NYSA TI Multipage 2
Abstract
Although lobbying play~ a key role in stat.e, government, helping to shape the legislative agenda, the profession is la.rgely a mystery to the general pubhe.
Fields
- NYSA numbers
- 1473 B1793 03A
- Date Loaded
- 27 Jan 2005
- Box
- 7119. ETS Testimony, National Association of Smokers (Chris Jacobson)
- Folder
- Lobbyists - Region IV
- Division
- State Region 4
Document Images
How
lobbyists
shape laws
behind the
scenes
By
Paul A.
Rix
F
rom the long, dark confer-
ence table in his Madison
office, lobbyist James
Wimmer has a panoramic
view of the Capitol.
Wimmer's second-floor perch,
handsomely decorated with waterco-
lor paintings, robust high-back chairs
and wall-to-wall carpeting, affords
him swift access to the Legislature,
the governor's office and a multitude
of Capitol insiders who can attest to
Wimmer's lobbying skills.
Although lobbying play~ a key role
in stat.e, government, helping to shape
the legislative agenda, the profession
is la.rgely a mystery to the general
pubhe. There are occasional bursts of
publicity (usually bad) but it's mostly
a universe dominated by informa-
tion, committee hearings, legislative
compromises and political fund-rais-
Top guns on the circuit pocket fees
exceeding $200,000 a year while
serving five, 10, 25 or even 60 mas-
ters, much to the envy of the typical
grunt lobbyist who makes only
$20,000 to $30,000 in his first years
on the tour.
Wimmer is well qualified to be one
of our guides into this world. He's
been at it since 1971 and consistently
ranks as one of the most successful
practitioners regardless of which par-
ty is in power.
Wimmer is a big man. Not tall but
brawny. Powerful shoulders and thick
neck engorged during his ruffian days
as a University of Wisconsin grider.
He flip~ off his green Tyro.lian hat and
top coat and plops down m one of the
inviting chairs, taking a break from a
busy day.
We discuss his start in lobbying, his
style and some of the do's and don'ts
FE~RU~Y 19~1 27
T128862502

of the trade and what, if any, advice
he has t'or the would-be lobbyist. Our
conversation triggers an idea and he
exouses himself ~ look for a file in the
large business desk across the room.
The document is app.r.opriately
called Leg~slatwe Axioms tor the Be-
ginning Lobbyist." In it are gems like
"Keep a low profile ... Play defense
whenever possible... If you hear it,
don't repeat it; if you see it, don't re-
port it." Those words of wisdom ap-
parently have served Wimmer well
since his inauguration to the lobbying
circuit in 1971.
Be it Republican or Democrat ad-
ministration, Jim Wimmer consis-
tently ranks as one of the most sue-
cessfui contract lobbyists on the
block.
Former chairman of the state
Democratic Party and key aide to
Coy. Gaylord Nelson, Wimmer has
managed to collar and retain clients
such as Blue Cross and Blue Shield,
Exxon, the American Stock l~xchange
and Control Data by relying on a prof-
itable mix of wit, strategy and long-
time acquaintances.
"Staying powcr around here is rcal
important," says Wimmer, who looks
a bit like White House advisor How-
ard Baker. "The key is having political
insight and knowing how to cast an
idea meritoriously. You can't dress up
a piece of shit in a silk purse• Your
word is your bond."
Jim Wimmer is one of 300 lob-
byists registered with the
secretary of state's office in
Madison.
Independent lobbyists like
Wimmer represent an array of im-
pressive corporate clients: IBM and
3M, }~irst Wisconsin and Johnson
Controls. Tourism and liquor groups,
utilities and communications associ-
ations also enlist the services of ex-
perienced lobbyists to protect their
interests in the legislative process.
The lobbyist's world is largely un-
known to the average citizen. (Didn't
Wimmer say something about keep-
ing a low profile?) It is a universe
dnminated by information, commit-
tee hearings, legislative compromises
and political fund-raisers; where top
guns on the circuit collect fees ex-
ceeding $200,000 while serving five,
10, 25, even 60 different masters,
much to the envy of the typical grunt
lobbyist who pockets $20,000 to
$30,000 his first years on the tour.
