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Tobacco and Americans

Date: 1960
Length: 276 pages
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Book
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McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc.
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TobDocs1
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Box 2
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missing bates..304,305,and 397
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Heimann, Robert K.
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• _ mertcans NEW YORK : TORONTO : LONDON McGraw.Hill Book Company, Inc. MNAT 00017200
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TOBACCO AND AMerICANS Printed in the United States o~ America. All rishts re- • uy form without written pesmiss~on of the pubtishers. Library o~ Congress Catalog Card Numbe~: 80-8114 First EdiSon ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Any book which aims to be definitive owes much to writers and record-keepers of past generations, many of them unknown. Ho~'- ever, the author wishes to name and thank these contemporary authorities for their valued aid and encouragement: Charles E. Gage, pioneer in the field of U.S. Government tobacco statistics, who gave the manuscript a painstaking scrutiny and made many constructive suggestions. Jerome E. Brooks, renowned tobacco scholar and annotator of the Arents Collection, who read the text critically from the standpoint of his specialS. Sarah A. Dickson, Curator of the Arents Collection of the New York Public Library, and Bella Landauer of the New York Histori- cal Society., who opened their rich files of pictorial material for use in this book. R.K.H. MNAT 00017201
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What shapes the pattern of a society's growth? This is a perennial question among social scien- tists and historians. Those wl~o favor the Great Man Theory of history answer it in terms of political leaders. Others offer the economic formula, supply and demand. Anthropologists point to the "cake of eustom"-the day-to-day mores and living habits of people in groups-as the basic heritage from which all civilization is compounded. Climate, war, geography, the diffusion of inventions and ideas from eukure to culture are other explanations ad- vanced from time to time as the emphasis of the social studies shifts. After pursuing each of these theories in its turn. the student concludes that a nation's growth can hardly be explained in terms of any single factor. Custom cannot be explained apart from climate; supply and demand, war, great men and geography are all part of a mixture that makes men what they are, and at the same time provides the impetus for them to change. These man)' influences show up clearly in a soeio- economic cross-section, such as this account o| Americans and tol~eeo. In some ways, a close look at a single facet ~ s~iety can be more revealin~ than an attempt to encompass all facets at once. The evolution o~ the tobacco business, linked closely with the 8~th of America itself, has beer affected by all the ~etors with which the variou.~ schools of histo~: deal. Climate regulated the growth of tobacco ~ the first place. The America| Indian made it ~ of his "cake of custom." Th~ various forms of ~,ing tobacco were diffused, lik~ inventions, to the Old World and back to the Ne~ by the mariners ~ Portugal. Spain. Holland an~ Great Britain. Its usefulness as a creature eom fort has been dramatized in a series of wars. Th~ demand for it in F,a~rope was the economic base o~ which the Virgi~a and .Maq~land colonies wer~ established. Sir ~'alter 1Raleigh, who planted th, first English-spe~king colony in this eountr.v, i thought of as t~ first English promoter of th, "bewitching veg~able." Tobacco was the reaso'. for Maryland's ~lement by George Cah'ert an, MNAT 00017203
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his sons. A famous Colonial general, Israel I~tnam, introduced the Cuban cigar to New England and another general, Ulysses S. Grant, became its living testimonial. And great men like Washington and Jefferson-both warriors and heads of state-played as prominent a role in tobacco as they did in state- craft itself. The story of Americans and tobacco contains grist for the mill of the sociologist as well as the economist and for that of the historian as ~'ell as the agriculturalist. A casual look at the tobacco industry, which spends $150 million a year to advertise, might sug- gest that smoking - like foam rubber sofas and V-8 engines - owes its vogue to promotion. During the last century virtually every sigu~eant chang~ in smoking habits, has been heralded in a massive way by brand advertising. But a closer examination shows that tobacco it- self (as distinct from competing brands) requires less promotion than almost any other commodity except, perhaps, for food. Unlike the glittering new conveniences of the Machine Age, tobacco is a traditional pleasure. Through the centuries, ordi- nary men have prized the pleasure of smoking with no prompting whatsoever. The Spanish sailors in Columbus' little fleet adopted tobacco from the West Indians before their commanders understood the reason for its cultivation. London dandies sought it in the seventeenth century when it was worth its weight in silver, and their descendants cheerfully pay the British equivalent of 50c for twenty twentieth-century cigarettes. Americans drew their first livelihood from tobacco, used it as currency, grew it in their gardens for home use, chewed it on the open plains, puffed it in cabin or in camp, and carried it i:or barter. The doughboys of War I, the G. I. ~Ioes of War II, and the drafted citizen-soldiers of the Korean War smoked under any and all circumstances. Tobacco originated in America; it was this nation's first business; Americans brought it to its present stage of development. The story of tobacco is somewhat more than a business history. It is, in many ways, the story of America itself. 5 MNAT 00017204
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Searching [or mineral wealth, the first explorers of the New World ignored the aromatic vegetable smoked and chewed by the North American natives. Europeans saw tobacco as savage incense or salve. CERTAIN DRIED LEAVES Tar written history of Americans and of tobacco begins on October 12, 1492, when Christopher Columbus reached the beaches of San Salvador in the West Indies. According to the Admiral's journal, published some years afterward, the natives brought fruit, wooden spears, and "certain dried leaves" which gave off a distinct fragrance. The Spanish sailors in Columbus' command welcomed the fruit; the dried leaves they threw away. Three days later, while cruising among the islands, the Admiral found a solitary Indian in a canoe. In addition to bread and water, he carried the same kind of dried leaves and made a great show of offering them to the white strangers in the white-winged vessels. No doubt the Spaniards won- dered why the strange leaves were so highly valued. The following month they found out why. Two sailors, Rodrigo de Jerez and Luis de Tortes, were dispatched on a three days' reconnaissance across Cuba, bearing letters of introduction to the Khan of Cathay. The Indians, they reported, v-rapped dried leaves in or the .. palm maize "in the manner of a musket ~ormed of paper," and after lighting one end inhaled the smoke through the other. To keep them glowing the Indians blew on the lighted ends between puffs, a gesture still common to cigar connoisseurs the world around. One of the two scouts, de Jerez, became a confirmed tobaccc smoker, probably the first European to do so. Smoke.filled hemisphere As later voyagers were to discover, the Nev, World was full of confirmed smokers, and had beet for hundreds of years. What is more, every form ot tobacco consumption-pipe, cigar, cigarette, snuff chew-had become accepted custom long befor~ the first Spaniards landed. The Caribs of the Wesl Indies inhaled or snuffed a mixture that may havf MNAT 00017205
