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ity Hall City Council Majority Leader Peter Vallone has brought new style and substance to the city's legislative body. by Terry Golway The morning was cold and dark and new, so new that the comings and goings of the various supplicants at New York's City Hall had yet to commence. Peter Vallone was at his desk, alone in his high-ceilinged of 6ice, scribbling on the yellow pages of a legal pad. It was February and already people in the city government were experimen- ting with numbers that by July would coalesce into those Byzantine documents known as the city's capital and expense budgets. Peter Vzllone, who would have a great deal to say about how and why those numbers came together, vras sitting at his desk in shirt sleeves and scribbling at this early hour when his press aide, Joe Fitzpatrick, walked into the room. "I didn't interrupt him," Fitzpatrick recalls. "But a few minutes later, I took a peek at what he was writing. I figured it had something to do with the budget. Instead, I found n-,Tself reading 35 lines of some of the most beautiful poet.t3, I have ever read," The man at the desk, the Cit7 Coua- cil's majority leader, explained somev,'hat sheepishly that it x~-as, after ~, atmost Vztentirte's Da3; and T120550434

VMlone has solidified his position as the Fourth most powerful elected official in the city behind Mayor Koch (at podium), Council President Andrew Stein and Comp- troller Harrison Goldin (seated to Vallone's left), Some even agrue that his influence has exceeded that of the Council president, poem would have to be finished so that he might present it to his wife of 29 years, Tena. "I guess if you want to know what kind of person Peter Vallone is, that story tells a lot," Fitzpatrick says. "He has something that's rare in this business--he can keep things in perspective." Peter Vallone, pipe-smoking poet and daily church-goer, has for the last two years been majority leader of what tradi- tionally has been the very prosaic and not altogether heavenly body known as the New York City Council. He has risen to power during a tumultuous time, a time during which city residents have been reading in great detail about their government and the people who run it. Most of these details have come in the form of police reports. Through it all, th~s veteran Democrat from (~ueens, the man whose victory part3, Donz2d Manes missed because he ~:~s bleeding in the front seat of his car near the Grand Central Parkv,-a); has managed to retain the buoyancy of an idealist and the vision of a missionary. In doing so, he has tucked in the flabby spots and firmed up the muscles of a wrinkled and sagging office so that, quite suddenly, the made-over position of majority leader is catching second glances in the daily political pageant at City Hall. And the man responsible for that make-over is an overwhelming choice for Mr. Collegiality. Peter Vallone was elected majority leader in January 1986, becoming, after 12 years in the Council, what many con- sider to be the fourth-most powerful elected official in the city, behind the mayor, comptroller and, perhaps, the Council president. (Some political ar- biters, accustomed to recognizing sheer political power over protocol, would place the majority leader ahead of the Council president. It is a xfiew unlikely to be espoused by Andre,:: Stein, the current and very high-profile Council president.) Vallone succeeded the aging and aft- 22 EMI:;;RE STATE ing Tom Cuite of Brooklyn, who, in 16 years as majority leader, exercised over the overwhelmingly Democratic Coun- cil about the same kind of control as Toscanini, baton in hand, had over an or- chestra. "If you didn't vote with Tom Cuite all the time, he just didn't talk to you," recks Ruth Messinger, one of the Council's most knowledgeable members who, as it happened, was not one of the former majority leader's partners in repartee. It was not just chit-chat, of course, that she and other recalcitrants were denied. It was access to and parti- cipation in the Council's counsels. Cuite's close relations with the mayor's office and the various Democratic county leaders in the city fostered the perception that the Coun- cil was little more than an adnfinistmtive arm of City Hall and the party machinery. It was, for many, a well- rested arm. Thanks to a system of prox3, voting, now prohibited, less-ambitious members could take full advantage of what was supposed to be, in any case, a part-time job. One member, now de- ceased, often said with great en- thusiasm that the Council had been a wonderful experience for him as it allowed him to spend many peaceful days on his boat. It was the leadership ~ this b~:ly, th~n, that Peter l~one ~xm by a s~ngle vote in 197,6. It hzd been a bitter, T!20550435

