Tobacco Documents Online

'79 AYER DIRECTORY of PUBLICATIONS (Published annually, without interruption, since 1869) The professional's Directory of print media published i'n the United States; Puerto Rico; Virgin Islands; Canada; Bahamas; Bermuda; the Republics of Panama and the Philippines. Economic descriptions of the states, prov- inces, cities and towns in which all listees are published; 15 separate, classified lists; 69 custom-made maps on which all publication cities and towns are indicated. $59.00 (Plus $1.50 postage and handling in the U.S.) © COPYRIGHT 1979 by AYER PRESS ALL RIGHTS RESERVED PUBLISHED SIMULTANEOUSLY IN THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BOOK NO. 0-910190-15-1 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD NO. 1-31589 WILLIAM J. LUEDKE Publisher 210 West Washington Square Philadelphia. Pa. 19106, U.S.A. Compiled and published by AYER PRESS T150832501

the pioneers were small farmers by temperament as well as by terrain. River pressure So the marginal man of the Atlantic seaboard- the common man of his day--tramped over the Blue Ridge and down, over the Appalachian ridge and onto the wooded Appalachian plateau. This rolling country, stretching from Eastern Ohio through cen- tral Kentucky and Tennessee, was a kind of western piedmont. Its soil, rich in limestone and in nitrogen compounds, responded admirably to the hoe. Corn grew tall, tobacco grew strong, and both grew in quantity. Inspection warehouses for tobacco were in operation during the 1780s, but there was no way to export the leaf in volume. Roading hogsheads back over the Appalachians was impossible; float- ing them down the Mississippi was possible, but not acceptable to the Spaniards who controlled New Orleans. One of the consequences of this frustrating situation was the "Spanish Intrigue" organized by General James Wilkinson, who took an oath of loyalty to Spain and plotted to organize western settlements under Spanish rule. It has never been determined whether Wilkinson's real motive was political or economic. He first broached the Spanish customs barrier in 1787 with a cargo of meat and tobacco, and as the only "American" permitted to use the Mississippi trade route Wilkinson took a magnificent convoy of 25 riverboats to New Orleans the following year. Tobacco was his principal com- modity, and on this he made a trading profit, freight, handling fees and inspection fees. The prospect of Spanish color6es on the other side of the Appala- First to p~erce New Orleans customs barrier was General lames Wilkinson. His "Spanish Intrigue" hastened Kentucky and Tennessee statehood, led ehian~ worried George Washington; and the pros- pect of U. S. action to prevent it worried Spain, for late in 1788 the Mississippi was opened to trade and American settlers permitted to "export" their to- bacco and other produce to New Orleans on pay- ment of duty. /t/t/ z,~'~:~ /~,, ~-.-~^~ Kentucky 1792, Tennessee 1796 With the historic success of the Chesapeake colonies to inspire them, the Kentucky settlers scat- tered their seed with a will. In 1790 they shipped 250,000 pounds of leaf to New Orleans and no doubt smuggled in a gn3o~ deaf more. Two years later Ken- tucky was admitted as a state. The bottom tempo- rarily dropped out of the Mississippi tobacco market about this time as Spain reduced her purchases to virtually ~'aothing-the reasons given were, first, that ~the roy_al warehouses in Seville were full and. sec- ond, that Kentuckians were "nesting" their hogs- heads with trash. The move finished Natchez as a tobacco region, and hit the Kentucky tobaccomen hard. But the pressure for a tobacco outlet neverthe- less forced open the mouth of the Mississippi. Spain in 1795 granted Americans the right of duty-free deposit in New Orleans, effective in 1798, and Kentucky boats floated hogsheads by the thousand down river. Tennessee was secured to the U. S. in 1796, when it became a state. With Kentucky it was to become the great transmontane tobacco area, rivaling the Chesapeake states in production. $11,250,000 bargain Whatever potency .the "Spanish Intrigue" ever had was now dissolved. The Spanish authority at New Orleans withdrew the right of deposit in 1802, to duty-free export of leaf via the Mis~sissippi: early tdbacco economy made river shipment vital. Barge trip from St. Louis required four months. TI50832502

109 Banished to the Vologda region in 1866, he wrote, ,_.n,ler a pseudcn)m, his famous Lettres histori- ,n,cs (Historical Letters) for La se,mine, a i:.-ench paper, in 1868 and 1869. In 1870 he ~ed Russia, editing Vpercd (Forward), a socialist review, in Geneva, Switzerland, from 1873 to 1876, and moving to Paris in 1877. A student 0f Immanuel Kant, Georg k, Vilhelm Hegel, and Karl Marx, he developed a system of sub- jective sociology called anthropologism. The people, .he said, must be educated for revolution- a.'5 action; and since critical intelligence leads uhe way, he called on every intellectual to dedicate himself to humanity and its progress. He was also author of Opit istorii misli nova9o vremeni (An Essay on the History of Modern Thought, !888-94) and Zadachi ponimoniya istoril (The Problems of Historical Understandin9, 1898). LAW, 16, Bonar (in full Am~R~w Bo~^~ Law), Briti~k statesman: b. Kingston, New Brunswick, Canada, Sept• 16, 1858; d. London, England, Oct. 30, 1923. Of Scottish parentage, as a boy he was taken to Scotland, completing" his Mutation in Glasgow. There he had a successful ~reer in the iron business and, turning his atten- tion to politics, in 1900 he was elected a Unionist (Conservative) member of Parliament for the Blackfriars division of Glasgow. In 1911 he was chosen by his party to succeed Arthur James Baliour (q.v.) as leader of the Conservative ;.:opposition in