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Philip Morris

Plaintiff's Brief in the Case of Pentti Kalevi Aho Vs. Suomen Tupakka Oy and Oy Rettig Ab the Twelfth Hearing of the Case 910321

Date: 21 Mar 1991
Length: 95 pages
2501070575-2501070669
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Fields

Author
Aurejarvi, E.
Type
REPT, REPORT, OTHER
Area
LEGAL DEPT/EEMA ARCHIVE
Attachment
2501070290/2501070700
Litigation
Stmn/Produced
Characteristic
TRSL, TRANSLATION
Copied (Organization)
Helsinki City Court
Site
E35
Master ID
2501070290/0700

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Named Person
Aho, P.
Alalipasti, K.
Brownlee
Burford
Cipollone
Edell, M.
Elovainio
Eysenck, H.J.
First
Furst, A.
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Goebbels, J.
Greene
Hinds
Holcomb, L.C.
Kaartamo, P.
Kirch
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Koti, K.J.
Kulmala, R.
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Leino, P.
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Mohn, P.
Nordman, E.
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Paakkinen, P.
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Rigdon
Rimpela
Rimpela, M.
Rosenblatt
Rudolf
Russik
Rylander
Saarinen, A.
Salo, E.
Santala, M.
Schievelbein, H.
Sommers, S.C.
Surgeon General
Tulokas
Vertio, H.
Vonhertzen, H.S.
Zahn, L.
Recipient (Organization)
Helsinki City Court
Date Loaded
05 Jun 1998
Brand
Armirolla
Marlboro
North State
Nortti
Red Nortti
UCSF Legacy ID
uqy32e00

