Philip Morris
They Don't Embarrass Easy
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- 2023005027/2023005149/PM Cos. - Corporate Affairs General 930000
- Litigation
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- Named Organization
- Environmental Criteria + Assess Office
- Epa, Environmental Protection Agency
- Risk Analysis
- Science Space + Technology Comm
- Epa, Environmental Protection Agency
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- Named Person
- Murphy, P.A.
- Valentine, T.
- Author (Organization)
- Natl Review
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- Stmn/R1-004
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- 05 Jun 1998
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Document Images
"get to the table:"with 1VIr.Clinton on health-care re-
form. Public support for reform is so universal, the
thinking goes, that Republicans have to be players,
not obstructionists. But, as will become increasingly
clear, it's easy for voters to be for health-care reform
in general. It's another matter to be for a plan that
could cost jobs, limit consumer choice, impose un-
workable price controls, and expand government
control' over a huge sector of the economy. The
Chafee approach promises to sit Republicans down
at the table just as the Clinton reform feast begins
to look awfully unappetizing.
Senators like Don Nickles and Phil Gramm, who.
are pushing free-market-oriented plans akin to the
Heritage Foundation's, have stronger nerves. It's the
second opiizion of these Dr. Gridlocks that could
warn the country away from the Clinton plan, which
looks more and more like an iatrogenic disease.
Eye of the Beholder
T HE SOCIAL ISSUE du jour for much of the
media is the "shocking" pattern of racial dis-
crimination in bank mortgage lending. Ac-
cording to a Boston Federal Reserve Bank study of
6.6 million mortgage applications in 1991, blacks of
all income levels are rejected for mortgages at more
than twice the rate of whites. This disparity shrinks
when adjusted for credit criteria such as the age and
quality of the house. Minorities then seem to be re-
jected at a rate of 17 per cent versus 11 per cent for
whites. Nonetheless, according to the Boston Fed,,
this is a clear sign of racism.
Or is it? The Boston Fed study itself admitted that
rejected' minority applications on average had
"poorer objective qualifications." For that matter,
Asian applicants were rejected less often than
whites. And there was a very significant test point-
ing to non-discrimination that the Boston Fed study
simply got wrong. If banks really hold blacks to a
higher standard than whit'es, we would expect to
find' the default rate for blacks lower than that for
whites. It isn't. Census data show that black and
white mortgage borrowers have the same default
rate. In other words, the higher black rejection rate
retlected a rational-and successful-effort to equal-
ize credlt risks among mortgage applicants.
When this point was brought to her attention by
Forbes magazine. Alicia Nlunnell, the Boston Fed's
research director before she accepted a position with
the Clinton Administration. admitted that it under-
mined her report's main conclusion. "I do not have
evidence . . . no one has evidence." she conceded.
That did not, of course, change her opinion that "dis-
crimination uccurs." Nor did her admission make it
into subsequent news reports in the eVew York Times
.K 1. \TMNAL ItE'C'IL'W " •EPTEMOEK '0. 1993
and Wall Street Journal on the epidemic of racism in
mortgage lending.
Discrimination does occur, but not the type that
grabs headlines. Banks would rather not make mort-
gages of less than, say, $40,000, because processing
costs and' federal regulations make such small loans
money-losers. They prefer mortgage applicants who
have already established credit worthiaesa by pay-
ing off credit cards and other loans. A stable job his-
tory is preferred to a history of part-time positions.
None of these sound business practices has anything
to do with race. But color-blind adherence to them
might create the appearance of racial discrimination.
Yet the adverse publicity-augmented lately, and
inevitably, by Ralph Nader's t=unnpetings-has ter-
rified bankers. Lenders are bending rules that limit
mortgage payments and other charges to a specific
fraction of the borrower's income. Some, like Na
tionsBaak, go so far as to count food stamps and wel-
fare benefits as income of minority mortgage appli-
cants. Wells Fargo pays a bonus to any employee
who brings in a customer from a low-income neigh-
borhood to its mortgage department.
And the bottom line? There are several. Other
things being equal, banks will be less profitable, sav-
ers less well rewarded, federal insurance schemes
shakier, the economy slower. Devalued too will be
the efforts made by many black people in hard cir-
cumstances to meet demanding credit standards-
and so the incentives for others to do the same. Why
try hard when trying easy is enough?
They Don't Embarrass Easy
W E HAVE written harshly in the past ("The
Week," July 19) about the EPA's manipu-
lation of science to justify its imperial
agenda. As if control over rivers, wetlands, trash,
chemicals, and outdoor air were not enough, the
agency seems determined to gain authority to regu-
late indoor. air as well. It is revealing that some of
the harshest criticism of the EPA's classification of
environmental tobacco smoke ( ETS) as a Group A
carcinogen has come from scientists within the EPA.