the House of Commons, and on .the eve of World War I in 1914 he assured the Liberal government of his party's support in the pending conflict. During 1915-1916 he had a seat in the coalition cabinet of Prime Minister Herbert H. Asquith (q.v.) as colonial secretary, and following Asquith's resignation in 1916 he became chancellor of the exchequer in the coalition ~vernment formed by David Lloyd George (q.v.). At the general election after war ended, ~he coalition was retained in office, Law receiving the cabinet post of lord privy seal and becoming ime of the British representatives at the Paris Peace conference. Illness caused his resignation in 192l, and when he recovered he took a leading _part in destroying the coalition ministry of Lloyd Gtmrge. On Oct. 23, 1922, he succeeded as prime minister, but ill health compelled him to resign O~ce on May 19, 1923. Although at no time a great popular figure, he was a successful poll- .titian, and his shrewd counsel was of great serv- ~ to his country. EnLAW, Edward, IST BARON ELLENBOROUGH, ~ glish judge" b Great Sa~keld Cumberland, ~gland, Nov." Ig, 1750; d. Lon'don, Dec. 13, ~1.81.8. He was educated at Peterhouse, Cambridge ~mversity, and in 1780 was called to the bar. . b-nosen in 1788 as leading counsel for the defense ~ the celebrated impeachment trial of W.arren : ~na~..tmgs (q.v.), in proceedings which contmu.ed untal 1795 he scored a notable victory over the most eminent barristers of his day. He was ~lX?.inted attorney general in 1801, and the fol- • ~_t.wl~.g year having received a barony he became .~ tr'a~e.,t justic~ of th~ King's Bench. D~ring 1806- • :~:~b./ he served in the coalition (All-the-Talents) :::~:tt~me.t. of William W. Grenville (q.v.), retaining ~" ...og ,ch~.ef justiceship rather than taking the post :-i" ~ortl chancellor, which he declined. ~=-" ,, LAW, Edward EARL OF EI.LEN~OROUGH, ~ ~ . .ritish statesman: i~. Sept. 8, 1790; d. Chelten- ham, Gloucestershire, Dec. 22, 1871. After at- tending Eton College he entered Cambridge Uni- versity, where tie was a member of St. John's College. From 1813 until he succeeded his father as 2d baron he sat in the House of Comm, ms, thereafter being a menlher of the House of Lords. In 1828 he entered the cabinet as lord privy seal, and [or the next two years he served as prcsidcut of the board of control, a government depart- ment which supervised the East India Company in the administration of India. Appointed gov- ernor general of India in 1841, he was involved in a series of wars. Concluding that which ~vas in progress against the Afghans, he entrusted to Sir Charles James Napier (q.v.) operations against the amirs of Sind which resulted in an- nexation of the country, and directed the inva- sion of Gwallor. Recalled to England in 1844, he was created an earl, but his administration was severely criticized. He was given the cabinet post of first lord of the admiralty in 1846, and in 1858 he became once more (for the fourth time) president of the board of control. His cen- sure of Charles John Canning (q.v.) as governor general of India caused much adverse criticism and resulted in his own resignation. LAW, Jacques Alexandre Bernard. See L^URISTON, MARQUIS DE. LAW, John, Scottish financier and spec'a~- tor~ b. Edinburgh, Scotland, April 21, 1671; d. Venice, Italy, March 21, 1729. In 1688 he went to London where, for nine years, he lived a life of extravagance. A love affair with Elizabeth Vil- liers involved him in a duel with Edward (Beau) Wilson in 1694. He shot his challenger dead and was sentenced for murder, but the capi- tal sentence was comnmted and he escaped from prison and fled to Amsterdam. Returning to Scotland in 1705 he projected a land bank, the notes issued by which should be balanced by the value of the state lands, but it was rejected by the Scottish Parliament. He found a friend, however, in Philippe II, due d'Orl6ans, regent of France, who in 1716, when French finance was in a state of chaos, enabled Law and his brother William (1675-1752) to start a bank; the notes • were issued on the royal revenues and landed securities, payment being at sight in coin current on the day of issue, and were accepted in pay- ment of taxes. Law's bank, known at first as the Banque G6n~rale and then as the Banque Royale, was the first bank founded in Fra.t~, and its notes soon rose to a premium. In 1717, L~ established a company for the development "o~ Louisiana which had the privilege of exclusi~.~. trade on the Mississipli~ He adopted Roman. Catholicism in 1720 and was made director gen- eral of French finances; but in that year the com- bined bank and company (see Mtssms~t'i,[ Bug- BLE) failed, having issued paper far beyond the necessary security, for which the regent appears to have been mainly responsible. Obliged to re- sign his post after five months, Law was driven from France and his estates were confiscated. He returned to England, having been pardoned in 1719, and in 1725 he moved to Italy. He died still occupied in vast schemes, and fully convinced of the solidity of his system, the failure of which he attributed entirely to enmity and panic. Al- though appearances are against him, he was a great financier, and his Money and Trade Con- sidered (1720) was an important book in. its time. TI50832503