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Exhibit 13 * 471 TO THE HELSINKI CITY COURT PLAINTIFF'S BRIEF in the case of Pentti Kalevi Aho vs. Suomen Tupakka Oy and Oy Rettig Ab The twelfth hearing of the case 3/21/91. WRITTEN BY: Erkki Aurejlrvi
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TABLE OF CONTENTS -~ d PAGE I. CIGARETTES AND SMOKMG 1 A. Distorted Of Concepts As Means of Deception 1 B. Cigarettes In The Medical/Scientific Controversy 2 C. "The Opposing of Smoking" -- Argumentum Ad Hominem 4 D. The Legal Construction of Product Liability 7 E. "The Right" Not To Receive Damage Compensation 10 II. A DISCUSSION AT THE CITY COURT, 1/31/91 13 III. THE MEDICAL/SCIENTIFIC PROOF OF RETTIG AB AND SUOMEN TUPAKKA OY 15 A. Director of Operations, Pertti Paakkinen 15 B. Professor Author Furst 17 C. Professor Sheldon C. Sommers 19 D. Drs. Brownlee, Burford, Garland, Greene, Langston, MacDonald, Mayer, Rigdon, Rosenblatt and Russik 22 IV. FALSE MEDICAL SCIENCE AT THE CITY COURT AND THE INFORMATION AIMED AT CONSUMERS 24 V. TRADE/JOURNALS MAGAZINES AS A A MARKETING CHANNEL 27 A. Over 100,000 Magazines For Over 200,000 Salespeople 27
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B. The Relationship Of Section 10 Of The 33 Foodstuff Act, Section 2:1 Of The Consumer Protection Law And To Other Regulations Governing The Provision Of Information C. The Content Of The Information 36 1. The Direct Denial Of The Lethal Nature Of Cigarettes 36 a. Cigarette Smoking (Active Smoking) 36 b. Environmental Tobacco Smoke (Passive Smoking) 54 b.1. Significance of Environmental Tobacco Smoke In The Case of Pentti Aho 54 b.2. Information Distributed By The Tobacco Industry 56 2. Argumentum Ad Hominem; The Ridicule of Physicians and Medical Science 67 a. Making Someone Seem Ridiculous As A Propaganda Tool 67 b. Ridicule In The Professional Trade Journals 71 D. Bloc king T he Marketing Channels 80 1. The Am endment to Section 1 Of The Tobacco Act In 1982 • 80 2. The Pr oposed Amendments By The Medical Board In 1990 83 E. The Signi ficance In The Case Of Pentti Aho 88 0 ii Cn ~ V
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I. CIGARETTES AND SMOKING A. Distortion Concepts As Means Of Deception The tobacco industry has used many different methods in its information war against the medical community. One of these methods has been the distortion of concepts and terminology. In my last brief, I noted that in this product liability case Rettig Ab and Suomen Tupakka Oy never use the name of the product itself but rather, they consistently refer to product ue.' Accordingly, the questions presented do not, therefore, pertain to the damage-causing properties of cigarettes, but solely to "risks" possibly attached to smokinc. Rettig Ab and Suomen Tupakka Oy do not mention cigarettes, tobacco or even cigarette smoke; the latter expression relates to the usage of the product, but in that expression one can also clearly distinguish the name of the product itself. This conduct is premeditated and consistent. Its purpose is to focus attention exclusively on the conduct of the consumer, thereby making it seem that the consumer ("smoker") demands compensation for self-inflicted damages. Thus the tobacco companies remain outside of the entire chain of causation. 1 Plaintiff's Brief 1/31/91, pp. 38-40. ~ 0 U 0 co ..r
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B. Cigarettes In The Medical/Scientific Controversy The tobacco industry has also followed this tactic in the medical/scientific controversy (information war). The tobacco companies try to maintain the debate in such a way that it relates to the possible health hazards of smoking and not to cigarettes. In Finland this type of language use has no exceptions. In the English language, one can find exceptions. Tobacco companies usually use the word smokin . They speak of diseases statistically associated with "smoking" (smokinc,~ associated diseases). On the other hand, the Anglo-American tobacco {- . companies sometimes mention the product by name. They not only speak of "smokers," but also "cigarette smokers." The controversy relating to lung cancer and other diseases is not only the smoking and health controversy but also the cigarette controversy. For example, we mention a press campaign carried out by R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Company -- the licenser of Rettig Ab -- in 1985. Reynolds published a full-page ad which concluded: 2
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They continue to believe these factors cause heart disease. But it is important,t,o label their belief accurately. It is an opinion. A iudgment. But not scientific fact. We believe in science. That is why we continue to provide funding for independent research into smoking and health. But we do not believe there should be one set of scientific principles for the whole world, and the different set of experiments involving cigarettes. Science is science. Proof is proof. That is why the controversy over smoking and health remains an open one. R.J. REYNOLDS TOBACCO COMPANY , The ad denies -- in 1985 -- the causal connection between products manufactured by R.J. Reynolds and cardiovasculardisease. The claimed causal connection is, according to Reynolds, only an "opinion" or "estimate," but not a scientific fact. This is way Reynolds continues to finance "unbiased scientific research" to solve the controversy. The ad uses the term "smoking" most frequently ("independent research into smoking and health;" "controversy over smoking and health"). But, the name of the product itself is also included: "experiments involving cigarettes." The product can also be seen in the title of the advertisement, "Of Cigarettes and Science." Thus, the use of language in the United States is not as deliberately misleading as it is in Finland. 3 ...
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C. "The Opaosition to Smoking" -- Argumentum Ad Hominem The tobacco industry has also used an ancient propaganda method in its information war against doctors, which turns the focus of the matter being discussed to-the personal qualities of the opponent. The attempt is to make the opponent and the case he advocates seem ridiculous.2 The use of this propaganda weapon requires precise word selection. The tobacco companies need the term "smoking" specifically for this bluff. "Smoking" can be understood both as the use of a certain product and as a type of lifestyle. According to the tobaccd industry, the medical community opposes the lifestyles and rights of smokers. "The opposition to smoking" therefore stands for religious crusading, moralization, and maternal supervision. Physicians are hysterics and fanatics. In reality, physicians do not oppose smoking, but they oppose cancer. And to be more exact they do o,~ppose cancer, but they also prevent it. It would be difficult for the tobacco industry to create a conditioned reflex in the minds of men that finds something funny and unnecessary in opposina. This reflex is successfully created by use of the word "smoking." It is made to appear as though physicians do not "tolerate" the chosen lifestyle of a smoker. The physicians believe -------------------------- With regard to this see also Page 67. 4 r13 cn ~ ~ 0 v 0 ch ~ ~
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smoking is "a sin" and "a vice." An attitude of this kind -- at the end of the 20th centuryt - is naturally ridiculous. The distortion of the goals of physicians are contained in the following expressions: 1. the prevention of cancer; 2. the elimination of tobacco smoke; 3. the opposition to smoking; 4. the opposition to the smoker (objection to the lifestyle and rights of the smoker). The use of this language continuing year after year is aimed at having cigarette consumers identify physicians` as thei.r enemies and re'ect their message. The rejection is partly based on a consumer association of the warnings with religious, moralistic nuances. Included in the distortion is the idea that the tobacco industry representatives are fighting on the same front and.on the same side as the consumers. They are the smokers' friends and thus their message is trustworthy. The true character of the "friendship" is nevertheless revealed as the terminology is decoded into more precise components: 5
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4. Defense of the smoker (defending the rights and lifestyle of a smoker); 3. Defense of smoking; 2. The promotion of the sale of cigarettes; 1. The reach for money. This analysis demonstrates how the tobacco industry has, by a skillful choice of words, managed to guide people's thoughts. "Smoking" is an incredibly useful expression that can invert the truth. The goals of both parties are expressed in both subparts 1. The physicians prevent cancer to ~ save human lives; the tobacco industry reaches for money regardless of human lives. With well-planned propaganda, the conduct of physicians has been made to seem suspicious and the tobacco companies become advocates for the benefit of smokers. The distortion has so completely succeeded that the tobacco 5 industry has been able to focus the discussion on the morality of health 11 education and the medical community! This achievement -- if one considers the methods utilized by the tobacco industry in the marketing of cigarettes -- is certainly unsurpassed in the entire history of propaganda. The visions of Joseph Goebbels and Orwell stay far behind. P~ 0 v 0 Ctt 6 w t;
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D. The Legal Construction of Product Liability The tobacco companies have managed to plant a reflex into a great :, majority of people whereby warnings relating to the use of cigarettes create a somewhat humorous reaction with tendencies of disparagement and rejectionf of the warnings. In this case, the category of risks is decreased to such an extent that it becomes insignificant; a ridiculous risk is not a risk that should be taken seriously. Distortion and propaganda that has lasted for decades is also quite significant in viewing the legal aspect's of product liability. Indeed Rettig and Suomen Tupakka have strictly maintained that Pentti Aho is demanding compensation for damages caused by smokinc. According to this, the damaging agent has been Aho himself. But the lawsuit has, from the very beginning, involved damages caused by cigarettes. Cigarettes are comparable to other consumer products available at supermarkets and other stores and puchased "voluntarily" (without being physically forced) and used "voluntarily."' Indubitably, the damage is caused at the stage at which the product is used, but nevertheless the agent is still the product. The first section of the new Finnish Product Liability Act 3 See Plaintiff's Brief 1/31/91, p. 39-40, in which comparable products are mentioned, including sausage, prescription medicines and skin lotion. In the legal practice, there have been liability cases pertaining to these products. However, damage compensation has not been demanded from "biting," "eating," "drinking," nor "spreading," but rather as a result of damages caused by sausage or one of'the other products. 7

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