of rulers was to uphold morality and to "educate people in moral deeds" (Lau and Kuan, pp19) under the traditional Mandate Of Heaven of tian ming ie. to preserve social and cosmic harmony). In many ways, this traditional Chinese tendency to put social (and political) interests ahead of economic ones, is yet to be tested in many economies just because they have not experienced economic recession, Power Distance is also reinforced by related hierachial structures in Asian soical life such as Filial Piety, where unquestionned respect and obedience of elder leads to greater power distance in society. Filial piety, was therefore, central to the maintenance of this system as it specified the nature of the relationship between people and ensured that authority was respected. It was also supported by the clear definition of status and control in terms of the role of boss and subordinate, and is reflected in the importance of titles and the desire for relative status among Chinese people. There are also clear relationships to the concept of favour and face 2, While the degree to which a governmental system is intertwined with society varies, it would appear that most Asian residents feel ambivalent towards the government as long as it's policies do not impact on their personal lives. With steady econbmic growth and rising incomes, has meant that the government is respected but not loved. This would appear to be largely true in Hong Kong although there is a clare Chinese attitude towards any activities undertaken by the government that intrudes or inconveniences their lifestyle. Generally speaking however, most remain ullinvolved ir< the political process although the civil service in now freely accessible to the local population, 2 This concept of face and relationships is very important in a hierachial society where the major social resources are controlled by a few and may be allocated based on social preferences. This reinforces the importtwce guauxi and reflects traditional Chinese and Asian concepts of leadership which have evolved from the traditionzl family struetures where the head of the family manages the household (this also reinforces imagcs of the male provider, traditional sex roles and stlike). gdd e9t

s YAMS remain similarly ambivalent perhaps moreso given the future under Chinese rule and an inevitable loss of poltical autonomy. This respect in conjunction with the relative isolation from the political process has largely resulted in political ambivalence but has not provided a fertile raison d'etre for indigenous political leaders. However feelings of scepticism about 1997 did motivate the development of the liberal party in Legislative Council elections. Nevertheless, ambivalence is generalised from the government to the new local politicians according to Lau and Kuan (1988) and with this the pervasive sense of social complacency a desire for stability makes political radicalism impossible (at least In western terms). Schwartz's study undertaken in 20 counties is interesting because unlike Hofstede's, shows that the different value dimensions rather than being distinct are part of a dynaniie value system, In this system values are viewed as goals and are therefore motivational. Key elements of Schwartz's system are as follows: (1) (2) Tested empirically, Schwartz identified two essential dimensions for ten motivational values, which included the self-transcendence -> self-enhancement, openness to change -> conservation. Value types that serve individual interests namely hedonism, achievement, power, stimulation and self-direction, are directly opposed to a second set of attributes that serve collective interests (benevolence, tradition and conformity), Those in between namely, universlism and security were in•between these bounded regions (3) A value system, comprised of ten related dimensions mapped in a two dimensional geographic space according to intercorrelations between them 3. These value types are shown opposite and summarised below: Benevolence Orientation to the weifare of people with whom one is in close contact (family, friends etc). Universalism Orientation to the welfare of entities outside the ingroup such as nature, humankind, world at largc etc ' A set of values were rated on a nine point scale related to how important the value was to thcm. The itatereorreladon matrix of Pcarson CoefCieient scores betwcen the importance ratings were then analysed cross- ctiltttrally using the Guttman-Lingoes Smallest-Space Analysis (SSA). For more details see "Universals In The Conletit And Stntcfuno Of Valttes: 77teon'tical ,Adavances and Empfrical Tests in 20 C',oTantries", Shalom Schwartz, in Aclvanres Xn .xncrimcnt~ ial P~~holoQV Vol. 25, (ed Marl. Zanna), Academic Press Inc, (1992). Lod 89't