Richard Philipps, colonel of the 40th regiment, was governor for almost th~s entire period. I"Ie visited the province twice, but resided mainly in L~adon, while lieutenant governors, chiefly regi- mental oRicers--Armstrong, Cosby, M~scarene~ administered the colony. The governor was su- "preme; but to assist him, he had a small council "whose functions were advisory and executive. These o~cials did their best to advance British interests, giving the litigious Acadlans justice in their endless disputes, and making wise sugges- • tlons for the improvement of the colony, which ~. i~ust have been doomed to gather dust in the ~ke of Newcastle's closet of unopened dis- ~tches. On the outbreak of the War of the Austrian Succession, the men of Massachusetts rose and .;~ splendid audacity struck down the stronghold • 0~ French power, Louisburg; but that glorious adventure belongs to the annalS; of New England ~ather than of Nova Scotia. In the summer of 1744, gallant old Paul Mascarene sustained two hot sieges in his ramshackle fort at Annapolis Royal; the first force was led by young Belleisle xnd other Acadians; the second, by Du Vivier, a descendant of Charles de la Tour. In 1746, Jean Baptiste Ramezay, with a force of French ~d Indians from Quebec, via Chignecto, en- :i(~urnped against him, awaiting the duc d'Anville's !~'~'raada, but did not fight. The same winter, he :.mr~rised Colonel Noble's force at Grand Prt, '.:.~d killed, wounded, or took prisoner nearly 113 -~,,'~icers and men. = When the war ended by the Treaty of Aix- la-Chapelle in 1748, Cape Breton was restored ...~ France, and Louisburg, the Dunkirk of Amer- ~u, resumed its old attitude of menace to the -- @re life of the English colonies. Then at last ~land moved to save the key to her possessions ~erseas. Nova Scotia was to have an effective "~rnso~. to countercheck Louisburg. In June ~.t/49, a fleet of 13 transports, bearing some 3,000 • ~/onists, and escorted by the sloop-of-war, .~in~, reached the great threefold harbor of .:'~.A~bucto, long known to French and English :'fiU~riners for its excellence. The leader of the [ ~.!!~"dition was Col. Edward Cornwallis, twin • r~ther of the ~av archbishop of Canterbury, and ,.~le of Lord-C-ornwallis ~ho surrendered at -"~rktown during the American Revolution. He _~. seen service at Fontenoy and Prestonpans, ~.although his military reputation was after~ • ,'~. ~t clouded by his share in the Rochefort ana ~m,,orca fiascos, he did his work as a city- • ~taer well. The new military post, Halifax, I~a~ quickly laid out, the land cleared, the popula- ~ organized into a militia, and a rough line • ~..~stockade and blockhouse was run around the • .x~,~.~ts of tents and log huts. In spite of the f~r~cter of the settlers, chiefly disbanded sol- ~'~ and sailors, and the plague that ~arried --~u of~ in hundreds; in spite of Indian ma.3. sa- ~t~opposition from local smugglers, extort,ons "ll~ ostou merchants, discouragements from the ~ e government, Cornwallis made Halifax a I '_~.,.. or, the map of the world. The founding of. -_..~_~t.tax brought about the second capture ot " i~bur ° • 1:~_i'. .g (1758), leaving the way free for the ~ xtg"mlall of Quebec and the French power in I "~.,~*r~e,a. Emigrants from Old and New Eng- ,~.~ lloeked to the new city. Between 1749 and about 37 miles southwest of Halifax, where they developed into a race of hardy fishermen, rivaled only by the men of Gloucester. In 1752, Cornwallis returned to England crippled by rheumatism, but his successors, Pere- grine Thomas Hopson and Charles Lawrence, built strongly on the foundation he had laid. Their great problem was the growth of French power in the fortress of Louisburg and in the Acadian population. Under English rule, the habitants were far happier than under their old masters. The nominal government at Annapolis Royal had been powerless for good or evil. Its authority did not extend beyond a cannon-shot from the wails of Fort Anne. It was precisely under English rule that the Acadians increased and multiplied and, beginning to press upon the means of subsistence, spread outward, round the Bay of Fundy, to the marshlands on the farther shore. Their lawsuits were nearly always over disputed lands or boundaries. In 1755, they num- bered about 10,000 persons. England and France were then mustering all their forces for the com- ing struggle known to history as the Seven Years' War. No one could foretell that it would be final or which country would win. England seemed to be at the lowest ebb of fortune and spirit. Brown's lugubrious Estimate predicted her immediate downfall. France seemed strong in the New World; she had hemmed the dis- united English colonies in with a chain of posts from the mouth of the Mississippi to Louisburg. She had never ceased to regret the loss of Aca- die or to plan for its recovery. The province was the pivot of the whole situation in the east. Under these circumstances, the presence of the alien French population within it constituted a grave danger. The claim has been set up that the Acadians were neutr:~ls; they had this idea them- selves; but this strange notion was simply due to the impotence of the British government. They were no more neutrals than the people of Alsace and Lorraine after their transfer to Ger- many in 1871. They were British subjects by conquest, by treaty, by the formal taking of an oath of allegiance, and by the common law of nations, but they refused to consider themselves as such. They might be French subjects again by another war, or the return of the Pretender. Whether they left the province or remained in it was not a matter of indifference. If they stayed, they afforded a shield to hostile opera- tions; if they were free to go, they would strengthen and feed the garrison of Louisburg. In this dilemma, the old proposal of Governor William Shirley of Massachusetts was renewed-- their deportation. In the autumn of 1755, after the fall of Fort Beaustjour, this was done. The idea origihated in New England and was carried out by New England men, acting under the orders of Governor Lawrence. At Grand Pr~, Pisiquid, Chignecto, and Annapolis Royal, the men were called together and made prisoners, then placed on board the transports; their fam- ilies followed them. The embarkation consumed long weeks. Finally the ships sailed and dis- tributed the unhappy people among the Atlantic colonies. In all, some 6,000 persons were in this way "removed from the province, of whom at least half later found their way back to Acadia and, on consenting to take the oath of allegiance, were T!50832504