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i~ch,ded tobacco through a hollow Y-shaped tube c~dled a taboca or tobago. This word was applied as "tabaco" to the leaf itself by the Spanish, and was later used to describe the mousqueton or roll fan- cied by the Cuban natives. To this day, a cigar in Cuba is ~un tabaco." Cortez found Mexican Indians devoted to tobacco; in the well-developed civili- zation of the Aztecs, he observed an established t~se of flax'ored reed cigarettes. Countless tribes in what are nowthe United States and Canada smoked their tobacco in straight pipes - war pipes, peace pipes, and simple pleasure pipes-called "calumets" by the French explorers. 'Fbe Quich6 Maya.us, like their Cuban contemporaries, were fond of cigars and may have originated the "smoke-filled room" of politics, since their counei].s were illuminated by fat-pine torches and accompanied by fat cigars. According to some etymologists their word for tobacco was "ziq" and their word for smoking "zikar" - which may have prompted the Spanish word "cigarro." Even the use of plug tobacco was observed at the end of the sixteent]t cent~try - in Santo Domingo, by the famous Samuel de Chain- pla~ who was later to found Quebec. In almost every region of the New World, the natives had a word for tobacco. In Brazil, it was petum; in Aztec Mexico, picietl; in Vir~nia, uppo- wo¢; along the St. Lawrence, quiectg; in Peru, sagr/; in Colombia, Furt; in Trinidad, vreit. What was the basic attraction that led the original American tribes to cultivate and cherish, each in its own way, the unique plant known to the English as the "Soverane Herb"? Oddly enough, tlze question can- not be answered in precise scientific terms even now. Still, the widespread popularity of tobacco in pre-Columbian years is strikingly evident from its prominence in the reports of the fn~ white exp]or- I~NAT 00017206 7
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Americans of the fifteenth century used tobacco in all forrn~ known today. The taboca or Y-shaped mu~ing-stick of. Haiti may have named "tobacco." AmerigoVespuccisawVenezuelanswithagreenherb -~which they chewed like cattle to such an extent that they could scarcely talk.., to allay thirst." ers. Each thought he was chrordcl~g something unique. In a sense this was t~e, for each saw the use of tobacco through his own haze of preiudice and preconception. Some saw it as religious ritual, some as .medicine, some as a thirst-quencher, some a.s a vile heathen intoxicant, some as a primitive balm. Nevertheless it is illuminating to "discover" tobacco again through the eyes of the ~st white men to see it in the hemisphere of its origin. Amerigo Vespucci reached Margarita Island off the coast of Venezuela in 1499, and there saw the natives chew/ng a "green herb which they chewed like cattle to such an extent that they could scarcely talk." The reason for this excessive use of "chaw" may well have been the lack of water on Margarita, whose sole supply of fresh water is its rainfall. As every chewer of tobacco knows, plug or twist in- duces salivation, so it is oot surprising that each of Vespucci's Indians carried his supply of "green herb" in a gourd around his neck - the original tobacco pouch. A similar observation was made in a life of Columbus which appeared in 1571, supposedly written by his son Ferdinand. In exploring Veragua (Costa R/ca), the Admiral's brother met a cacique or chieftain and a score of men "putting a dry herb in their mouths and chewing it, and sometimes they put a certain powder that they carried together With that herb." In their westward search for the East Indies, the Spaniards were everywhere greeted with tobacco. Cortez landed in Tabasco in 1519 and was immedi- ately offered the leaf as a gesture of good will by the natives. He was, however, no more interested in tobacco than in peace. Not long after Cortez and company plundered the Aztec capitol at Mexico City, Fernando de Alarc6n pushed farther west, reaching the mouth of the Colorado River on the Gul~ of California in 1540. The Indians there, he reported, "carry their pipes with which to perfume themselves like the Tavagi people (Tobago in- habitants) of New Spain." Cabral" , curt,~ll With the credulous enthusiasm characteristic of explorer nations, the Spanish, Portuguese and Brit- ish pounced on tobacco as a miraculous panacea. MNAT 00017207
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iiiI • OO • ~ • In Brazil, Central America and the West Indies- custom. These squatting and recumbent smokers are the tropical belt-cigar smoking was a prominent Aztecs, who seem very earnest about their puffing. Dozens of scholars listed it as a cure for almost every known disease (later, skeptics listed it as a cause of almost every known disease). But neither the fanciful notions of the early herbalists nor the vigorous objections they prompted were greatly to influence the spread of the "witching weed" as an item of commerce. In 1500, only eight years after Columbus" land- fall, Pedro Alvarez Cabral and his Portuguese fleet veered off course and accidentally discovered Bra- zil. His description of tobacco did not see print until the Lisbon historian Dam~o de Goes published a 1571 work on the people of Sancta Cruz, ¢ff Brazil: They have many odoriferous and medicinal herbs different fTom ours; among them is one we call fumo (smoke, i.e., tobacco) which rome call Betum and I will call the holy herb, because of its pov,'edul virtue in wonderful ways, of which I have had experience, principally in desperate cases: for ulcerated abscesses, fistulas, sores, in- veterate polyps and many other ailments. The Portuguese were then at their peak as a great seafaring people, which is reflected by the fact that one of the most popular designations of tobacco in 16th-century Europe was their term, "herba " sancta." This name is made even more logical by the nature of the tobacco rites among the Tupi- nambas of Brazil, as observed by Cabral: They carry a calabash made like the head of a man, with mouth, nostrils, eyes and hair, placed on the top of an arrow, within which they make smoke with dried leaves of the plant betum, and the smoke which is in the head they inhale to such an extent that they are chunk. The "they" refers to the shamans or sorcerers: their prophecies uttered during the tobacco ritual were believed to be inspired by the gods. Open eyes, clo~ed minds The reactions of the first discubridores and con- quistadores like Columbus, Vespucci, Cabral, Cor- tez and Alarc6n present an odd paradox. In spite MNAT 00017208 9
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of the fact that they were innovators in a geograph- ical sense, their values were those of a set social system. They would endure excruciating torture to seek out stores of existing wealth, but they lacked any notions of developing demand, of mass market- ing, of capitalistic enterprise. So rigid was their concept of wealth that they were unable to see, for a time, the new wealth they had sailed so far to find. The economic values of those early Spaniards and Portuguese were no more rigid than their social and religious beliefs. Automatically, as a matter of course, their physical conquests were accompanied by attempts to conquer the heathen spiritually, by force if need be. This contempt for savage beliefs blinded them to the nature of tobacco usage. Be- . .......... .'...~ ....... ~ cause the leaf was associated with heathen worship, ; they saw, or fancied, only the religious or medico- religious significance of the leaf. So they described it as a curiosity, or at most as a curative. Their eyes ~ were open, but their minds were not: they were incapable of understanding any religious or eeo- I nomic values that were not their own. To the native Americans, on the other hand, wealth was not something to be hoarded but some- thing to be used. Their gold took the form of phtes, utensils, ornaments - not money. The Aztecs, for example, used the cacao bean as a medium of ex- change, an item of everyday use which was too perishable to hoard. The economy of Mexican tribes and those to the north were fluid, dynamic, oriented to consumption. Where the Spanish suf- fered and thirsted and died in the deserts for their gold standard, the original Americans existed by and large for their standard of living. So with the appeal of tobacco staring them in the face, the military captains and learned scholars missed its social and economic significance com- pletely. Only after they actually lived among the savages did they realize that the leaf was an every- day custom as well as a pagan incense. One of the most revealing, and amusing, state- ments by a "conscientious objector" to tobacco is that of Manoel de N6brega, who journeyed to Bra- zil in 1540 for the purpose of converting the heathen Indians: No one of our brothers uses it, nor does any other of the Christians, in order not to imitate the unbelievers who like it vet3" much. I need it because of the dampness and my catarrh, but I In Mexico, eastern U.S. and Canada, farming tribes cultivated Nicotiana rustitat-a small-leaved type so bitter it was generalI~¢ smoked through a pipe. abstain- not what is ma~,l for myself but what is good for many that the)' may be saved. N6brega dearly expresses the germ of the opposi- tion tobacco was to meet through the centuries. Creature eomtort N6brega's solemn attitude ~'as not shared by Gabriel de Sousa, who followed him to Bahio. "Cer- tain of the chiefs, who are in. council," he grote. "take rolls of tobacco which they drink.., all take it in turn." This referred mqther to medical practise nor to religious ritual but rather to eorr/munal cus- tom like the "smoke-filled room" of the Mayans and the pipe-passing traditions of the Indians of the United States. De Sausa also noted that the most important aspect d all - the use of tobacco as a creature comfort -~as, even in 1567, quite common among the whites and halfbreeds, who walked about with rolls d tobacco in their mouths, puflqng constantly. Across the Andes, Miguel Balboa made similar 10 MNAT 00017209