lA Traditlon/Conformity Theoretically seperated but grouped together in terms of motivational values empirically. Essentially they reflcct the degree to which "subordinates thc self , where conformity relates to people with which have frequent contact (parents, bosses) and tradition to more abstract objects such as religious ideas and objocts Power/Achievement Whilc obviously linked together as both typcs of values reflect motivation towards sncial esteem (one reinforcc:s the other - achievement as a means to powcr) they are regarded as distinct. According to Sehwartz, acheivement focuses on domonstra.ble competence in evryday situations eg. expertise, ambition whereas power values reflect more abstract outcomes of action cg. wealth accumulation; SaCurity Incorporates both personal (health, sense of helonging) and social/collcctivo secttrity (social order, family security, national security). Self-Direction Independent thought and action, autonomy, personal freedom and an ability to determine one' future Stimulation Derived as a result of a biological need for variety although modified by social experience. Has been claimed as representing thrill-seeking (Farley, 1986). Key motivations are to be diffcrent, seeking novelty and challenges in life Hedonism Search for enjoyment, relaxation - sensuous gratification, the "feel good" factor It is interesting to note that the test included respondents from Hong Kong and China, Japan and Taiwan, Of these only the mainland Chinese deviated substantially from the ideal structure noted above, According to Schwartz, while the Chinese were consistent with the power, achievement, hedonism, stimulation and self-direction value types, the remainder could not fit his value system as developed, As a result, Schwartz has "tentatively proposed", that the other value types can be represented in terms of three unique Chinese value types: societal harmony, virtuous interpersonal behaviour and personal and interpersonal harmony. As defined these include the following: :..soeietal hannony [incorporatesJ social order, national security, social justice, world peace, protectutg the environment, world of beauty; virtuous interpersonal behaviour (honest, obedient, reponsible, loyal, politeness, humble, self-discipline, forgiving, helpfulness); personal and interpersonal harmony (fanuly security, honouring parents and elders, accepting my portion in life, inner harmony, healthy and devout). " E©d 291

0 Indeed, China, Hong Kong and Taiwan all deviated reasonably from Schwartz's rnodel rn sorne respects. He raises the issue regarding exposure to Western influence in these markets (low) but we would tend to repeat Bond's cautioning over the wholesale application of "western influence" (as opposed to modernisation). Besides, at an aggregate level, it could be equally supposed that the differences In these tllree markets is a result of their essential "Chineseness" rather than their variable levels of economic devlopment and "westernisation". Xn many ways it is not surprising then that these Chinese dimensions were identified. As Schwartz, acknowledges, such dimensions have already been linked by Zhi-gang (1990) to major religious influences upon Chinese culture: Social harmony (associated with Taoism), Interpersonal behaviour (Confucianism) and personal and interpersonal harniony (Buddhism), although this can also be obviously linked to Confucian principles of social hramony and balance etc. This system of course is not perfect (for example there emerged no consistent spirituality type of value although this is found in most cultures to varying degrees) despite the fact that all ten value types noted above appeared in 90%o or more of the countries studied. As Schwartz acknowledges, a limited sample, translation, cultural biases in responses as well as purely logistcial factors all combine to cause natural variation, Xn addition cultural distinctions are changed as social conditions alter (recall modernisation debate). As a result, while it is dangerous to generalise such studies, it is useful to review such information. Nevertheless the structure is a useful point for this consumer research. The 1Vew Economic Imperatives - The three aspects of Materialism Pursuit of material possessions is generally regarded as one of the major normative orientations of Hong Kong and other more developed Asian economies. This is supported by many commentators in the field of social pyschology and can be experienced in evryday life in the "four dragon" economies and Japan, although the recent recession in Japan may at this stage be slowly changing this orientation. Nevertheless comments such as "money as religion" or "in Hong Kong money is not everything but without it you cannot do anything" reinforces the underlying vales of this "money culture". 6L1d ssT

A According to Lau, there are generally seen to be three underlying dimensions of materialism: (1) The pursuit of wealth, This is determined by various factors including historic tradition of commercialisation and business shrewdness, the blocking of politicised upward mobility due to colonial structure, the stimuli of visible consumption and openness of the economy. (2) Entrepreneurialism, Materialism and the pursuit of wealth must have a vehicle according to Redding and Wong (1993) and so entrepreneurial skill is highly regarded. Gaining success for the family through ones own endeavours and skill is extremely desirable and is societally revered (witness the respect Li Ka-shing receives in the YAMS interviews). It also reflects the ultimate achievement for the self, a self realisation that while yielding independence is not in itself individualistic. (3) Work Ethic. Exposed in Kahn's post-Confucian hypothesis (1979), it was shown that seriousness of purpose and diligence were important components of East Asian cultures. To Lau (1988) this orientation is clearly reflected in a longing for material goods and reliance on material criteria when making normative judgements about others. Lau has subsequently felt motivated to mourn the apparent demise of the family institution by characterising Hong Kong Chinese Value System as "egotistical or acquisitive individualism", although it would appear that while the family unit is not as tight as it used to be, familism and commitment to traditional relationships remain. Social Values - A Review Of New and Traditional Dimensions As we devloped the value system it was important to identify both old and new dimensions of Asian soicety. Having reviewed the virtually all encompassing new materialism it is also important to review other cultural dimensions such as those identified in the Hofstede study and examine how they have developed over time and under the influence of society's modernisation. Such dimensions include individuality and the related concepts of personal freedom and self-determinism; as well as attitudes towards. It is also important to review some of the traditonal social values have already been noted but deserve more elaboration including the importance of traditional relationships and family; as wellas considering distinctive Asian concepts such as "face". Dtd 89i