CANADA ~ 38. The Maritime tm*n~c protest against monopoly and $ • church and state, to rear the splendid structure of responslblc government, which transmuted his ~dve province from a dependent colony into a sclf-rcspectlng, self-govermng dominion. Joseph Howe was born at Halifax in 1804 of Loyalist stock. His father was king's printer, and, after some scanty schooling, Joseph was ap- prenticed to his father's trade. In 1828 he be- tame editor and owner of the Halifax No~o- ,co~ian. On New Year's Day, 1835, this news- paper, contained a letter signed "The People," accusing the Halifax magistrates, in plain terms, i'::d pocketing public money. Their indignation ~as extreme and they began a libel suit against - l~e daring editor. If truth is libel, Howe had no : ~e, and no lawyer would undertake it. Howe ." ~nducted his own defense, and by a brilliant . address to the jury secured a triumphant ac- ~.qttittal. From that hour he was the idol of the ..people, whose cause he had espoused. On the "" other hand, several hot upholders of the existing ~."exdcr challenged him; he fought one duel, and, r having proved his courage, wisely declined "! [arther argument by pistol. Howe was a good ~-.'.-example of the popular tribune--emotional, elo- • queue, social, with the faults of such a nature, :.-~t possessing tact withal and the statesman's Limight into great problems far beyond the ken .~.0i provincial politicians. On such questions as "7~ltm union of the remaining British American ~10nies, communication between them and the .~'~,~hration of the empire, Howe was far in ad- ~'imace of his time, and his ideas were formative. "-%_~Henceforth, his career was in politics rather r:than in journalism. Elected member for Halifax e'~io.th.e Assembly in 1836, he at once attacked ,~tmst,ng abuses in a series of resolutions, which ,.~P~:eived a sympathetic hearing from the colonial ~.tecretary This led immediately to the creation :~"..2~ two distinct councils for the executive and "~'.ltgLslative functions of the old Council, and three later to the demand that the executive be changed on a vote of want of con- in the Assembly. When Sir Colin Camp- the lieutenant governor, who was opposed change in the constitution, refused to this demand, Howe began an agitation led to his recall. He was succeeded by Falkland, whose remedy for the trouble coalition in the Council. Four of the old were dismissed, and four Liberals, Howe them, took their place. But the two were irreconcilable: Howe and his soon resigned, and began to lay before le the evils of the irresponsible system. of 1847, Howe and his party swept country. The new Assembly passed a vote want of confidence in the Council, which resigned in disgust. A Cabinet was of the triumphant Liberals and the prin- ~f responsible government was established situation of the colonies remaining to on this continent in the first half of the was not cheering. Upper Canada virgin forest, with struggling towns clearings; Lower Canada was alien and religion; both passed through the of rebellion. The great West was sup- I:m uninhabitable. The provinces by the poor, thinly settled, each with its own and its own tariff wall against the The 20th century dawned on a united and Provinces to Confederation the Atlantic to the Pacific. For years there lated suggestions of union, for the object lesson of the Great Republic was hard to mistake. But here, as in the case of the 13 colonies before and after they achieved their independence, each province had its own pride, interests, and jeal- ousies. Besides these, the geographical barriers to union seemed insurmountable; but the locomo- tive engine changed the face of affairs and pro- vided the solution of the problem. The uni- versal fever for building railways reached the provinces. The first railway in Nova Scotia united Halifax and Windsor; the first in New Brunswick united St. John and Shediac. A bolder idea was to join the provinces, inland and seaboard, by an intercolonial railway. If united for commerce, why should not the colonies be united for government? It cannot be said that anywhere in the Mari- time provinces was there a popular movement in favor of union. It grew out of the dreams of prophets in all the provinces, the ambitions of governors, the political exigencies of the Canadas, and the fears of invasion evoked by the American Civil War. In the earlier stages of the movement the imperial government was averse to the idea; but after the conferences of 1864, at Charlottetbwn, Prince Edward Island, on Maritime tmion, and at Quebec on federation, it exerted the fullest pressure upon the Maritime provinces to reconcile them to the movement or to bring them into it. When the movement came to a head in 1867, Howe was not in the Assem- bly, nor had he been at either of the conferences. It was under Sir Charles Tupper that the Assem- bly committed itself to union and, as many Nova Scotians felt. sold its birthright for a mess of pottage. Because the question had not been sub- mitted to the people, Howe joined forces with the opponents of federation and roused the people against it. They were bought and sold, he told them, "for 80 cents a head, the price of a sheep- skin." In the first federal election, the great issue was repeal of the union, Howe carried the country, and Tupper was the only Conservative returned. Howe tried every legal means to de- tach his province from the union, but the British government refused to reconsider the measure it had just sanctioned, and Howe would not appeal to Washington, or have recourse to arms. • He sought "better terms" for his province from the Dominion government, and entered the Mac- donald ministry to assist in working out the problems of the new experiment in government. New Brunswick.