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_. i I_ Wild tobaccos of several species grew west of the cordillera, mainly in temperate -,ones. It too was harsh and small-leaved-yet the natives smoked it. Tall, broad-leaved tobacco-N icotiana tabacum, the commercial species-originated in Brazil or Central America. It was mild enough to smoke in cigar [orm. observations among the Incas of Peru late in the sixteenth century. Not only tobacco but also coca was involved in the rites of the priests. In their long second-hand descriptions of tobacco, several Euro- pean "herbalists" described the milder variety of tobacco as "henbane of Peru" and other explorer~ ~a-ote of its magical effects - as, for imt~mce, in curing wounds made by poisoned arrows {1) It is dear enough that Nicotiana tabacura, soo~ to be a prime luxury throughout the world, vras extomively grown and used across the upper half of South America and in Central America. At the me time the use of'yellow henbane,'as the coarse N/eot/ana rust/ca was Rrst called, had long been cultivated by most of the tribes between Mexico City and the St. Lawrence, from the Mississippi-Missouri basin cast to the Atlantic. The origin of utall tobacco," the commercial species, was in northern South America and Central America- in general the tropical and subtropical belt of the hemisphere. This fits in not only with botanical evidence, but also with the immediate appeal the species held for Portuguese sailors who carried it from Brazil. Since the ~st Spanish mis- sionaries observed "two kinds" of tobacco in Mex- ico, it is apparent that the mild species was widely grown in at least the southern bali of that country. The prominence of cigar smoking in the Mayan culture- whose relics i/~chde the oldest known records of tobacco use-suggests that the luxuriant |ungles of Chiapas (Mexico's southernmost prov- ince) and adjacent Guatemala may have cradled the first Nicotiana tabacum. Htmaan "relics"--prim- itive Lacandon tribes who may be descendants of the Maya - were found by American explorers in 1951 growing the plant in patches of cleared |tangle, along with corn and beans. Like the ancients o! their region, they chain-smoke cigars of their own making. It may be only a coincidence that these shy, savage people, virtually buried alive in matted greenery, pursue their tobacco custom within a hundred miles of Palenque, where the first seulp- MNAT 00017210
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In Brazil, Andr~ Thevet in 1555 noted that petun (tobacco) was believed to be "wonderfully useful for several things." One use was medicinal: here a sick man is being "fumigated" with smoke from, large cigar. Another shake.s a tammaraka or rattl. -now a musical rather than a medical instrument tured picturization of a smoker was found, sively cultivated in those islands before the whit~ The native tobacco of the temperate zone east of discoverers arrived. On the other hand, the Wes the Rockies (northern Mexico through Southern Canada) was Nicotiana rustica. It was not, strictly speaking, a wild plant but required cultivation. Small-leaved, it was at first confused with yellow henbane (while the tall, broad-leaved plant was dubbed "henbane of Peru"). Because of its strength and bitterness, it was generally smoked in a pipe, often blended with milder leaves of various plants. There is no question about its use on the mainland from the latitude of Mexico City to that of the St. Lawrence. Because Yucatan tobacco was brought to Cuba and Haiti around 1534 by the Spanish, it is thought that the bitter, biting rustica was exclu- Indies were closer to Central America, Venezuel. and Brazil than to mainland North America - i] climate, race, and cultural contact via Arawaks an, Caribs, as well as geographically. Perhaps boil kinds of tobacco were grown by the pre-Columbia: Antilleans. So far as is known, the truly wild tobaccos - Nieotiana petunoides according to one classifier - flourish only in the temperate zones of both Nort and South America west of the continental divid~ Diaries of the explorers and fur traders who pierce the American Northwest refer to a strange type c tobacco smoked by Indian tribes. The presumptio 12 MNAT 00017211 I II I
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Fhevet also noted the use o[ tobacco for p/easure, as shown in this woodcut from his book, published in 1557. "The Christians there today," he wrote, "have become very attached to this plant." Thevet introduced tobacco in France, although ]ean Nicot, for whom Nicotiana is named, was given the credit. is that this native leaf was wild petunoides rather than cultivated rustica; but it was so quickly sup- planted for Indian use by Virginia leaf (then enter- ing its third century of white cultivation ) that its exact nature is unknown. What is known is that N. tabacum, aboriginal product of Brazil and Yuca- tan, is the leaf that supplanted all others - ~st for personal use, then for trading. The po~-er o,/pelun Brazil, of course, was closest to seafarers of the Latin countries and was the hub of the tobacco world for a time. There is a suspicion that the plant ceived one of its names, "Herba Santa Croce," :tom the earliest name of Brazil, Sancta Cruz, rather than from the Cardinal Prospero di Santa Croce who is said to have brought tobacco from Portugal into Italy. However that may be, virtu- ally all the earliest writings on Brazil take ample note of the region's tobacco culture. Three mem- bers of de Villegagnon's colonizing expedition of 1555 gave their impressions of the leaf, each color- ing his account according to his own personality. Nicolas Barr~ wrote simply: I have seen a plant that they call Petun, the size of large confrey; they suck the juice and inhale the smoke of this. With this plant they can endure hunger eight or nine days. Jean de L~ry recalled that the priests of the Tupinamba tribe often taking a wooden cane, four or five feet long, at the end of MNAT 00017212 13
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As a curious herb of a strange new world, tobacco inspired tall tales among the scholars of Europe. This version of homo Americanus, with claws and almond eyes, is purely imaginary. His long cigar, however, probably resembled the real native thing. which there is some of the plant petun ... drie< and lighted, turoing to all sides and blowing th, smoke on the other savages, they said: 'Receiv the spirit of power, that you may conquer you And, You will never ~e the Brazilians when they d, not each have a tube of this pla~t hung aroun~ the~' necks. All the time and even in tall~ng t, you it helps keep them in countenance... I ~I say that, having myself U-ied the smoke of ! have found that it refreshes and keeps one feeling bungS. Anch'~ Tbevet, third of Villegagnon's chroniclers also observed that the Brazil~ns believed tobacc to be "~wondm-ful]y useful for several things." Hi account was more descriptive and also more er '1"hey caref~lly ga~er this herb and dry it in th shade of their little cabins. Wen it is dry the enclose a quax~t~ty of it in a palm leaf which : rather hrge, and roll it up about the length of candle. They light it at one end and.take in smoke by the nose and the mouth... Even whe they m-e talcing counsel they inhale this smok and then speak... The Chri~ans there toda have become very attached to th~s plant and ~me... Thevet's reference to shade suggests the meder practise of raising shacle-~own tobacco for rollin mild cigar leaf. His word '~canclle" is apt, since th cigar shape called "corona" was later patterned b the Cubans after a candle. But the most interestin aspect of all is the indication that others among th C~)0 Frenchmen who accompanied Villegag~o took to tobacco. The attraction must have been in mediate, for the colony lasted only a few year: the last survivors l~ing ~iped out by antagonisti Fortuguese a dozen years after the ambitious Fren¢ founded their "permanent" settlement. Thevet brought the first tobacco to France 1,~.~ or 1557; the leaf he intreduced was the rail, Brazilian ~cotiana tabacum which is now smoke, eveLywbere for pleasure. It is interesting that resisted the temptation to tell tall tobacco tale~ and explicitly disavowed any value of the leaf as. wonder drug. Ironically, Thevet is virtually un imown except to scholars while ~can ~icot, sent tobacco to the French court several years after ward in the guise of a panacea, thereby gave hi name to the plant. No doubt ambassador ~icot' "diplomacy" in naming tobacco the Queen's Her! MNAT 00017213