During peak legislative times, lob-
byists put in 20-hour days that may
Continued. page 3I
MICHAEL VAUGHN, 51. One of
the best. An intellectual who can grasp the
subject matter o17 a situation as well as the
politics. Chicago native, graduate of the
UW Law School. An attorney with Murphy
& Desmond in Madison since 1972. Before
that, was with the Legislative Reference
Bureau. Clients range from 82.6 billion
Northern Natural Gas conglomerate to
muck farmers and central Wisconsin
potato and vegetable growers. Often takes
anti-regulatory stance. "Environmentalists
are waiting for me to die." llas major
contracts with Wisconsin Bankers
Association, American Insurance
Association and Wisconsin Institute of
Certified Public Accountants. One of his
sweetest victories was passage of a bill
allowing Wisconsin banks to acquire out-
of-state institutions, lronicali.~; one of the
major proponents of the bill was Marine
Corp., which is about to be acquired by
Bane One of Columbus, Ohio.
T!28862503

i
~f
:he
he
hy
)re
2s
WILLIAM GERRARD, 63. Dean
of the lobbying corps. Colorful, gregarious,
shrewd. Knows everybody, has few worlds
to conquer.
"i'm not out knocking on doors trying to
drum up new business."
La Crosse native and real estate broker.
Former chairman of state Democratic
Party and compatriot of ex-Oov. Patrick
bucey. Member of UW Board of Regents.
Clients include Heileman Brewing,
Wisconsin Chiropractic Association,
Wisconsin Realtors Association, Soo Line
Railroad and First Bank System,
Minneapolis. "Lobbying's not the good-old-
boy network. If a guy doesn't like you,
you're out." Most welcome victory: after
years of committee setbacks, floor defeats
and gubernatorial vetoes, legislation was
signed by Gov. Thompson in the budget
bill requiring employers to offer insurance
coverage for chiropractic care. Gerrard
also represented ITT Consumer Financial
Corp. of Minneapolis on a bill allowing
finance companies to raise their interest
rates on small consumer loans.
GARY GOYKE, 40. A good talker
who enjoys his job. Boasts of having more
clients than any of his competitors -- 60
-- and sports the largest, most
experienced lobbying staff in Madison.
Some think he is overextended. He's a
native of Oshkosh and a graduate of
Lourdes Academy and St. Mary's College
in Minnesota. Took vows of poverty,
chastity and obedience at a Christian
Brothers novitiate, but left before being
ordained. Became interested in a political
career after working on IIubert Humphrey
campaign in 1972. Switched to lobbying in
1983 after a stinging defeat in bid for re-
election to Senate. Client list includes
Wisconsin Academy of Trial Lawyers,
Wisconsin State Telephone Association,
Wisconsin Wholesale Beer Distributors
and Wisconsin Newspaper Association.
Major coup: nursemaiding passage of a
holding company bill permitting
Wisconsin Electric Power Co. and other
state utilities to diversify.
a
legislator, I
always tried
to get my
name in the
paper, but
not any
more.
FF.BKI*ARy I'+~'+ 29
TI28862504

po~er
around here
is real
important."
WILLIAM BROYDRICK, 39. A
hustler. Knows who to move and when.
Has a stable of 25 clients. Milwaukee
Democratic legislator from 1978 to 1981,
Occasionally rubbed conservative
lobbyists the wrong way when he was in
the Assembly. Resentment among some of
his competitors when he leaped from
legislating to lobbying. "Broydrick
complained about business when he was in
the Legislature," grumps one in-house
lobbyist, "but who did he turn to when he
wanted to lobby? Business." Broydrick
also was a former aide to U. S. Rep. Les
Aspin and former Gov. Patrick Lucey. He
and his wife, Cynthia, who once was a
Milwaukee alderwoman, are partners in
Madison lobbying firm. Notable clients
include Marine Corp., Milwaukee
Metropolitan Sewerage District, Wisconsin
Hospital Association and Motorcycle
Industry Council, Arlington, Va. Most
demanding assignment: representing
Australian financier Alan Bond during
debate on anti-takeover legislation sought
by G. Heileman Brewing Co.
JAMES WIMMER, 52. Prime
minister of the circuit. Diligent, gregarious
but may be r6sting on laurels. Likes to
concentrate on legislative leaders, but he
lost his best contact, Senate Majority
Leader Tim Cullen, when Cullen joined
Thompson administration. Wisconsin
Dells native and a boy wonder at 22 who
ran Gaylord Nelson's successful
gubernatorial campaign in 1958. Ten years
later, chaired state Democratic Party.