--Thc waterway of the St. John as a greater Indian road attracted the attention of the French fur traders early in the 17th century. Charles de la Tour fixed his headquarters at its mouth. There were also French settlements on the rivers and harbors, such as the Miramichi, the Restigouche, and Bale Vertc. Several seigniories were laid out and temporarily occupied on both banks of the St. John River in the latter part of the 17th cen- tury. and Governor Joseph Robineau de Villebon had his headquarters at Fort Nashwaak, and later at the mouth of the river, during ICing William's War, when Port Royal, the capital of Acadic, was nominally in English hands. The western part of the Isthmus of Chignecto was thickly settled by Acadlans before their expul- sion. The St. John River valley and the Isthmus of Chignccto shared in the New England migra- T!50832505

465 CAHADA ~ 38. The Maritime 1~rovincem to Confederation "- tion to Nova llsh mercha lumbenng" on the M~ramichi" and Restigouehe, received several disbanded regiments, a~ ....... ~ell and Acadians who had escaped or returned from a share of the emigration from the British , the expulsion were to be found on the upper By 1824 the population had risen to 74~r~. ~tate ~_.a reaches of the St. John or along the Strait of we assume that it had doubled a~ai,,' :v_~, Northumberland from Shcdiac to Miramichi bays. decades by natural increase, the addi~i~-~al"~,~ ~last But the history of New Brunswick as a political may be accounted for by immigration, b.~.,u'~:cx; ~pute- entity begins with the close of the American the next equivalent period we are faced' w~,~ t~ ~'-ateS r~ Revolutionary War. paradox of greater ~mmlgrat, on than mere,..~- ;~d Ca.~ In some respects, the struggle of the 13 colo- population. According to the agent at Sai;,7,~ ~'- . tee als hies for independence was a civil war" for all from 1824 to 1834, 48 000 immigrants arri~ so.'.~ - • " • • ' ! ed ~. " - ou the colomsts were not of the same mind. Some the populatmn increased by only 45~ ~- of the best regiments on the king s s~de were from 1834 to 1840, ~t ~ncreased by onl~ ~..- raised in America. When the British cause was which was less than the uumber of im~ni~.~u'*'- ..~.on°P.O1! lost, such forces were disbanded, and the citizen The explanation seems to lie in the agent'~'- " ~:O'. tn~ soldiers, impoverished by eight years of war, ment that in 1845 about half of the 6,000 ~]-r~e" ~ars on; could not or would not live under the new gov- who arrived departed for the United ~..s~_..~ :~ popt ernment. Many of the ofllctal class, the Ep~s- Th~s was the period when Irish cm~gratmn ~. ""- copal clergy and their humble followers were heaviest and many only passed through x .... " ~" ~x.~'~. "~:rt tO also on the losing s:de. For the defeated, there Brunswick. In the e~ght years 1844-1851 4~ was no mercy; the fierce republicans would not immigrants arrived, 16.589 in 1847 od ~.~'<.. Scoria: let them live in the country. After the surrender 2,000 died of ship's fever; yet the po~ul~ti,-~w~~: oi IS2? I at Yorktown (1781), thousands of these unfortu- tween 1840 and 1851 increased bv o'nb, "~,.~'-: and me nares flocked to New York and other seaports. In the decade after 1851, when i~mivr~ti,,°-"'e~" r~cers No provision was made for them in the terms negligible, the population rose from°lPff~[ of peace; but public sympathy was aroused on 252,047, or 58,247 by natural increase alon'~7~ t~, ;~roposeu ::¢a.~nrY. their behalf, the British Parliament took" gener- New Brunswick's chief wealth comprises .'-~ .~: ~tel.v ous measures for their relief, Sir Guy Carleton stood their friend. Ships were provided to carry them away and large grants of land were made to them in the loyal colonies, with tools, supplies, and provisions for one, two, or three years. Some went to England, but the great majority found homes in the northern wildernesses. There some 30,000 exiles, many of the educated and cultured classes, found refuge. In American his- tory these are known as the Tories; in Canadian history, they are the United Empire Loyalists. The great emigration took place in 1783. On May 18, a fleet of 19 transports, with some 3,000 Loyalists on board, reached the mouth of the St. John. They were men of the 8th, 98th, and 194th regiments, the New Jersey Volunteers, and the Queen's Rangers. The grantees' list shows good substantial English names. The "fall fleet" brought 1,200 more, and Parrtown, so called in honor of Governor John Parr, of Nova Scotia, began its career with a population of 5,000. Po- litically, it was situated in Sunbury County, Nova Scotia. Soon the Loyalists showed active dis- content at Governor Parr's delay in making out their grants, and in giving them representation in the House of Assembly; and as this was in line with the imperial policy of divide et impera, they succeeded in persuadin.g the British govern- ment to erect their county into a separate prov- ince with a royal governor, Council, and House of Assembly bf their own. This was done in 1784, and the Province of New Brunswick was created by royal instructions, with Col. Thomas Carleton, brother of the famous Sir Guy Carleton, as governor. His commission and instructions were practically the same as those given to Cornwallis in 1749. The Council of 12 exercised both executive and legislative functions. The first House of Assembly, of 26 members, was elected, not without riot, in 1785, and met for the first time in the following January. In this year, Parrtown was incorporated as Saint John (q.v.) ; it was the first city in British America to receive a charter. There was no further group immigration to New Brunswick in the 18th century; yet the great forests; and her two chief industries, lug_ bering and shipbuilding, soon sprang up;-1~... agriculture languished. Population followed waterways, the natural timber roads from interior. During the War of 1812, the provinces wer~:.