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in honor of Catherine de Medici had something to do with t_kis. And the fact that he sent the pungent, s-mail-leaved rust/ca - hardly fit for human con- sumption except in powdered pinches - had some- thing to do with the vogue for muff which pervaded French court society for two hundred fihy years. Thevet's observations on the use of tobacco as a creature comfort were echoed hter by one Juan de CArdenas, who wrote that the smoking of cigar. ettes, cigar. : -. ~ was common among the white men in Mexico by the hte sixteenth eentmT. Like Thevet before him, C~irdenas was enthusiastic about tobacco - "this precious herb is so general a human need not only for the sick but for the healthy." As a practising physician, he could be more speciEc in his "prescriptions" for its use than Thevet the adventurer. Nevertheless he was not so narrow in his concept of tobacco's usefulness as his medical colleagues nor, in fact, as most of the Erst explorers. "Soldiers," he wrote, "subject to priva- t-ions, keep off cold, hunger and thirst by smoking; all the inhabitants of the hot countries of the Indies alleviate their discomforts by the smoke of this blessed and medicinal plant." Perhaps, as a learned citizen of Mexico, C~rdenas could afford to b¢ more searching and more philosophical than the visiting explorers whose tales of tobacco as a sorcerer's aid were intended to produce a dramatic effect. At any rate, he took the trouble to set down his observa- tions in some detail: ... some are accustomed to take it in small clay or silver pipes or those of hard wood. Others wrap the tobacco in a corn husk or in paper or in a tube of cane... The smoke which is taken in day, silver or wood pipes is stronger, because only the plant is smoked and no other thing out- side of it; whereas smoked in a leaf, in paper or in a reed the smoke is weaker, since it is not only the tobacco which is smoked but also the leaf or the reed in which it is contained... Typically sensational was the account written by Girolamo Benzoni, an Italian who came to Central America in 1541. He noted that the certain ckied lea,.,es were very much prized by the slaves which the Span- iards brought from Ethiopia... And when they wish to use them they take a leaf of the husk of their grain, and putting one of the others in it, they roll them tight together, then they set fire Tail tobacco, about man's height, was illustrated with greater accuracy since the plant itsel[ was brought to Europe only a generation or two a['ter the discovery o/the New World. It was raised at l~rst not as a creature corn~oft btit as a cure-all. MNAT 00017214 15
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to one end and, putting one end into thei~ mouth, they draw their breath through it. Then the smoke goes into the mouth, the throat and the head, and they retain it as long as they can, because they feel a pleasure in it. He then adds, And there are some who take so much of it that they fall down as if they were dead and remain t]~e ~reat~r ~..~, ~f t~ day or uigb~ u~..~'~.ious • . . See wl~at a pestiferous and v,~ckeca from the devil it is. It has happened several times to me only to smell it while going along • ~-- roa~ '..~: ~.~e provinces of C":'~ma~ and .~ .... :~.~ ~:r entering into th. h~ ~ ~me Indian who had taken the smoke, which in the Mexican language is called tabacco, and sud- denly smelling the violent stench, I was forced to leave with speed. Elsewhere north of Mexico explorers recorded tobacco in use both as a medicine and as a pleasur- able custom. Giovanni de Verrazano explored the Atlantic Coast from North Carolina to New Eng- land in 1594 for Francis I of France, remaining 15 days in the Narragansett Bay area. "If a~icted witt a wound," he related of the Indians, "they hea ~hemselves with Ere (tobacco smoke) without out cry." So another term for tobacco was coined "heathen wound plant." Better known and mot /actual was the observation of Jacques Cartier, wh voyaged the St. Lawrence River in 1584 and 15,35 They also have a phnt of which they gather : great supply in the summer to hst during tli, winter. This they prize very. much, and onl" men use it, in the following manner. They d~. it in the sun and carry it on their necks in small animal skin, instead of a bag, with a pip (comet) of stone or wood . . . they never g anywhere without these things. We have trie, this smoke; after taking some into our mout~ it seemed like pepper it was so hot. This, to be sure, was Nicotiana rustica, the north. ern leaf. Carrier's seared taste buds were an ad~ quate explanation why cigar smoking was nc popular among the tribes has~g no access to th large-leaved Nicotiana tabacum of South and Cer Iacques Cartier, who voyaged the Saint Lawrence Earliest known drawing of the calumet, or straig in 1584, described the tobacco smoked by the Indi- pipe, was made by Father Hennepin, who explor, ans in pipes: "it seemed like pepper it was so ~ot.~ the Great Lakes and upper Mississippi in 1679-6 16 HNAT 00017215
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tral America. Pipe-smoking ,,,,'as then the most acceptable way to consume strong tobacco, and remains so to the present day. The classic description of tobacco in North America was burnished by Jacques Le Moyne de Morgues, who accompanied Ren6 de Laudoa- ni6re's 1564 expedition to Florida. Le Moyne not only described the life of the natives but turned out forty-seven pai~,,~g~ ,,..~ them. One of several which illustrated smoking was captioned: •.. They also have a phnt which the Brazil/ans call petum and the Spaniards tal~wo. After carefully dry/ng its leaves, they put them ha the bowl of a pipe. They light the pipe, and, hold- hag the other end ha their mouths, they inhale the smoke so deeply that it comes out through their mouths and noses... Enter the English The same year Sir John Hawkins landed at Laudonni6re's Fort Caroline and carried back to England this description of pipe smoking: accurac~ o[ ltennopin" ~ ~ketch ~ shown by modern photograph of Indian with his calumet or "pipe o[ peace." Feathers were highly prized but optional. Sir Francis Drake landed in California about I579, a#erwards wrote that "the people came every day, with feathers and small bags ~]led with Tabaco." The Florid/arts when they travel have a idnd of herb dried, which with a cane, and an earthen cup at the end, with ~e, and the dried herbs put together, do suck through the cane the smoke thereof, whleh smoke satis£eth their hunger, a/ad therewith they live four or five days without meat or drink... Appended to this description of native custom is a curious comment on the French settlers' atti- tude toward tobacco: ... and this .,dl the Frenchmen used for this put. pose: yet do they hold opinion withal, that it causeth water and flame to void from their stom- acks... Thus among the Europeans the appetite for to- bacco was at variance with their intellectual dis- trust of any native custom, including smoking. This puritanical contradiction was to reappear many times in the later history of Europeans, Americans and tObaCco. Hawkins and his men were said to have intro- duced tobaceo into England, and this is likely in view of the many voyages he made to the New World. The other sea-adventurers of the El/zabetban age, inducting Sir Francis Drake, followed thick and fast. They searched for the Northwest Passage, traded in the West Indies, fought the Spaniards, rounded Cape Horn, and explored the Pacific. Drake touched at California in 1578 or lb'79, and his chronicle says "Fhe people came every day, with feathers and small bags filled with Tabaco." MNAT 00017216 17
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Pipes were a nearly-universal ]orm of smoking and probably the oldest. The highly-developed culture of the Mayas included both the tubular pipe (black /igure, b~om) and elbow pipe with bowl (f~gur at top center). Cigarette wrapped in cane and cigc in tobacco wrapper were "sel[-burning" tube pipe Pipe'~ progre~ Anmng the native tribes up and dowaa the hemi- sphere, pipe-smoking was the universal form of con- suming tobacco.. Even the Tupinambas of Brazil and the Mayans of Yucatan, favored with gentle Nicotiana tabaeum, smoked the weed in pipes as well as cigars. The Mayans knew both the tubular pipe or "cane" and the elbow pip~ with its upright bowl. There was hardly a culture in North or South .America that did not leave some kind of pipe among its silent relies. Botanical evidence also suggests that the pipe came £rst. Wild Nicotiana species, which had the widest distribution, were all small-hayed and hence unsuitable for rolling into cigars. Such tobacco was crumbled or even powdered, then tamped into a tubular receptacle to be lighted. The first known picture of the tobacco plant printed in Europ (1570) was accompanied by a diagram of a smo~ ing tube used by Indians and.sailors. This was nc the ordinal' tube pipe of stone, wood or clay. sine the spiral twists of a flexible wrapper appear quit plainly (page 40). It could be called a paln wrapped cigar or cigarette or, more precisely, transitional stage between the tube pipe made t take a failer of crushed Nicotiana rustica and th cigar, a roll of flagrant broadleaf filler wrapped i a smooth lea~ of the same. The appearance of th: pure- the leaf, the whole leaf, and nothing bt the leaf-must have followed the appearance c the tube pipe or palm funnel iust as Nicotian tabacum followed its wild parent plant. The tohaeeo tradition, like all mores, is evoh tionary rather than revolutionary. The first use c MNAT 00017217