I Individuality The pursuit of wealth and the overall concept of materialism are also linked to the dimension of individualism, Individualism is a key dimension in this regard mainly because of the different way in which man is regarded in society."...in a western sense, the individual is highly is highly valued and takes precedence over society or any other collectives. Implicit in [this] concept of individualism are a positive view of human nature, a low degree of fatalism and theories of individual rights and equality" (Lau and Kuan, 1988, pp4l). This extends from the need for personal development or self-actualisation as expressed in Maslow's hierachy of needs and is ~QmRi§.V,ly s= from the Chinese concept of man. Confuciatusnt on the other hand was orientated towards "secular human affairs", the so-called "socletisation" of the cosmic order and emphasis on group life. Nevertheless Chinese society did have definite ideas about equality, rights, duties and freedoms, many of these were contigent upon the discretion of the state. In other words, freedom was granted by the state, and the individual a subordinate. Among the modernised Chinese (and Asian) cultures, the extent to which individualism has developed tends to be on the basis of their own self- determination. Therefore success is measured in terms of what they have achieved in monetary or other terms rather than their intrinsic worth as an individual. This reflects the Confucian work ethic and a desire to improve one's status in an economically hierachial society (success in the political arena has until recently been limited). For Hong Kong people however the most valued dimension of individualism is freedom, namely freedom of speech, association and importantly of business and self-determination. Most of the respondents for example demonstrated a clear desire for self determinism and an ability to do what they wanted. As a result the threat of a reduction in personal autonomy is one of the greatest concerns about the future. Despite this desire for self-determinism there remains a desire for social stability. This is not only because of the laissez-faire environment of Hong Kong, but reflects the more traditional Chinese orientation towards safety and uncertainty- conflict avoidance. Ttd 99Z

a There is however a surprising lack of tolerance in Asia,for anyone who is different. While some individual rights are respected such as the freedoms discussed, in a society where achievement and reward are ernphasised, many find it difficult to conceptualise that fundamental rights should exist for doing nothing. In this regard, many Chinese see rights as a priveledge and a reward for conformity to community standards (witness the lack of tolerance of mental illness). Personal Macy and Fatalism Jn traditional agrarian societies characterised by relative scarcity, a fatalistic outlook on life and a general lack of any belief in one's ability to change one's environemnt and lifestyle are common. Indeed in traditional China and most of Asia, many lived a rather naiserable existence. Under Confucian ideology while there was some opportunity for upward mobility through the ability of tlte state to provide everyone access to possible self improvement through "education", the open and dynamic socio-economic opportunities of Hong Kong, Taiwan and Singapore (as well as those in Korea and Japan for that matter) have tended_ to reduce the dependence on fate especially among the young, This is not to say that many people do not belive in luck, except hat more than ever, more are inclined to attribute economic success to individualistic variables such as hardwork and foresight as opposed to fate, although the Confucian ethic is also a key factor. This Is of course related to self-determination, which is divided between economics and politics. There is no doubt that modern Asians desire economic self-determination but until recently there would appear to have been very little motivation for political efficacy. There is some debate over whether this apathy towards politics is a function of a general inaccessibility to government or a general demonstration of a preference for conflict aversion and desire for a collective society (non-rock-the-boat-ism). As was noted earlier, economic success has promoted soical stability in this way as people have tolerated politics as there standards of living has impoved (as long as it was not too intrusive). Recent disputes in China related to the economic slowdown, show that political demonstration and frustration at a lack of personal efficacy can emerge under conditions of relative hardship. However, in modern Asia it is clear that the predominat desire is economic stability, and it is often as not, that democratically elected governments have looted and the autocrats who have broght peace, prosperity and equality. This is why undesirable (in Western terms) governments have remained stable and are likely to remain so. ctd agt