Major clients: American Stock l~xchange,
Associated General Contractors of
America, Blue Cross and Blue Shield
United of Wisconsin, Control Data, Exxon
and the Tobacco Institute. Big
breakthrough came in 1980, when he
successfully lobbied for an increase in the
state's gasoline tax, the first increase in 15
years. The result provided money for
much-needed road and bridge repairs m
and lots of business for another Wimmer
client: the Wisconsin Road Builders
Association.
30 Coet~e~TE P~POP, T
T!28862505

JAMES HOUGH, 46. Veteran of
~s , the Capitol scene since 1966. Former
executive director of the State Bar of
Wisconsin and an attorney for the state's
Legislative Reference Bureau. Full-time
lobbyist since 1978. Reserved and
thorough. Hard worker, though he may be
easing back a tad. Recently hired ex-
Badger basketball star Joe Ghrnelich who
rs spent five years with IBM, a Hough client.
Hough cultivates the insiders, targets key
committee chairs on economic
development. "It's impossible for me to
meet 132 legislators. I have to identify the
~ top people." Client list includes Johnson
Controls, Marathon Oil, 3-M Go. and the
Wisconsin Shorthand Reporters
-' Association. Helped another client,
5 I tleileman, win anti-takeover legislation
last fall.
From page 28
entail contacting dozens of people
and translating myriad issues w all
outside the public eye.
"As a legislator, I always tried to get
my name in the newspaper, but not
any more," says one ex-Democratic
legislator turned lobbyist.
In helping shape Wisconsinqaw, the
lobbyist stands watch on the perim-
eter, quietly but persuasively fulfilling
his client's needs, cultivating legisla-
tive leaders and gently soliciting the
advice of the governor.
What makes the lobby!ng circuit
tick? "Money," says Chris Tackett,
president of the Wisconsin Merchants
Federation in Madison. "Not cash on
the barrel or bribes, but the [finan-
cial] importance of moving or delay-
ing a bill that affects a client.
"Look at the big issues: Corporate
takeover, interstate banking, utility
holding companies and credit cards.
That's where business is, and that's
where the business lobbyist should
The lobbyist who is an ex-legislator,
party official or Capitol insider defi-
nitely has an advantage. There is a
certain stature in having worked at
th..e, Capitol. Legislators and lobbyists
ahke find it difficult to cut the cord
despite the p.assage of time.
Business lobbyist Kirby Hendee
served in the 1957 Senate when there
was.much wailing about.lobbying reg-
ulatmns. He has .part!c~pated in and
observed the leglslat~ve process for
four decades.
in 1975 testimony to a Senate com-
merce committee, Hendee advised
lawmakers to "recognize that lobby-
ing, in its variegated hues, perfo.rms a
useful, if not indispensible functton in
the legislative process."
The smart legislator, Hfindee cau-
tioned, will not ignore lobbyists -- he
will use them. Moreover the legislator
will use them against one another,
picking their brains to gain the fresh-
est information so that he (the.legisla-
tor) doesn't waste time.
It may take years before a legislator
and a lobb.yist strike fertile gr.ound o.n
complex issues. Hendee beheves ~n
playing for the long pull. With 132
legislators to deal with, he takes time
to shop around and avoids pushing
for speedy commitments.
The lobbyist learns to avoid the
limelight, confrontation and threats.
"Don't draw your guns unless you're
ready to shoot" and "Don't draw lines
in the sand because you might lose"
are words to live by and could easily
qualify for Wimmer's list of axioms.
Personality, hard-work and credi-
bility are essential ingredients for any
FFJIRPARY 19~k~ 31
TI28862506

lobbyist. Schmoozing, networking
and appearances at legislative fund-
raisers carry brownie points. Enter-
prising lobbyists must have a reser-
voir of eclectic skills enabling them to
slip in and out of the public and pri-
vate sectors with measurable success.
Look at James Klauser. Whoever
thought he'd retorn to state govern-
ment -- and as Gov. Tommy Thomp-
son's closest adviser at that -- after
building up a lucrative lobbying prac-
tice.
Klauser, as much as anybody, is the
driving force behind Thompson's zeal
for renewed economic development
and crisp rapport with business.