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Tube pipe o~ San 1: ..... Pueblo near Santa Fe. Used by priest in prayer [or rain, it is called cloud- blower. Design signi~es rain falling from clouds. Elbow pipe of Aztec civilization, central Mexico. Logically, pipes appear among artifacts of ancient peoples simultaneously with origin o[ agriculture. dark, rank tobacco- among Europeans just as among the Amerinds - required some dilution as a self-defense against tonguebite. Hence the pipe. Only the Spanish and Portuguese encountered grow- ing broadleaf and were able to take over the ad- vanced forms of smoking - cigars and cigarettes - from the savage Americans" without repeating the evolutionary process themselves. Thus Seville smoked cigars and cigarettes for two centuries- roughly 1800 to 1800- while the rest of Europe struggled with "nose warmers." Clay, a time-hon- ored material for fimaaces, was an obvious pipe material; the early pipes of Europe were "stubby- stemmed "curry pipes" or long-stemmed "church- warden~," both clay. In Turkey, the use of clay was varied with terracotta; in Alsace, with porcelain; and in Germany, with meerschaum, a light silicate. In the U. S. the classic variant was the "Missouri meerschaum" or corn-cob; in England a walnut Upper pipe is from northern Chile, lower from the west coast of Mexico. Nicotiana rustica was grown alol~g Pacific coast/tom Mexico to northern Chile. shell and straw likewise served the indigent. Although it is their stone and pottery pipes which survive, the American Indians by and large smoked wooden pipes when the conquistadores and dis. cubridores encountered them. Rosewood, cherry- wood and Corsican briar root have evolved from the calumet. The pipe was not the elementary form of tobacco consumption; no doubt chewing of tobacco came before it, as being not only possible but natural to the pre-eultural, or hunting-gathering stage. Pipes emerge as symbols of the transition to settled agri- culture. It is yet another step before wild or semi- wild tobacco is replaced by the choice broadleaved species, and a quality of leaf good enough to smoke directly, in a self-consuming tube, is grown. But only sophisticated civilizations carry tobacco to the next phase, the "recipe" phase, where the already- delicate leaf is flavoced and perfumed. At this stage Stone pipe with head-handle is from lower part of Chile. Pipes were smoked through North and South America a thousand years before Columbus landed. MNAT 00017218 19
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Cane cigarettes, like miniature tube pipes, were used by Pueblo Indians of New Mexico. Cigar- ettes are actual size; that on right is virtually the same size as 85-millimeter "king size" cigarettes. Cigars were often tied with string, as in pottery picture of Maya. Posture of smoker, lack of ritual symbols show cigar's place in everyday activities. the ritual of worship is one thing, the ritual of hedo- nistic living is another. For example, Bernal Diaz de1 Castillo recalled Montezuma's after-dinner custom: They also set upon the table three painted and gilded tubes containing iiquidambar mixed with a certain plant they earl tobaco; and when he finished eating, after they had sung and danced for hun, and .'.he table was cleared, he took the smoke of one of those tubes, and httle by lit'tie with it he fell asleep. The ambiguity of the word "civilization" can be real.ized from the fact ",hat these same Aztecs a~o smoked ritual pipes on the sun-platforms where beating hearts were tom out of living humans as sacrifices to their deities. Be that as it may, the flavored reed-cigarette is not mentioned outside of Mexico and even there it was not a common article but a luxury. Cane cigarettes were used in what is now New Mexico by the settled but not sophisti- cated peoples of the desert pueblos; cane cigars by the Tupinambas of Brazil. These, however, were relatively crude forms of smoking - first cousins to the simple tube pipe. The sociological aspects of tobacco use had little e/~ect on the attitude of the discoverers toward it. They did not recognize the social systems of the American Indians as "cultures" at all. They could recognize worth in American products denied to Europe by nature and distance; they could not admit worth in the usages of naked people with dark skim. For this reason tobacco as a creature comfort first passed from the brown natives of the Caribbean to the black slaves of that region and of Seville. Only as a new therapeutic herb could the leaf command serious attention from the white Europeans; those who smoked for pleasure did sc with a sense of sin. The two-step nature o| tobacco's passage fro= New World to Old is curiously reflected in the firs" "cigar-store Indians" to be set up in the shops o London. They were not American Indians at all but bhckamoors. As the Arawak and Carib native of the Antilles died ot~ under white rule, importe~ Afrieam took their place. In little gardens next t. their huts these Negroes filled tobacco for thei own use, and for sale to mariners whose sensu~ curiosity was stronger than their sense of sin. ] became usual in European ports to see sailors they ing, or puffing, or sntt~mg the strange, exotic lea MNAT 00017219
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Virtuogs vege~ab/e By the end of the New World's ~u'st century re~rd~ - or ra~er, seeded - ~to~, ~e ~es of tobac~ were not only well ~o~, but genera~y e~ggerat~ by &~e who ~ote a~ut it. ~erba~s~ ~d le~ed physic~ of E~o~ ex- to~ed i~ p~a~ qu~ifies ~ ~t de~ m~y of ~ ~out ~v~g so much the p~t. Great n~es now enter ~e sto~ of toba~: Damiao de ~s~ ~c~t for ~e Po~e who cul~vated th~ ama~ng plant ~ ~e royal gar- dens and dub~ t~ (Po~e) ~~on ~e "holy herb" d ~ac~o~ ~wer; J~ Ni~t, French ~b~sador to L~n, who w~ ~ven a p~t by de ~ ~d ~ 1~1 s~t to~c~ to ~e French ~u~, a d~d ~mmemorat~ by the scient~c name of the plant, Nicot~; ~rdinal Pros~ro di Santa Croce, credited with introducing the herba panacea into Italy the sarne year; and in England Sir Walter Raleigh w~o won Queen Elizabeth's approval of his pipe ~so made the British Isles safe for tobacco fanci~. These are the names and dates given in most o[~e ckronicles, each with a touch of dramatic spie~ but the essent/al story of the tobacco is much ip|er. It rests neither on powerful promoters ~ on the prescr/pt/ons oi~ ]~earned medicine ram. but on the trade in leaf begun we]/before theyappeared on the scene. The story began with RoJ~/go de Jerez who smoked, not to impress a cou~ or to cure a wound, but because he liked it. ~d it continued with other sailors, Spanish and l'e~tuguese, who found in tobacco the golden le~ of the New World while their captaim were stilld~eaming of El Dorado, the golden king who did mt exist. Primitive Lacandons still grow tobacco for their cigars in thick iungles of Chiapas and Guatemala where Maya ruins are buried, These savages may be descendants of smolawon opposite page, and their cigars may be a contimation of the world's oldest tobacco tradition, goitg back perhaps 2,000 years. I~IAT 00017220
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Common seamen first took to tobacco as a creature comfort, generating a demand for it in the ~rtd's port cities. Portugal and Spain grew it for zaport in their new colonies, Brazil and the West 1relies. The leaf left their tropical plantations i~a t'rude manufactured form, called "twist'" or tobacco rope. SPANISH GOLD BZCAVSZ the educated Spaniard despised the bro,~'n unbaptised Americans, he was slow to understand their custom of smoking and chewing tobacco. And because of this, tobacco's potential value as an article of commerce did not occur to him at first. It is not surprising that, with gold on the brain, Columbus and his men threw away the "certain dried leaves" offered them by the Arawaks along with fruits and wooden spears. But it is strange that, amidst all the "qxistory" ,~-ritten down in the eventful century between Columbus' first voyage in 1492 and Drake's last trip to the West Indies in 1600, so little of the essential story of Americans and their tobacco was spelled out. To be sure, the navigators of that age were storytellers, not sociologists. Many used to- bacco as "corroborative detail intended to lend artistic verisimilitude to an otherwise bald and unconvincing narrative." Anxious to amaze their countD~nen, they chronicled it as a wonder of the 22 new-found world. The renowned botanists eft rope seized on it as a new ingredient in their quest for the "wonder drug" that would cure ex.za3.'thing~ Though an ambassador, Jean Nicot seized chance to play the discoverer and acted as a learned witch doctor to the French court (one of the early names for tobacco was herbe de sadeur). No doubt Sir Walter Raleigh alsoused "v-itching weed" for dramatic effect, and m~eated a sensation by parading his pipe before an ,mehanted Elizabeth. Certainly he was not the original Br/tisl'. promoter of tobacco, which was smoked .by goodb numbers of Englishmen thirty or forty )-ears beforf he puffed his stuff at court. Increasing familiarity with the Indians oi Americas soon made it clear that tobacm was no simply the ritualistic embroidery of a samrge see: ety. A few Europeans observed the parl it playe, in the everyday life of ordinary nati~es. A rex mentioned- with cultured disdain - th~ attra~tio MNAT 000172~1