a Traditional Relationships Of aJ_1 the relationships that exist in Chinese and other societies it is the family. Traditionally for the Confucian Chinese, the basic social virtue of filial piety (love and respect for parents) was fundamental to a stable hierachial order becasue it was considered the right attitude to authority. As a result "instant, exact and complete obedience" is the ideal and is reflected in conformity of society as well as within the family. For the Chinese, familism is a key value and while the concept of the extended family may be changing there remains a commitment to kinship relation.5 and the maintenance of a stable and happy family environment. This family unit is self- supporting and resources are often shared. Tbis entails looking after parents when they are older, or others when they are in need etc. In many ways, this inward looking dependence on the family unit is a very natural consequence of traditional Asian lifestyles, Indeed, "blood is thicker than water" is especially tnte among societies with relatively low goegraphical mobility and the absence of any government sponsored social support. TTIL RESULTING VALUE SYSTEM As a consequence of this review, two resulting value system dynamics were developed for the Chinese society in Hong Kong - one for the general society as a whole and then the other for the YAMS group which clearly emphasised less traditional values related to personal restraint and balance (such as Yinyang), remained politically ambivalent and yet sought stability and were clearly caught up in the Hong Kong "money culture". From this review the main dimensions of this value sytem were defined to be: Power Attitudes Despite domestic politics becoming more accessible, political power remains the domain of a priviledged few. Chinese deference to power systems and hierachial structure remains it is just that in Hong Kong economic power may be more real than political power. With 1997 approaching power attitudes are changing (political efficacy vs apathy) Collectivism This reflects many traditional Chinese values including the concept of face and conflict uncertainty/avoidance. This also incorporates Schwartz's Chinese value of societal harmony as well as dimensions related to popularity, acceptance and personal attributes. E1zd asz

I Traditional Relationships This includes the natural Chinese value of maintaining tight kinship ties as well as values related to friendship. Many also retain traditional views over family structures, the role of male provider etc Personal Wellbeing/ An important concept for many Chinese, this is not so much a concern among younger YAMS although many do not view the world in terms of spiritualistic dimensions. Values related to Schwartz's concept of virtues interpersonal behaviour also appear such as helpfulness, honest, reliable etc. Acheivement/Prosperity Self-Direction As discussed earlier, the "money culture" that pervades Hong Kong society is well established as is the key motivation to move ahead, accumulate wealth be successful etc, As discussed personal freedom is important to people in Hong Kong and probably more important to YAMS, Related to this is the desire for success and the independence in lifestyle this brings. Hedonism A result of Hong Kong's economic miracle life is now comfortable and people like to enjoy their wealth. While leisure time is valuable, work and family still dominate the Hong Kong scene but may like to enjoy the company of their friends and have a good time. This value system will be used throughout this project. Overall, the key differences between Hong Kong and a modern Chinese society such as that which exists in the PRC are therefore clear and fundamental: Its high degree of modernisation, industrialisation and urbanisation (environment) as well as high degree of personal and individual autonomy; its dominance by market forces and laissez-faire philosophies; the erosion of tradition and adapted changes in family structures; the lack of a moralising and controlling economic and political elite; the high-standard of living and international influence; the rapidity of social change and its political and economic dependence O7d agZ

I With regards to the YAMS group, while their value system is comprised of the same basic "value dimensions", the main difference is the extent to which the more tradit{onal eagaliatriata values are supported among the Hong Kong YAMS. With no institutionalised and powerful custodians of the Confucian enthic (outside the family), there is not the single minded pursuit of such values. Confucian and traditional values do however remain mainly due to social customs and family socialisation according to Lau and Khan (1988) but only in some areas. YAMS are also more fun oriented but not so concerned about their own spirituality or politics. Key materialist value motivations strong however. ~ n I ~ya~~~taCf~s~~ 0.. W4 $a. S'td s9't

g Adapted Hong Kong Value System Reco~oulstatus I'ol~ical AlmthY F.ducatbu Iwlxrrtaut RwpW Autbar;ty Goat Ariented S©d 5sT Interna t knalirrmmwSecgt

a Adapted YAMS Value System Rtzpmt Authority PoatJsal Apathy Non=CWh'mtatioruzl Social order Status Quo qrim"tlon 1'opllattty 1t71t10rtatx Fumily Catuzuitn>nlt Ycrso{+at ttelatx,uslslpK (mmr rio geJ rr lfclch Ut1 rm) Malu YrOv{dcr ltcioufa Tmswrtunt Personai well heimg Hedonism ~ R ~~ 1 Relaxstlon Value 1'era0nw 11e1tEW Eqjoy c~.ood t6tv.x t . Vah,c Rocomktavstatus Ed"loa Important Gagl Oriemtad Aihtwu~es Co]kctivist ZYnditional Relaxi4nships Achievement Orientation Prosperity ncgire s,x:cess dc Pmtitue MoneyFoctii rpnandal sfAmcity 0,+M sw;ow Independence c'0d 69x