-,d~. ~,~th th_~ seerr~'y ura-,-dAab:e in- tru_;,.*on ef the dW's machines turrLng it fi'om a simple head count to a l~,litical wrestS.n, g match. The ~ team of Stardey Fri~ and Donald Manes, a power broker's answer to the Grand VImaml and Hulk Hog'an, flexed its muscles one last time on Vallone's behalf: Brooklyn chakman Howard Golden--Lou Albano with a $20 haircut--lobbied for Samuel Horwitz. Vallone had the unanimous support of the Bronx, Queens and Staten Island delega- tions. That ga~e him 17 votes--one short of a majority in the 35-member body. As the vote was taking place during the Council's fwst session of 1986, it seemed as though a Manhattan-Brooklyn alliance would carry the day for Horwitz. It seemed that way until Robert DtD, foos of Manhattan, who had told h/s colleagues that yes, he would be voting for Samuel Horwitz, rose in his chair and cast his vote for Peter Vallone, which meant that Vallone won and Horwitz lost. The next day/n the newspapers Robert Dryfoos swc˘ his picture and there next to it was a picture of Benedict Arnold, to whom his ~ends and colleagues in Manhattan had made passing reference in discuss- ing the events of the previous day. It was in this emotional, passionate setting, soon to be overshadowed by the shocking revehtions of greed and cor- ruption, that Peter Vallone, a man who Gerges--'Peter has made great strides uniting the CounciL" I Electricity Shortages Long Island faces critical electricity shor- tages. The demand for electricity has increas- ed an astonishing 17 percent over the past five years. Yet no new power plants have been add- ed to keep pace with a booming Long Island. The growing demand for electricity and the limited supply are on a collision course with serious consequences in store for the Long Island economy. Long Islanders used more electricity last summer than ever before. On August 17, elec- tricity consumption reached a record daily peak of 3,576 megawatts, 135 megawatts more than last year's peak. This year's increase alone equals the generation capacity of a small power plant. At full capacity LILCO power plants can produce 3.750 megawatts; even with limited im- ports, the reserve margin is inadequate to assure a continuous supply of electricity. Long Islanders avoided brownouts and blackouts last summer because LILCO power plants operated more reliably than industry averages. While generating units operate on average at 80 percent capacity during the sum. mer months, LILCO had its plants operating at 95 percent capacity on the hottest days this summer, due in part to a $25 million preventive maintenance program. It is simp- ly unrealistic to expect that LILCO's aging power plants can continue to perform this far above the industry average. Also to help avert brownouts, LILCO customers cut back their energy use on the hot- test days. These sacrifices by LILCO customers helped to reduce the peak by more than 100 megawatts. The construction of new homes and office buildings on Long Island has added more than 14,000 new customers to the LILCO system this year. And there is no indication that the development of Long Island is slowing down. LILCO is working hard to provide its customers with adequate electricity. But there are no easy solutions to this energy crisis on Long Island. T120550438

Dryfoos--His vote gave Vallone the majority leader- ship. wrote poems for his wife and went home to Queens every night for dinner with his family, took his place on the stage of citywide politics. He came to the office with an idea, one that would prove as timely as it was revolutionary., at least in the closed circles of city government. "a true legislature, as it is supposed to be," he said. Those who had been watching Vallone since his first election in 1974 should not have been surprised, since Some months later, Vallone asked him to head the Council's Special Committee on the Homeless. He accepted and those who follow the council will tell you now that Abe Gerges is a man possessed by his assignment. "There's no question that Peter has made great strides in uniting the Coun- cil, and remember, that's coming from somebody who lost a committee assign- ment," Gerges says. "He has reached out to just about everybody, and what I've found is that Peter is the kind of per- son who brings out the best in you, not the worst." Gerges' assessment was shared by is everyhMy sw.,@g such race t~gs about tim? V,~; is it ~ a photo-~ad spread ~ the Dai~" Ne~ M~'azine touted ~ as "not just ~c~&er Queens "I'm an ide~st,'" he says. lea~g for- x~d, elbc, ws on knees, sitting in a cha~ in front of ~s desk. His eyes. l~ge. brown and unbli~g, did not stray. "I love government. I love the x~y works." He has been ~volved ~ its workhgs for some time--his father, Charles, a Civil Cou~ judge h Queens and ~s mother. I~ah, x~s a Democratic district leader. ~lone x~s born 53 ye~ ago Astoria, pa~ of the district he now represents h ~e Co~cfl. ~er ~x@g for a sho~ time in New Jemey. V~one moved back to Queens in time to orga~e a protest ag~st a L~dsay ad- ~s~fion pl~ for a co~-b~g ~wer plant ~ the neighborhood. The ~ss- roots opposition succeeded. "We made a d~erence." V~one sa)~. "That's the approach I decided I ~nted to b~g to gove~ent." When ~e Co~c~ ~x~d- ed ~ ~4. V~one won the seat kom the consecutive, ~d~e-class district com- pfishg .