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tobacco held for ordinary colonists. And a few referred, more or less in passing, to the tobacco trade between Indian tribes which had been going on for some hundreds of years. But it took about a century of observation before tobacco in European eyes ceased to be a kind of home-grown savage nos- trum, before the white world realized that it had long been a kind of vegetable wampum. Apparently the first white man to observe the American tobacco "industry" in its primeval state was Hernan Cortez, who conquered Mexico in 1519. In Tenochtitlan, now Mexico City, Indians sold "canes perfumed with liquidambar, filled with tobacco." Elaborate pipes as well as dried tobacco leaves were also sold in the market place by the naked Aztecs. As we have already noted, Berna] Diaz del Castillo described Montezuma smoking after dinner a tube holding liquidambar, "mixed with a certain plant they ca]] tobaco." The cap. tains from Castille were much too preoccupied with blood and gold to bother about dried leaves. But a few years after the conquest, the priest Ber- nardino de Sahagt~n became missionary to the Mex. ican Indians and remained for 61 years. Sahag6n, a most perceptive individual, wrote that "he who sells picietl crushes the leaves first, mixing them with lime, and he rubs the mixture well between his hands." The missionary was one of the first Europeans to discriminate between the two major varieties of tobacco, for picietl was a harsh, coarse species (Nicotiana rustica) growing in the colder latitudes, as distinct from yietl(Nicotiana tabacum), a milder, sweeter sub-tropical species greatly im- proved by careful cultivation. The distinction is important to the history of tobacco, for the world- wide commerce that soon developed was based on Nicotiana tabacum. The crude Nicotiana rustica was a "poor man's tobaceo" hardly worth exporting; MNAT 00017222 23
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First white man to notice commercial distinction between the two maior tobacco species was priest, . Sahagfin. He lived with Mexicans ~rom 1529 to 1590. Picture illustrating Sahagfin's manuscript shows a native herald u,~th trumpet and lighted cigarette. Latter was commercial item among Mexican Indians. even savage palates required it to be mixed with lime or red willow bark before it could be smoked. Of pieiefl Sahagtln wrote: "Placed in the mouth it produces dix2fmess and stupefies." (Perhaps it did!) But to yietl, the smooth lea/, he attributed not only sweet-smoking qualities as a kind of cere- monial incense, but also a wide range of healing powers as a medicine for abscesses, sores, oold, makebite, chilis, convulsions, skin eruptions and internal disorders. Demand on the prairie About I528, as Salmg6n was taking up his long residence in Mexico, Cabeza de Vaca with 400 men took ship for Florida in search of the fabled seven cities of Cibola (which eventually turaed out to be seven Indian pueblos along the upper Rio Grande river in what is now the state of New Mexico). Shipwreck and su~ering shrunk de Vaca's force to four men in a few years. They were found in Texas, and de Vaca lived to write about his adventure and about the Indians of "Malhado" bland: "Through- out this country they intoxicate themselves with a smoke, and they give whatever they possess for it." This early observation foreshadows the use of to- bacco as a prime article of exchange in the 19th century commerce of the prairies- a barter econ- omy between Indians and whites. The first chronicler of the "rites of the islanders" was a monk, Romano Pane, who saw smoking only as a priestly function, a ritual which endowed the priests with gifts of prophecy. Fern~Indez de Ovi- edo, who went to the Antilles in 1514 to smelt gold, did notice that ordinary men found pleasure in tobacco. Some of the Negro shves brought by the Spaniards "grow the plant on their owners' farms and inhale its smoke, for they say that if they take tobacco when their day's work is over they forget their fatigue." Yet in spite of this obse~'ation Ovi- edo apparently never tried tobacco himselL Like nonsmokers of the centuries to follow he "could not imagine what pleasure they derive from this practice." Neither could the first of the great missionary- historians, Bartolom6 de las Casas. But he too noted that the Spaniards, like their black slaves, tried tobacco in Cuba and found it good, "The herb," he wrote, "is rolled up like a sort of bundle in a dried le~ .... They then light one end of it and MNAT 00017223
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draw in the smoke at the other:" But las Casas was preoccupied with the powers of darkness, and be- lieved the devil was involved in the miffing of .-ohobba and in the inspirations that followed. Oviedo was published in 1535, Ins Casas in 1527. But even while they were seeing demons and devils, a global industry was springing to life under their uptilted noses. This development, hardly mentioned in print, was accomplished by men whose names (outside of Rodrigo de Jerez) are not even known: the sailors. Portu~ue, e an~ pig,' bladders Sailors have always been the world's natural traders, quick to s~r up a want, able to give "place utility" to the ~at~act/on of that want. It did not take them long to observe the pleasure-giving qual- /ties of tobacco among the "Spice Islanders," to acquire the habit of its use themselves, and then to carry it from port to port in pigs' bladders - just as the merchant seamen of World War II quickly set up a flotu-ishing business in captured Luger pistols after June 8, 1944. The speed and scope of their success is amazing. In Portugal proper, they spread the consumption of tobacco very soon after Colum- bus' first voyage. There was believed to be a tobacco merchant in Lisbon in 1523, although it is not clear whether'he was "Antonio, tobacco mercad~r" or "Antonioto Baco, mercador." During the first thirty years following Columbus' discovery they not only introduced tobacco into India but established a regular le~d trade with that country: East Indiamen bound home were carrying it among their cargoes. Fumo (tobacco) was cultivated in the Portuguese colony of Sao Vicente, Brazil, in 1534. The Yucatan ,ariety was transplanted about the same time to Santo Domingo and Cuba (whose natives bad previously cultivated N/cot/arm rest/ca); a market had obviously developed among the European set- tiers. And by 1548 some ~Sxteen Portuguese settle- meats along the Brazilian coast were exporting tobacco to Lisbon. In mid-sixteenth century the port of Lisbon was the crossroads of the seven seas. Before the century was out, Portuguese tobacco was being sold in Japan and China and had been introduced to the islands of the Malay Archipelago as well. (The rival Sp~ish were first with tobacco in the Philippines. ) Early in the seventeenth century, Arabia and Cabeza de Vaca was shipwrecked in 1528, wandered lost through Texas deserts for several years. He described Indians who "intoxicate themselves with smoke, and they give whatever they possess for it." Abyssinia were added to Portugal's list. Aher Bartolomo Diaz, Vasco de Gama and Cabral opened the sea-lane around the Cape of Good Hope, Portugal enjoyed a monopoly on trade along the east and west coasts of Africa. The word "fumu" (based on the Portuguese/unto) was used in the Congo for tobacco, suggesting its introduction from Portugal's plantations in Brazil. On the other side of the dark continent, the Arabs called tobacco "Bortugal." It is a tribute to the wide-ranging Portu- guese sailors that both central Africa and Arabia took up smoking even before nearby Italy adopted the custom. There is, to be sure, one logical reason why this commercial ten-strike, this golden trade, was slighted by the scholarly writers of the time. To- MNAT 00017224