~ not invaded, like Upper Canada, because g~¢ " England was opposed to the war and contlnuH to trade with them throughout the period. Tra~ with New Brunswick was carried on chieflr--. among the islands in Passamaquoddy Bay. Aft~ 1815, settlers from the United States began t~ .- occupy disputed territory between New Brumo ." wick and Maine. The boundary between the left vague by the Treaty of Versailles in 17~.~ ' almost led to war. The northwest line was to run due north from the source of the St. Cro!x River to the height of land between the St. Laa-- rence and the Atlantic_ Instead of one chain highlands, there are two chains: between th¢~ " lay the disputed territory, comprising some 12,000 ~, .... square miles. Under the Jay Treaty of 1794. commission was appointed to determine the The Americans wished to extend the due-non~.-, line to the M&is River in Quebec; the British~2~ wished to.make Mars Hill the limit, and the.- could not agree. Another attempt at settleme~"," was made in 1831 after the Treaty of Ghmt. The king of the Netherlands was appointed at: )~.' bitrator, but his award was not accepted. 1839, the difficulty became acute. Some lure -ber=-~," men cut timber on the debatable land; the Sorer. nor of Maine sent a sheriff and posse to drift .. them out, and New Brunswick lumbermen sisted the officers of the law. The squab!,k. roused intense feeling on both sides. The gover- nor of Maine called for 10,000 troops to gua~ the state's rights. The governor of New Bruin. wick, Sir John Harvey, sent two llne reglme~t~ with artillery and volunteers to the scene action. Nova Scotia voted all her militia a~ ~100,000 to aid the sister colony; the Canad~ • also proffered help. Gem Winfield Scott command of the American forces. He and ~i~. : John Harvey had fought against each other the War of 1812. They agreed to a joint .n the g --.e hi to :n 1778: nt'l~I ClV1 :::an the But the ,uch cla" :he previ G.000 ic ~han i17 mal~ent ~ but. as t :his a fi allmv ~ . On t ~runswi, .tnds in :bough t h~t to d :hat ~e Xnva S, Colin E ~M9. th ~mved ~ ;,roved 1 E~nswi mcnt i 1. 'he ~ xarles ~ > .,itl.-,n ~cre ~o ~,r thCr A,semb~ and in ~" ..,ritv TI50832506

of Independv:.~: fists were pouri:.q [ed to divert ~ome of the ,art of their lands. h-ore quit rents About SO0 few of them ~xpected. ~dants of ~-ere demanding :r. This was ,up of immigra:::, 7~e few New ~e island prior ay because of tlw :e~orth, the ~ alone for imn.i. n the interval, of Scots ~g 742 immlgr~n:, Peace of Amim~ t over ~0 senlet, md purchased m ~eir own. h sey; in 1808, ~ 810 an unspecifiM ~ ~eluded High- tts. of 1775 had in- ~d immigrati, .~'- ). No records art ~aa 1815 and I.q27. :rated 23,2~ ; Ban doubled in te island sharv~ ~ from the Bfi~'~ my event, : census gave e records of 7~ ~sh. 1,611 ~e population r 94.021 on the o* ion increase, • --" - ind~ ipbmmmg ";" ~vy timber, hc:i~" dture. _ ~e~or and [ Assembly hw~ "" ~difference or o~" Bee but als, ~"~ .ietors, who liOn of their '~. r the first • " de t~. ~ little more "" ~h It lear~,~ . it temporanU '., ~ the revenUe,~'. ~and the govE~~, ~to influence . AssemblY" : ~e remnants ot~. the absent~ :.e. r influence. los S~ith' or." md tot. ernorS the-' CANADA--39. Acadian Refugees 469 in which many of the recent immigrants dace, alternated between struggles with which was composed of officials and ,rl or their agents, for contro[ of the and with the Colonial Office for a court escheat or taxation of wilderness lands for of local services. In 1834, it made its demand for a legislative council distinct the executive; and, after it obtained this finding that both the new councils con- =ined most of the members of the old, it waged relentless struggle until it obtained responsible :,lmernment in 1851. In 1838 the number of •-s~rabers in the Assembly was increased from 18 ~o 24, and in 1856 to 30. In 1862, the Legislative £oundl was made elective. Henceforth both i.h~ches of the legislature h~d to consider the waeral will. In the strugg e for seli-govern- _'.~:nt the importance of education was recognized. ~'0ne of the first acts of the new ministry was ./k Free Education Act of 1852. .: Charlottetown was the scene of the historic -x.qrfference of deleg.ates from the Maritime prov- to discuss ninon, when the representatives :."g the Canadas came knocking at the door, but ;g~e islanders were not in favor of any change in ~r status. They had long suffered the burdens ~ absentee landlordism and long distance "con- ~,1, In th~ first years of their existence as a colony they had frequent.ly been dis- by threats of re-annexation to Nova an object lesson of which they had seen &the treatment of Cape Breton. They had won .mponsible government in spite of the objections • ,~ landlords and the sneers of neighboring col- _.~-.s and colonial office officials at their tmall area ~md population, and having obtained ~ ~:;[-government they were unanimously opposed ~ .~l~i.rarrendering their legislature, as the scheme J~Maritime union involved. Moreover, they • .~red a federal union because, though it left • ~ their local legislature, it put them in danger ~;]li I~ing swamped through the principle of ~ r,),resentation by population. Although islanders • ~',.~ part in the Quebec Conference in 1864, the • ".~_vinee remained outside confederation until • ~.