It is the grand finale of the fall
legislative session. The floor
calendars are packed with
enough issues to keep the best
and brightest legislators on
the prowl: Minimum wage, parental
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Two blocks from the Capitol, the
superstars of the lobbying corps are
huddled in the Tap Room at the Madi-
son Club, where etiquette and deco-
rum lend themselves to privacy, re-
laxation and business.
Older male patrons recline in
cushy sofas perusing newspapers.
The scent of quality cigars and pipe
tobacco enhances the decor.
Flip through the Association of
Wisconsin Lobbyists handbook on
file at any large corporation. Notice
the mug shots of the registered lobby-
ists. More than 80 percent are men.
Notice, too, how many of these lobby-
ists are affiliated with businesses con-
trolled by men, whose companies are
based in Milwaukee, Chicago, New
York, Philadelphia and Washington,
D.C. The days of the old-boy network
may be fa.d..ing, but men still do the
hiring and tiring when it comes to lob-
bying.
Founded in 1909, the Madison Club
is a regular haunt for long-ball hitters
like Wimmer, Jim Hough, Mike
clients
don't seem to mind
if I am a woman or
an orangutan, but
if my integrity is
questioned, I might
as well wait on
tables."
Vaughn, Bill Broydrick, Gary Goyke
and Bill Gerrard. Business lobbyists
regard the Madison Club as the olace
of refuge. Women are permitted', bot
the Madison has a distinct male
aroma.
One of the women who can move
comfortably through this inner sanc-
tum is Sharon Cook of Milwaukee.
Cook was first exposed to the Legisla-
ture as a 19-year-old page and, for 13
years, did not stray from that exis-
tence. Effervescent and thorough,
TI28862507

Cook worked for the Legislature's
Joint Finance Committee, lobbied for
the Department of Natural Resources
and advised ex-Senate Majority Lead-
er Tim CuIlen.
Three years ago, Cook left the pub-
lic dole for a job with the Milwaukee
law firm of Cook and l~'ranke "be-
cause I desperately needed a change.
Madison can be too all-consuming, all
the polities."
to alert Hauke to his oversight. "I was
always the onlywoman at those bank
meetings and still am."
M&J, of course, is awestruck by her
performance. "In a word," says Judy
Murphy of the bank, "spectacular."
Michael Haffield, secretary of the cor-
poration, seconds that motion.
"Sharon has an ability to get in to see
legislators. She can be diplomatic,
but when we sit down she doesn't
mince words."
M&I isn't her only bread-and-but-
ter account. Durit~g the summer bud-
get feud, Cook lobbied to defeat a city
of Milwaukee admissions tax idea op-
posed by another one of her clients,
the Bradley Center Corp. The issue
tied up the Legislature early into the
morning one day. Cook's hopes tee-
tered as the in-fighting escalated. She
ultimately claimed victory when
Thompson vetoed the proposal from
the budget.
"I knew then I was accepted," says
Cook. Continued, next page
were no
promises, no arm
twisting, l just
tried to call in a
few chips."
As a full-time lobbyist, Cook rel-
ishes the diversity of issues thrown
her daily. Whether it be .representing
Universal Foods on a btote~hnology
matter or scouting the legislative
mood for the Milwaukee Brewers,
Cook and her clients recognize that
credibility and moxie outweigh gen-
der.
"My standard line is, 'I'm not the
Cook of Cook and Franke, I'm not
Bob Cook's (the co-partner) daugh-
ter, and I'm not a lawyer but 1 can
lobby.'
"My clients don't seem to mind if l
am a woman or an orangutan, but if
my integrity is questioned I might as
well wait on tables."
Many of Cook's principal clients
are businesses or firms headed by
men. Cook remembers the countless
meetings during the 1985 session on
an interstate banking bill backed by
one of her clients, M&I Marshall and
Ilsley Bank of Milwaukee.
At a meeting called by Rep. Thom-
as Hauke, D-West Allis, then Assem-
bly banking committee chairman,
Hauke remarked, "Well, gentlemen,
come into my office." The only wom-
an in the crowd, Cook didn't hesitate
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R
umors of graft and corrup-
tion among lobbyists fill
the Capitol corridors all
the time, fueling Secre-
tary of State Douglas La
Foilette's impassioned campaign to
crack down.
Yet lobbying in Wisconsin is largely
an above-board, self-policing oper-
ation, despite La Follette's efforts for
stricter reporting of fees and
penses.