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Tobacco's place in mystical nature-worship o~ the American Indian is expressed in woodcut,"The Great Spirit," published in nineteenth-century New York. The associat~smoking with heathen rites mad~ it unacceptable to Europeans who first encountere, the custom; il~ i~t in daily life was overIooke~ bacco was associated with heathen ritual, and in the sight of Cod-fearing Christians was therefore wholly evil. This attitude was first applied to Rod- rigo de Jerez, who smoked as he strolled the streets of his native Ayamonte, was suspected of harboring a devil, and was promptly clapped into prison by the Inquisition. (When he emerged, most of his countrymen had taken up smoking! ) W'hi~ing aeour~I lhe world A sim~ re~p~on aw~t~ ~e ~st smokers of to~ ~ ~g~d, S~r~d, Gr~, ~d I~ly, w~le ~e d~ ~ w~ ~ ~ B~sia, T~key, Perth ~d InCa. Most ~olent of ~e ~- toba~ mon~c~ w~ M~d IV of T~key who forbad ~ subjec~ to smoke ~ 1~ ~d ~ere~ter ex~uted smokers really - m ~y ~ eighteen ~ a ~y. Never~eless, ~e ~ade pros~red. Tobac~ penetrated A~riea along with, and as barter for, th slave-trade~ ]dagellan brought it around Cap Horn to the l~nili~ines. In faraway Japan 150 pea sons were ~ded for buying and sellin tobacco coalm~ to the Shogun's command an were in jeo~mly of their lives, according to a Englishman's limer dated 1614. By 1644 tobacc had taken a stnmg enough hold on the Chinese t wan'ant similar attention by their emperor. Grea stores of trim:co were burned. Still, the golde: trade grew. History was t~ repeat itself many times in th .years to folh~, and tohaeco's continuing sprea, was to be pma:taated by violent controversies abou its use. But the growth phase initiated by the Po~ tuguese ma~nans~was itself a repetition of previou history-thesIaead of tobacco through North, Cen tral and Soath Aaneriea. MNAT 00017225
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Maya This "prehistoric history" begins with the Mayan civilization of Yucatan and Central America, which antedates the birth of Christ. The priest-dominated Mayans ]eft stone carvings of priests smoking as a part of sun-worship. N~otiana tabacum is a sub- tropical plant in origin, and its special taste and aroma have been known in Central America for perhaps two thousand years - certainly for the last Efteen hundred. The first picture of tobaceo-smok- ing is thought to be the Old Man of Palenque, carved in stone by the Mayans in what is now Chiapas, Mexico. The old man is clearly a priest, the pipe is a straight tubular or "cane" pipe, and the temple in which the caning was found dates from about 400 A.D. It is signiEcant that tobacco consumption in its most advanced form- the vored cigarette- was in everyday use less than a hundred miles from Palenque in the year 1519, when Cortez landed in nearby Tabasco. The year before Juan de Griialva had seen cigarette smokers when he landed a little farther to the northeast at Yucatan. (Both tobago, the Caribbean word for snuff-pipe, and tabaco, the European word for the leaf, may be derived from Tabasco.) The early Mayan use of tobacco as an incense accompanying worship had its Old World analogue in the religious smoke rituals of the Greeks and Bomans. And the Old World smoking of hempseed after meals by Sc.vthians and Babylonians, as related by Hero- dotus, suggests the modern (and Mayan) after- dinner cigar. At any rate, the common man of Central America did not leave the leaf to his priests but used it himself as an everyday ple~ure. It is thought that migrating Mayans brought pipe and plant to the more northerly Toltec and Aztec tribes. This is suggested by the circumstance, noted by Sahag~n, that the Aztecs knew both the small-leaved northern species, Nicotiana rustica, and the large-leaved subtropical plant, Nicotiana tabacum. The Aztecs enjoyed a culture paratlel to that of the Mayans, and were su~ciently advanced and pleasure-loving to have adopted the more pal- atable plant as a result of cultural and agricdturd di~usion from the south. Tobacco smoke accom- panied human Aztec sacrifices on the sun-platforms; and as a great metropolis, with a population thrice that of Lisbon in 1519, Tenochtitlan knew the after- dinner smoke as well. Indian ~ran~plant In eastern North America generally, and in the Mississippi basin particularly, pipe-smoking began around the year 500. A.rcheo]ogists have traced a a great change in Ind£m ]fie occurring about that time, a change from the very primitive hunting- gathering stage to a new way of life based on settled villages, agriculture, pottery.making and Oldest known representation of smoker is OId Man of PaIenque (southern Mexico). Stone carving from Maya temple shows priest puffing on tubular pipe. MNAT 00017226
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council chambers. The custom spread northumr~. U.S. and Canadian tribes, persists to present pipe-smoking. Some attribute t.his change to an "invasion" by the Mayans, whose square pyramids suggest the structures left by the North American "Mound Builders." While archeologists can estab. lish the time when pipes appeared among these mound-building tribes, their science cannot spectfi- call), identify tobacco as the vegetable smoked. However, the long-standing use of tobacco in Cen- tral America and the spread of corn, beans and squash from that region to the northern tribes makes it almost certain that tobacco, either alone or in combination with some other leaf, was used to fill the stone pipes found in the mounds. The Mandan Indians of Daeotah Territory, first seen by white men in 17;38, are believed to have been closest culturally to the Mound Builders of a thousand years before. They were sedentary dwell- ers, clustering in stout lodges of timber roofed with earth, seeking safety in numbers as well as in walls, They stood in the same antagonistic relationship to the marauding nomads of other Sioux natio~as as did the Mound Builders to the primitive huntn~ surrounding them. Most important, the Manda~ grew their own food, a step which other tribes and around the buffalo country found hard to ~ Along with corn and beans the Mandans teasel tohaeeo for use in their pipes and, possibl),, Eatr trading. Still farther north, in the Great Lakes region ~[ the U. S. and Canada, tobacco was not only gromt for tribal use but also for inter-tribal trading whm the white explorers-Frenchmen in this area-~t appeared. Samuel de Champhin was the gre~ name here. One reason he noticed the savage meree in tobacco was, perhaps, the fact that he witnessed the flourishing Spanish trade in the West. Indies around 16130 before mounting his expeditim to Canada eight years later. As an adventurer o~a Spanish ship, Champlain noted tobacco productim" on Puerto Rico and described the manufacture ~ plug or twist tobacco on Santo Domingo. Time tobacco "dried and then made into little cakes" I~1 MI~AT 0001 7227
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Carved pipes leg by Mound Bu//ders (le~t, from Grave Creek,, Virginia; right, from ChilIicothe, Ohio) date pore about 500 A.D. Around that time the Mayan and Toltec civili~tions were diffused along Mississippi Valley. Their sedentary way of li]e included c~Itivation of corn, beam, tobacco. already became an article of trade called "casse- tabae" ~rom the wicker baskets in which it was shipped. In 1615 Champhin was exploring Quebec, mak- ing friends of some tribes and enemies of others and trying to chart the country around the "Sweet- water Sea'-Lake Huron. One tribe of Indians was so conspicuously devoted to Nicotiana rus~ica "~ndan Indians of North Dakota, as seen by white .an in 1738, had culture resembling that of early found Builders. They clustered in towns to l~'otect against raiders, and lived by [arming rather than animal-like hunting and gathering. They too grew tobacco and smoked pipes in their timbered lodges. ~NAT 00017228
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that the), became known as the Tobacco Nat~on, or Petuns. Lflce most Other farmers Whose land can produce the led, these Tobacco Hurons or Wyan. dots used their c~ops in trade; each year they tray. eled to Quebec with corn and tobacco to exc~uge for moose skins. Deta//s of their leaf cultivat/on were not recorded, except that the men cared for the tobacco a'op while the Women grew corn, beans, squash, peas and melons, lean de Brebeuf /n 1636 wrote th/s descr/pt/on of tobacco consump. tion by the Hurons: They beI/eve that there /s nothing so su/table as Tobacco to appease the passions; that/s why they. never attend a counc/| w/thout a pipe or ca|umet in their mouths. The smoke, they say, gives them intelligence, and enables them to see dear|)- through the most intricate matters. It appears that the Hurons carr/ed their tobacco in a crude manufactttrec] form, for there are references to "tobacco Cakes." its vaJue as an ar~ did not depend only on its use as a ereatm for it was used in r/tua~s by most of the N ern tr/bes. Before a hunt, for example, slcins were fastened to the end of a pole to Oussakita, the manito of al/ the anir~ move on the earth or in the air; the same was made to Mic/zibiehi, the manito of wa~ ~hes, except that it was thrown into th~ rather than raised in the air. Bits of tobacc thrown into ceremon/al 6res, or even into waters, to appease the gods. Tr/bes of the Great Lakes country suffer( quent epidemics in their raw el/mate. Amon~ cures was the "sweat bath-: a sweat hous, made of stakes and beaver robes, and vapo: ated inside by tlu-Ow~ng Water or tobacco hot stones. In times of ~lness or Other trou/~ Portuguese were first to plant tobacco for export thein theircapeneWverdePo~ses~ion~. These included Brazil, Islands, and coastal Africa. This old print o[ a plantation scene in the Cape Verdr showsa common native (E) with an exag~erated pi~. and a slave (F) with tusk, presumably ~rom A~ric, MNAT 00017229