~to~, Jackson Heights, Co~ege Po~t and Whitestone. The Fordham law ~duate immedi- ately set out on what wo~d become a decade-long assi~ent: Re~mphg the city's moldy ad~istmtive code. In the process, he established himseff as the Council's most-ze~ous advocate for an Cuite hadheld up the gay rights bill for years, but Vallone brought it to the tloor of the Council even though he was opposed to it. the new majority leader simply was repeating what he had been saying for more than a decade. Now, though, he had the power to do something about it. His most immediate, and thus far most-successful assignment, was to heal lingering x~unds and soothe frayed nerves, the legacy of the bitter leader- ship fight. He rewarded those who sup- ported him--Michael DeMarco from the Bronx, for example, received the key post of F'mance Committee chairman-- but he did not exact blo~d retn'bution from those who had opposed him. Hor- xvitz, his vanquished opponent, named to head the council's Committee of Chairmen. Of the pro-Horwitz Brooklyn delegation, only .abe Gerges lost his chairmanship, that as head of the Economic Development Committee. 24. E",'.~I=E STATE IRE~'C~T &~t,U,~FIY IZZ3 Horwitz himself, as well as colleagues such as Messinger and DeMarco. All agreed that VaIlone respected divergent and even opposing views, the most pro- found and very. early example of which was the 1986 gay rights bill. Cuite had tied the bill up for years, but Vallone, early in his term, brought it to the floor although he was opposed to it. He essentially said to his colleagues: Here is a matter of conscience. Do as your conscience advises. The b~ passed. "Peter recognizes that opposition based on consdence or completion is not a ch~enge to his leadership," Fitz- patrick, the veteran Council press assis- tant, says. "He's comfortable with himself and his role. He's vet3" secure that way." So then: ~,~,]ao is Peter ~,~ne and w~- equal share in a city government dominated by the mayor and his seven colleagues on the Board of Estimate- the Council president, comptroller and the five borough presidents, executives all. Even in his early }'ears. as a rookie in city government, Vallone was calling for the abolition of the Board of Estimate's powers over the budget and land use, saying that they rightfully belonged in the hands of the legislature. It vras all in the Constitution, he said. The mention of this document and the theories contained therein usually x~s greeted in city government vAth the same skept:cism that Scofland ~hrd's In- spector Lestrade reserved for the theories of detection as ff~p~unded by that bothersome amateur. Sherlock Holmes. T120550437

"~kl2ane's vigorous insistence en a ger and better ro!e for the C~uncil has ~laced ~m in ~e ~id~e of what has become a profound c~enge to the me&~s N" wNch ~e ciB' gm'ems i~eg. The Bo~ of Estate, wNch N~s same, s~gle ~te to ~ the borough presidents, redness of ~e s~e of constituencies, has been ruled un- constitutional in two federal courts bemuse of ~e one-~e~on, one-vote p~ciple. The ~ is ~e most-~we~ body ~ city government, ~ jurisdic- tion over ~e budget, l~d use and city contracts. V~one has enthusiasfic~y cheered these decisions, to the bu~g ~ of seven bo~d membem who ~ew V~one as ~ o0po~uNst engaged N a ~ficN ~ower ply--as ~ough ~e bo~ itseg were mocent of such activity. There is, however, somet~g to be sNd about pla~g the p~ of a ~ceNl ~er. The m~ ~o~ ~mughout ci~ gove~ent for Ns serene" ~d sens~- ty c~, at times, sound ~e a ~-fledged ze~ot when ~g about ~e ~ce DeMarco--"The CounciI can't be taken for granted anymore." of the Council specifically or the legis- lative branch generally. It is this zeal that caused him to dismiss the Board of Estimate as a"cockamamie body" in the March 1987 issue of Empire State Report and, more recentb; to describe a plan to presen'e the board through a weighted vote ~'stem as "nuts" and "absurd." Such forceful language, delivered rapid fire and with no small amount of energ2,; seems strange and unexpected, a co!or