Representative Tim Valentine, chairman of the
environmental' subcommittee of the Science, Space.
and Technology Committee. has released a bunch of
internal EPA documents showing how the political
operators there tried to ignore the criticisms. An
April 27. 1990, report from EPA's Environmental
Criteria and Assessment Office (ECAO) says that
studies of the health effects of second-hand' smoke
reflect limited evidence of human carcinogenicity
and recommends that it not be classified as a Group
A carcinogen. The ECAO scientists recommended
major revisions of the EPA report, given the inher-
2Q2300S09'7

ent limitations of the data and the comparative nov-
elty of the approach used to interpret the data. That
novelty consisted of a huge array of statistical ma-
nipulations incUiding exclusion of major studies that
inconveniently indicated no health effects, suspen-
sion of usual' standards for avoiding chance associa-
tion (confidence intervals), and failure to consider
confounding factors.
A March 23, 1992, review by ECAO epidemiologist
Patricia A. Murphy characterizes the EPA report as
poorly organized and badly argued, and says that
the case for a causal relationship between lung can-
cer and' ETS is overstated. She notes there is no con-
sideration of what epidemiologists call the "file-
drawer problem" (the tendency of researchers to
leave in t'he file drawer reports of research that finds
no-relationship). Thus, according to Dr. Murphy, t'he
process of "meta-analysis," which tries to weigh the
results of all the published reports, is inherently bi-
ased in the direction of finding a relationship. The
report on ETS was entirely meta-analysis of a selec-
tion of old studies that had found no more than a
weak relationship between ETS and disease.
One ECAO reviewer says part of the draft EPA re-
port is plagiarism from an article in a 1990 issue of
the journal Risk Analysis. He adds: "This could' be a
source of embarrassment, as there are surely many
people familiar with this article who will also be
reading this EPA document." But the EPA appar-
ently is beyond embarrassment.
Middle East Breakthrough?
W E CROSS our fingers, praying that the
new agreement unveiled between Israel
and the Palestinians turns out to be the
breakthrough to peace that it is claimed to be. On
the face of it, the plan incorporates key ideas that
have been part of Israeli (and U.S.) policy for
years-a transitional phase of self-government for
Palestinians in the occupied' territories, leaving the
toughest issues of sovereignty and territorial parti-
tion for subsequent negotiations: limited redeploy-
ments of Israeli troops, while Israel retains responsi-
bility for overall military security in the transitional'
phase: no change in the status of the Israeli settle-
ments in the territories. What's new is that a rapid
turnover of powers will take place initially in the
Gaza Strip and in the West Bank town of Jericho, to
jump-start negotiations.
The other new wTinkle-and here our concerns
begin-is that the deal was worked out in secret
talks between Israeli Foreign Minister Shiinon Pe-
res and a senior representative of the PLO.
For 15 years. U.S. and Israeli policy has been to
empower the residents of the occupied territories,
precisely in order to diminish the influence of the
PLO, now headquartered in Tunis. The PLO was for
decades an ally of the Soviet Union; in the Gulf War
it aligned itself with Saddam Hussein. It has never
convincingly distanced' itself from terrorism; and it
has a nearly unbroken record of sabotaging peace.
negotiations because it cared more about ensuring a
role for itself than about achieving progress for the
Palestinians.
Has anything happened to justify this reversal of
U.S. and Israeli policy? The accord's defenders point
to the inability of the residents of the territories to
put forward realistic proposals; they call attention to
new promises by the PLO to alter its viciously anti-
Zionist charter and to accept Israel's existence. They
focus on the PLO's strategic weakness in the wake
of the Soviet collapse and the cut-off of Gulf Arab fi-
nancing; they cite the new willingness of the PLO to
accept that any territory liberated from Israel will
be confederated with Jordan (another long-standing
U! S. and Israeli' preference). And the rise of the Is-
lamic fundamentalist movement in the territories
frightens the secular PLO as much as it frightens Is-
rael. Indeed, hard-line Palestinian radicals are de-
nouncing the accord as a sell-out.
These are all worthwhile considerations. They are
also factors subject to change, some to overnight
change. But the surrender of territory, however mod-
est, can be reversed only by war-and Israel has al-
most no geographical margin for error.
In Israel, battle lines are forming, as the opposi-
tion Likud Party and settlers'' groups organize to op-
pose the accord. The Rabin government has a'razor-
thin majority in the Knesset. As diplomacy with the
PLO unfolds, we will find out soon whether the gam-
ble was wise, in either politics or diplomacy.
Laura Tyson's Tall Tale
W HEN President Clinton's eye settled on
Berkeley economist Laura Tyson as head
of his Council of Economic Advisors,
Llewellyn Rockwell criticized her writings on Nico- ~
lae Ceausescu's economic policies (NR, Feb. 1). O
Her reaction, we have learned late in the day, was. ~
to: deny she had ever written on Rumania. Here's the Cj,
exchange with host Brian Wilson on "Fox Morning O
News" (March 10), from a Reuter Transcript Report: O,
WILSON: A man named Rockwell. Llewell_vn H. R'ockwell, CA
wrote in the. NATIONAL REVtEw about something that you O
wrote in 1984, and he says, "from her published writ-~
ings, it's difficult to escape the conclusion that Profeqsor~
'Dyson's ideal in economics is Eastern European social-
ism. especially of the Ceausescu variety:" In other
words, what he said is you liked what you saw going on
in Rumania. and he says that perhaps you care more for
22 NATTOSAL RE\'1iEV' SEPTE~iBER 1U. 1i293