~q.l, when the crippling of the provincial means • ~ extensive railroad building led the people to | ~-~onsideration of the matter. The Dominion • ~ment gave generous terms, and the little ~ ~ee, while losing nothing of autonomy, en- • .~ . into a larger national life. See also sepa- ~ ~ articles on the three Maritime provinces; ~ ~.~ other sections within this series of articles, ~ ~'~: ARCF/I~ALD M^cMEcI-I^N, ~ ~r~lleSsor of Enalish Literature, Dalhousle Unl- ~ ~-', Re'vlsed by D. C. HARVEY, ~ Archivist for Nova Scotia. ~'CADIAN REFUGEES ~tfttr the conquest of Acadia in 1.7.10, .the ~n~ r of Utrecht (1713) provided for me tree .~ se of the Roman Catholic religion by such :French inhabitants as were willing to re- ~th,ere, but also stipulated that any _who t ~oose might remove within a year. Near- r~aained; but, under various excuses, in ~Pe, of a return of French power, they post- taki.n.g the oath of allegiance to the British 'lu.a_ttl 1730. In 1744 war broke out again~, ~t_,74,,.9 the founding of Halifax by several ~ta British emigrants excited the jealousy :offaeials of Canada and priests of Acadia. The people were a simp|e, illiterate peasantry, taught to obey their missionarlcs in everything. These missionaries were chosen and directed by the bishop of Quebec and the governor of Canada as agents of French policy, and hence a very diffi- cult position existed, both for the English and for the Acadians. Through the promptings of the fa- natical Abb6 Louis Joseph Le Loutre and others, the Indians were encouraged to murder English settlers. The people, as a whole, would havebeen quite content to live in peace, being very well treated. In 1751, the marquis de La Jonqui~re, governor of New France, issued a proclamation commanding all Aeadians on the French side of the Isthmus of Chignecto to enroll themselves iu the French militia. A claim was put forward that only a small part of the province was "Acadia," as ceded to the British under the Treaty of Utrecht, and consequently that all the rest was still under the rule of the French. The latter now conceived the definite design of re- conquering the province; but the English, obtain- ing exact information through the spy, Thomas Pichon, struck first by capturing Fort Beaus& jour, on the neck of the Acadian Peninsula, on June 16, 1755. Fort Gaspereau, 12 miles distant, then surrendered, and the French fort at St. John being burnt and abandoned on the approach of an English force, the British were at last in control of Acadia as ceded by the Treaty of Utrecht. The chief interest in the Acadians will al- ways, however, be centered in the incidents of the famous dispersion, which was now about to begin. The projected French invasion had aroused the apprehension of the small British population and authorities, an apprehension deep- ened by the Indian outrages of Abb~ Le Loutre and the fear of the neighboring stronghold of Louisburg. The whole of the Acadians also persistently refused the unqualified oath of alle- giance. In this state of affairs, which not only seemed a great danger but appeared to imply a great ingratitude, after the mild treatment and privileges of property and religion so long ex- tended to them, it was determined by Governor Charles Lawrence that the only safety lay in re- moving the Acadian population and replacing them by New Englanders. That view had been held for some time hy Governor Willia~ Shirley of Massachusetts and "others. Lawrence had complained bitterly to the Lords of Trade before the capture of the French forts "that this lenity has had so little effect, and that they still hold the same conduct, furnishing them [the French] with labor, provisions, and intelligence, and con- cealing their designs from us."' On the capture of Beaus~jour, Lawrence demanded an unquali- fied oath of allegiance from the Acadians; and in response two successive deputations came to Halifax, representing together nine tenths of their entire population. Both absolutely refused to take the simple pledg~ of fiddity and allegi- ance to the British sovereign. The governor and Council therefore resolved that it was necessary to deport their people, and in order that they should not strengthen the enemy', they were to be distributed among the English colonies. Law- rence now ordered Colonels Robert Monckton and Joshua Winsiow and Major Hanfield~at Beaus~iour, the Basin of Minas, and Annapolis respectively~to seize the inhabitants, and if necessary to burn their houses. The principal scenes of the expulsion took place under Winslow --- TI5083250~

470 CANADA--40. Under Brltlsh R~zle~ at~f~m-d--p;~,." ~_-.d I¢,~ Edward, in the Basin raids of 1745-1746, defended himself by sasq of Minas, just after completion at t.ne h,u~.~t '-~:t h- h~d advised all of them, xcept L~ I~,~ at those fair and populous settlements. At to be "outwardly neutral' and l,=d ,d,L~ed~ Grand Pr~ all the males over 10 were ordered officers to give written orders for aid t, to the parish church, where Winslow read them Acadmns so that they could wndlcate the .... the order of removal and detained them as prison- to the British government. These are ers. They were kept several weeks before depot- fcrent cl~ss from the mean duplicities and°,m,l- quibbles of La JonquiAre and the Fren~l: istry, who were well aware both of the un~ cation, and the year was nearly ended before all were gone. Tragic scenes of lamentation and distress accompanied the leaving, although it was carried out as humanely as possible. The whole number removed from the province is usually stated as a little over 6,000, although 1~douard Richard and others place the figures much higher. Some took refuge in the forests or fled to the French territories. Lawrence sent the ships de- port~ng them to the different colonles from Mhssachusetts to Georgia, where they became a charge on the pe_gple and their gradual departure was connived.