out of p~ce in this portrait of perspec- A Costly Gov't Takeover The prestigious National Econ,,mic Research Associates tNERA~ recently released a report indicating that electric rates on Long Island would increase following a state govern- merit takeover of LILCO. If the state govern- merit acquires LILCO. Long Island con- sumers would have to pay $2.8 billion more for electricity over the next fifteen years, ac- cording to the NERA report. The report conclud- ed that electric rates would on the average be 6.4 percent higher under government operation than under continued LILCO ownership The NERA study cited acquisition costs. estimated to be more than $8 billion, to be among the reasons why a takeover would in- crease electric rates. Although government power advocates claim savings would result because government agencies do not pay tnxes. the NERA report noted that recent changes in the federal tax laws significantly lower LILCO's future revenue requirements, thus negating the force of this argument. Also. increased growth in electricity de- mand on Long Island would require the govern- ment agency to make additional expenditures to meet or reduce the demand. The state agen- cy would have to spend billions of dollars to buy LILCO and then it would have to spend billions more trying to meet the elec- tricity shortages on Long Island. The report indicated that the state might attempt to achieve rate savings by engaging in massive deficit financing. This technique would try to keep rates low in the early years of a takeover, but would require the public to pay much higher rates in later years. NERA con- cluded that such a rate-making scheme would be contrary to the public interest and could cause a financial crisis on Long Island. According to the National Economic Research Associates, there are many uncertain. ties concerning a government takeover of LILCO. But one thing is certain -- Long Islanders would pay more for electricity. Ti20550438

Messinger--Shut out by Cuite, but allowed to speak her mind under Vallone. five. Yet it ~dso confirms the observations of those who say that Vallone can be quite passionate on issues that strike close to home. Needless to say, such passion, at least on this crucial issue, is not necessarily appreciated by others in city government. "Peter has taken the correct position for a leader of a legislature, but his rhetoric can get out of hand," says one Board of Estimate staffer, who requested anonymib: '°I know it's caused some hard feelings. He bad-mouths the board yet he seemed blind to the incompetents and mediocrities in his own body. He says the Council is more professional now and can take on new responsibilities, but I don't see it. He mat have more full- time members now, but that just means some of them are full-time turkeys in- stead of part-time turkeys." ~&llone seemed genuinely hurt and concerned that some board members have token his criticisms personally. °gdl I've wanted, from 1974 on, regardless of the people involved, is to let the execu- tives do what they're supposed to do-- administrate--and the Council to do what it is supposed to do," His position, he says, is not based on the people but on the institution and that oft-cited docu- ment, the Constitution. Ironically, Va/lone, who has described himsetf as a "Constitution nut," has rested his case for a stronger Council and a weakened, or non-existent, Board of Estimate on a somewhat-opaque Con- stitutional point. Rather than relying on the wealth of one-person, one-vote cases since the landmark Reynolds v. Sims decision in 1964--the exact point on which the board's future is threatened-- Vallone has argued that the board violates the principles of separation of powers. Executives such as the mayor and the borough presidents, he says, should not be sharing legislative func- tions, such as voting on the citT's budget. ~ht the Founding Authors recognized that a certain amount of blending and overlapping among the branches was not only inevitable, but probably desirable. James Madison himself, x~ting in No. 47 of the Federalist, insisted that the separation of powers doctrines devel- cq;~ed b7 the Frenzh p~osopher Mcntes- quieu did n~-~t mean "that ~-~se depart- m~nts ~ught to h~'e no pa~d agen~" m. or no c~ntrcd c, ver, ~e ac~ of th~ other." %~one, however, has maimined that the counc~'s ~ab~ity to pass a budget without the addition~ appro~ of the bo~d "is a~ ~ough Confess couldn't pass a budget ~fi~out get~g ~ssion from the governor of each s~te.'" A frog decision on the board's fate~ ~d ~e Counc~'s ~t~e--v,~ come ~m a Cheer Revision Com~ssion era- paneled to study the city's body poetic. In the meantime, ~one has con~ued to move ~e Counc~ ~ ~s ~ecfion, ~d, in