La Follette's staff trumpets $50 and
$100 penalties for late lobbyist regis-
tration and delights in dispatching
messengers to the Capitol press room
to deliver word of wrong-doing.
It's almost as if La Follette, himself
an ex-legislator, yearns for the mo-
ment when his field auditor will
swoop down on a legislator palming a
lobbyist's cash.
Before the lobby law was changed
in 1957, legislators and lobbyists
bought meals and drinks for each oth-
er. It's still done, but discreetly. And
who cares? There are all sorts of ways
to bribe. Flattery is one.
Doug La Follette got his dander u,p.
when former Attorney General Bron
son La Follette abused his friendship
with lobbyist James Boullion over out-
side business interests. Sleazy? Per-
haps. Criminal? Doubtful.
Despite a lingering paranoia in the
secretary of state's office, auditor Jeff
Lewitzke says there is no case pend-
i.ng worthy of the maximum $1,000
fine for a lobbyist or maximum
$5,000 levy for a lobbyist's olient.
La Follette's misguided pursuit of
lobbyists only raises suspicions
among .the practitioners. "It smacks
of a pohce state," says Thomas Con-
signy, in-house lobbyist for Wisconsin
Power and Light Co.
F
und-raisers are an essen-
tial part of the delicate lob-
byist-lawmaker relation-
ship. Most legislators
thrive on fund-raisers and
use contributions from individuals
and political action committees
(PACs) to finance their campaigns.
PACs are groups of like-minded
people who give to a similar cause.
Businessmen, doctors, lawyers and
teachers use PACs to funnel tidy sums
to their favorite candidates.
Lobbyists not only are expected to
attend fund-raisers but are often di-
rected to arrange them. Lobbyists
howl about the many fund-raisers,
but down deep they rathei" enjoy get-
ting out to restaurants for drinks and
nibbles and the chance to escort a
client in from Milwaukee to meet leg-
islators and brag about their score-
cards.
Since his election 10 years ago,
Continued, page 36
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Rap. David Prosser (R-Appleton) says
he's never held a fund-raiser in Madi-
son. He says he does not make a point
of asking lobbyists for favors either.
Beginning in the summer of 1986,
Prosser was faced with a situation.
that still sticks in the craw of some
Democrats. The story goes like this:
Prosser was out of his legislative of-
lice when a Republican colleague,
John 8chober of New Berlin, hired a
young man named John Gard. It
seems Gard was a hit with Prosser
and other minority party members.
They envisioned him running for the
Legislature should a seat open up, but
figured it could be a long wait.
When Gov. Thompson appointed
Rap. Richard Marry (R-Crivitz) to
head the Tourism Division in Madi-
son, Assembly Republicans jumped
at the chance to put up Gard as his
successor.
Rrumber-crunching Democrats be-
lieved they had a shot at the long-held
Republican seat. Prosser, trying to
protect minority-party turf, swung
into action.
"1 went to every lobbyist I ever car-
ried water for over five terms and i
said, 'Could you provide some help for
this young man (Gard).' 1 did that
very early in the campaign, before the
primary. There were no promises, no
arm twisting. I just tried to call in a
few chips."
Individual and PAC donations from
clients close to Wimmer and Broy-
driok were sent to Gard. Prosser says
he contacted other lobbyists, but
Democrats took umbrage mostly with
Wimmer and Broydrick.
State Elections Board records show
that Gard received $3,000 in cam-
paign contributions directly or indi-
rectly arranged by Wimmer, Broy-
drick and their respective clients. Not
outlandish sums, but enough to help
put Gard over the fop in an October
special election.
Angry Democrats fumed at the lob-
byists' participation and met private-
ly to scold them and warn them of
future miscon.d.uet. Democrats point-
ed out that Wzmmer and Broydrick
built major lobbying operations with
the help of Democrats. Those same
Democrats, who have controlled both
houses for more than a decade, were
miffed that clients of the two lobby-
ists had decided to give to a GOP can-
didate.
Says Wimmer: "The Republicans
were very aggressive. I don't think I
played a very active role in the cam-
paign at all."
Vintage Wimmer. Remember the
axioms? Low key, play defense, never
report it. f~
Paul A. Rix is a Madison free-lance
journalist and former legislative re-
porter.
TI28862510