~'~ considerable number of those in the South ev"~tuaIly reached the French settle- ments of Louisiana, where their descendants are still found in certain parishes.~ The sorrows of the dispersion were great, an~ the death rate considerable. It is ~,egrettable that those who reached Canada and the French West Ind~es suf- fered perhaps the most terrible miseries of all from neglect and ill-treatment. About half of the refugees at length found their way back to Nova Scotia and were progenitors of the greater part of the present French population. Their woeful story was told in an idealized form in the pages of Thomas C. Haliburton (see BibHog- raphiC), from whom, passing through a medium of femlnlnc sentimentality in the pages of a woman writer, it reached Longfellow and was immortalized in his E~angeline. The unhappy facts were afterward the subject of heated re- criminations, especially by French writers such as Abbt H. R. Casgrain and Francois E. Rameau, against the New Englanders, whose leading defenders are Francis Parkman and James Hannay. l~douard Richard in his AcacHa ascribes all to Lawrence personally. The dis- passionate view would seem to lie in fair allow- ances for the difficult situation and training of the actors on both sides. In this light the Acadian population must be remembered as a docile peo- ple who, through frequent changes of sovereignty, had reason to hope that once again they would be restored to their original allegiance, and had been schooled by French officials in that species of neutrality which involved exemption from bearing arms in behalf of the British, assistance to the French under certificates of compulsion, and keeping on good terms with the British only so far as was necessary for self-preservation. Most of them were undoubtedly trying to be loyal to France and were ready to return the country into its possession; therefore, duplicity did not seem to them improper. For the Indian atrocities, to which some of them gave support, we cannot hold the people as a whole responsible. It is chiefly their leaders and advisers~Le Loutre, La Jonquitre, and the bishop of Quebec~who must be held responsible. Regarding Le Loutre, although his character of the peculiarly savage and relentless fanatic led him into acts which place him among the class of murderous criminals, his guiding motives ap- pear to have been a distorted patriotism and allegiance to his religion. The bishop, reproved for the lukewarmness of some of the missionarlcs during the Canadian of their pretensions concerning the extent 61 Acadia, and of the dangerous position in which they were placing the Acadian people. Vfh~ we examine the motives of the British side g'e have" to deal with practically only Lawrence'aad his Council at Halifax. A state of war cxisteti. and in their judgment desperate measures necessary for the safety of the little British colony. The British settlers were greatly numbered and held but a small part of the corm. try. Lc Loutre and the French authorities were pursuing a treacherous course of savage murder.. against them, with Acadian participation act~ or potential. The entire people refused to the unqualified oath of allegiance, although peatedly and plainly warned of the consequence. In Lawrence's judgment no other course than d~ portation then seemed safe; and althou.gh a harsh measure, it proved effectual in remowng all doubt respecting the security of the colony. Harsh and drastic as his measures.were, he is entitled j: to be judged, in part at ]ea~t, as a military man bound to perform a duty; and his freedom o~ discretion at a difficult juncture must be respected "- even if it may have been badly used. On the side of .F. fence, two instances of a slmilar deporta. t/on policy are cited in defense~the proposal d.~ Governor Louis Hector de Calli~rcs ~onne .~.~'~- endorsed by the French king in 1689, to sei~ the province of New York and deport all Protestant population (Documer~ar~ History o~ New York, vol. 1, pp. 285-97, 1850-18$1); and . the actual deportation of the English settlert " from the island of St. Kitts in 1666, to the ber of 2,500, an occurrence marked by the strik. ~ ing of a medal by Louis XlV, inscribed ,4~, Ex lm'ula St. Christoph Exturbat. . -. Bibliographln--Haliburton, T. C., He, tory o/ A'~ '~: S¢otla, 2 vols. (Halifax 1829); l~meau de St.-P&re, F. F.., La Fraa¢~ ~u.r Colonie$: Acadiens et Canadien~ (Peril .~ 1859); Murdoch, B., Histor~ o/ Nova Scotia, 3 ~,D~ ~ (Halifax 1865-1867); Akins, T. B. Nova Scotia Arc~v~ Y (Halifax 1869); Campbell, D., N~va Scotga in Its Hi*, ~ torical, Mercantile and lndu,frial RelaHon~ (Montr~ ..~'~: 1873); Hannay, 3"., Hiaory o[ Acadia (London 1880}~ ~.' Parkman, F, Montcalm andWol/e (Boston 1884)" Smlt~. P. H., dcaclia (Pawhng, N, Y., 1884); Casgram, Ab~ H. R., P~lerlnage au Pay~ d'Ecmngellne (~uebec 1885); .'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.~- Hart, G. E., The Fall O/ New France (Montreal 1858)I Ramcau de St.-P6rc, F. E., Une Colonle F~odole e~'. .4mirique (Paris 1889); Richard, ~:., Mcadia: Linka o~ a Lo;t Chapter in Amcrlcan Hi#tory (Montreal '" 1895); Moreau, S. A., Hi.ttolre 4¢ I'Acadie (Mont,ml 1908). WILLIAM DOUW LIGR'r~ALL, Mot]tar o/ "The Felse Chevalier"; Founder d Chfiteau de Ramezay Historica2 Museum. Rez4#ed by D. C. HAzvm', Archi~s* /or Nova Scotia. 40. UNDER BRITISH RULE TO CONFEDERATION: 1760-1867 - "~" At the moment when Pierre de Rigaud, mar-..; quis de Vaudreuil-Cavagnal, capltulated to C-ca. Jeffrey Amherst (Sept. 8, 1760), there were . English in Canada save the troops and a few o-'.. vilians who had come with them. But, outwardl~ at least, this act of surrender placed the Frcn~ Canadians and the English colonists in America