do~g so, has spot~ghted both the Counc~ and his own vigorous role. St~ has been increased to 140 from 78. V~one has established sep~te lobby- ~g effo~s for ~e Counc~ ~ ~ba~y and Washin~on, steps that some called ~ste~l but V~one ~sisted were ~- perative ff membe~ ~e to be truly ~- dependent of ~e mayor's office--w~ch, of come, has i~ o~ lobbfis~ ~ ~e two capias. He has s~en~ened ~e Coun- c~'s desi~ated powe~ of ~vesfigation ~d ove~ight of city spen~g, moves he s~'s "'h~e s~,ed us ~ons ~eady, just by act~g ~e an IRS auditor." He has been ~e Counc~'s po~t m~ dung city budget ~s, demand~g that he and ~s co~ea~es have equ$ s~tus ~4th the fi~ Bo~d of Estimate. DeMarco, the finance committee ch~, says ~e sum to~ of ~ of ~s is that "the Counc~ can't be ~en for ~ted anymore." In fact, it s~ on oc- casion can be shunted aside, but not for lack of effo~. The Counc~, led by ~e cmsad~g Gerges, has put together a huge study of the city's homeless population, concluding that the city shoed rehab$~te ~s~g hous~g fur a pe~ent solution ~d avoid the we~- documented problems with tmsition~ shelter. Nevertheless, M~,or Koch's pl~ to bu~d ~ new shelte~ passed the Bo~d of Estimate by a s~gle vote ~d became o$ci$ poficy, but not before ~h ~s forced to cut clos~-d~r deSs wi~ ~e borough presidents of Staten Isled ~d M~atmn ~ return for the~ votes. Three of those shelte~ are sched~ed to be bu~t ~ a s~gle counc~ $~ct ~ ~e Bronx, represented by The drive [or a biger and better role for the Coun- cil has placed Vallone in the middle oŁ the legal challenge to the city Board of Estimate. TI20550439

,!to, rwitz--Lost a cliffhanger 1.o Uallone two years ago. i~at~.-I Colon. "You can be sure ~om~ thing like that wouldn't happen/f :he C ouncil voted on the plan instead of :he r/oard of Estimate," Vallone says. Despite occasional setbacks, Vallone has ~emisted in inserting the Council wheFever he can, on continuing issues such as the homeless, on legislative initmtives such as the Council's tough ant ,-smoking bill, even on what might be considered pure symbolism. Thirty members recently signed a letter urging the Soviet Union to allow more refusniks to emigrate. Though the letter was unlikely to create a stir in the Kremlin, Va~lone says he thought it v~s an impor- tant and worthwhile gesture. Such important and worthwhile gestures, however sincerely offered, often are thought to be subtle signals of a politician's future plans. The press, his supporters and his erstwhile deals all have speculated on a VaIlone candidacy for mayor in 1989 or 199:3. Such talk, of course, is unavoidable as Vallone con- tinues his high-profile leadership. "I have no plans right nm~;" he says, and always says, when the question is raised. "But you know, I have three sons who ~e Imvyers or who are in Imv school, rye alveaTs thought it would be fun some day to have a law firm named Vallone, Vallone, Vallone and Vallone." For once. he leaned back in h~s chair, threw back his head and smiled. It ~s, k seemed, a vet3, serene srm2e. • Tero" Gols)~v is a Nvx' Yorh Ci8'-~ased fr˘elance a~iter. Improving Service /~ recent study authorized by the state Public Service Commission (PSC) said that one of its "more reassuring findings" is LILCO's renewed commitment to its customers and the public in general. In the past year, the people at LILCO have launched a number of customer outreach programs that the PSC study called "in- novative" and having "favorable impact on real customer service levels." For instance, LILCO is the only utili- ty in the state to have 24-hour, seven-day- a-week consumer phone service. By simp- ly calling the phone number on their bill, customers can do business with LILCO at their own convenience, anytime day or night. LILCO people are looking out for customers with special needs. LILCO's "Golden Link" program provides Senior Citizens with many extra services, including a toll-free senior hotline, 800-542-4111, to get tips on cutting energy bills, and information on other special programs available to them. LILCO's "Peace of Mind" program offers a worry free extended payment plan for hospitalized customers, and the Company has special equipment to help those who are hearing or speech impaired communicate with our customer representatives. The people at LILCO also are reaching out to assist low-income families, and teach children the safe use of electricity through home Safety First kits and live school demonstrations. There's a new attitude of helpfulness at LILCO, and consumers are noticing a difference. Customer complaints to the PSC recently reached an all-time low, and with new and expanded services, LILCO has the lowest complaint rate of any utili- ty in the downstate region. T120550440