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Spain followed Portugal in building a leaf trade, but did business with Europe while the Portuguese were preoccupied with Africa and Asia. So tobacco became "Spanish gold." Most Spanish leaf was from West Indies although some was raised and cured in Paraguay, where this picture was drawn from life. was almost automatic among the Lakes tribes to throw tobacco into the family Ere as an appeal to the gods. It is strikingly evident that, in one way or another, the tobacco tradition had been implanted among virtually all the Indian peoples from Para- guay to Quebec by the time the whites crossed the Atlantic. From Mexico northward, tobacco moved largely by land; to the south, where the matted jungle limited overland travel, it moved by water. Brown m~lor, and ,ei~e As the seagoing Phoenicians were to the urban Babylonians, so the Carib Indians of the Caribbean islands were to the urban Aztecs. Caribs ranged the Antilles, found Nicotiana tabacum, and prob. ably spread it through much of South America as well as some West Indian islands. Tobacco was "lanncbed'-geographically, socially and even eco- nomically - by brown sailors in the Americas long .Jefore the white sailors came from Europe. The Spanish sailors were almost as alert to ex. ploit tobacco as were the Portuguese, and had the advantage of controlling the West Indies and Cen. tral America, convenient sources of supply for the European trade. Ntcotiana tabacum, the commercial leaf, was transplanted from Yucatan to Cuba and to Haiti during the 1530s. The tobacco seen by Columbus and smoked by Rodrigo de Jerez may have been not the prized "henbane of Peru" but the powerful "yellow henbane" or rustica which at the time of the transplant was being tried and rejected as hot and peppery by Cartier on the St. Lawrence River. This white transplant of the mild, sweet species into the West Indies was more for the convenience of Spa~h slaves and sailors than for serious com- mercial exploitation. But trade in tobacco was self- generating: from Indian to slas, e, from slave to sailor, from sailor to anybody in any port. The new lea/was first recognized by Spanish officialdom in 1557, when slaves were barred from keeping tav- erns for sailors and from selling tobacco. Traffic in MNAT 00017230 31
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First picture of a New World tobacco factory was published in I667, probably de~cts an establish. ment somewhere in the West Indies. Under the shed at right (I) leaf ~s being air-cured under s,~elter as much of today's harvested tobacco ~s cured. The striper (2) remot~es the stem or midrib from each leaf, still a hand operation in many factories of today. The workers at (3) and .(4) are twisting the tobacco leaves into a kind of cable and rolling it into tight coils on a wheel, a form of preparation MNAT 00017231
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which is now obsolete. "Tobacco roll," also called "twist" or "rope" was the universal form o~ tobacco ~roduct for nearly three centuries. Made of tough, dare tobaccowhich is now valueless except as chew, it could be sliced into a pipe, chewed, or ground into m~ff. Under tKe shed at left men are scraping and grinding roots o~ cassava or manioc, a tropical plant native to America which yields tapioca. The house o~ the colonial master is at the rear, with its occupant casting a supervisory eye on the work. MNAT 00017232
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tobacco by then was heavy enough, and profitable enough, for white Spaniards to take over. Europe at the same time was responding en masse to the "Spanish" leaf brought from Iberian colonies, by initiating tobacco culture of its own. First plantings are dated in 1554 for Belgium, 1556 for France, 1559 for Germany, 1561 for Holland, and 1570 for England. It required only a demonstration of smok- ability for the leaf to create a demand tn .¢trength. The universality of its spread in An'lca was strik- ingly summarized some centuries later by the Brit- ish sociologist Lord Raghn: There is not a single ~ult~" . :i,:rae:,t eommor. to all the territo,-ie~ and peopi~ o~ black ARica with the single exception of tobacco. The same may be said for green America: not one native culture in temperate and tropical North, Central and South America was found to hck some form of tobacco usage. (Some scholars, reasoning backwards from l~aghn's observation, advanced the theory that tobacco originated in the dark con- tinent, a theory since disproved.) As a Spanish possession before 1590, Holland took to tobacco before the British did. Netherlanders lmve been inveterate pipe-smokers for 375 years. So Columbus' search for the Spice Islands the East ended in the finding of an herb that : phced spice as the "wealth of the Indies." The A of F.,xploration introduced four exotic stimulant tobacco from Brazil, tea from China, coffee fro Africa, and chocolate from Mexico. All were d nounced as wicked owing to their heathen origi but while the tobacco ritual was not aeceptabh ~ Christian clerics as black ~.~ .~.c, tobacco medicir was acceptabh to Christian apothecaries as brov, magic. This was the wedge by which the savag custom pried open the Old World market; for while virtually a]~. -~- ~ps which dispense tobacco were those o~ apothecaries. HoLland esp~ eiaLly, a Spanish possession until 15~2, took eager] to the "bewitching vegetable," which had bee brought to the Low Countries as early, as 1550.. brisk traffic between the Antilles and the Englis Channel sprang up. Nearby England was just a logical a market as the Netherlands, and the Span ish sailors proceeded to tap it, despite and durin: the bitter sea war between the two nations tha until 1004. CornwaLl, the westernmost jut o in southern England, was the point of entr). in the 1500s, when Spanish leaf was regularl) smuggled ashore along the south coast to avoid th~ Queen's peuny-a-pound duty. It is perhaps a meas- ure of the strength of demand that the Cornishmer. refused to countenance an import duty on tobacco and ~ed the royal tax collector at sword's point to keep him from the performance of his duties. Dutch seamen added pull to the market by smug- gling tobacco from the West Indies to Europe - mainly to England-beginning about the year 1575. By the end of the century tobacco completely dom- inated the Spanish West Indies; as Philip III recog- nized officially, "it is the principal crop the natives possess" and "was highly esteemed and sought after." Mainly to injure the Dutch, whose smug- gling activities he could not put down, the Span- ish king decreed in l~g)~ that all tobacco planting in Santo Domingo, Cuba, Margarita, Venezuela, Puerto Rico, and other islands should cease for ten years. But Philip's attempt at remote control of his colonies was no more effective than his attempt to sweep the Dutchmen from the Spanish Main. Meanwhile the seafarers of England, intent on beating Spain at her own game - piracy - could not fail to notice the brown leaf which was being MNAT 00017233
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Sir Iohn Hawkins preyed on Portugese A[rica and on the Spanish West Indies between 1562 and 1565. He and his crew probably brought smoking to England. Sir Francis Drake also specialized in plundering the Spanish Main. In 1600 he recorded the trading o~ iron tools for tobacco on the island of Haiti. converted into Spanish gold. Sir John Hawkins attacked Portuguese West Africa in 1~2 and the Spanish Antilles two years later. Retaxrning by way of the Florida coast and the French colony ~it Fort Caroline, he had a third opportunity to see and try smoking. On the basis of probabilities, Hawkins is assumed to have begun the tobacco vogue in Brit- ain. In 1585 Drake blazed through the Spanish Main, burning, boarding, plundering. When he reached the island of Dominiea (Haiti) the natives, by then no lovers of Spaniards and their works, were said to have brought large quantities of to- bacco to the English from their houses. Whether tobacco was proferred to the Englishmen ~s fan- eied liberators, or whether the English demanded the local stores in the best traditions of sixteenth- century piracy, Drake does not state. others for vietuall, etc." Hariot included tobacco: There is ma herb called uppowoe, which sows itself. In the West Indies it has several names, according to the different places where it grows and is used, but the Spaniards generally call it tobacco. Its leaves are dried, made into powder, and then smoked by being sucked through day pipes into the stomach mad head... While we were there we used to suck in the smoke as they did, mad now that we are back in England we still do. We have found many rare and wonderful proofs of the uppowoc's virtues, which would themselves require a volume to relate. There is sufficient evidence in the fact that it is used by so many men and women of great calling, as well as by some learned physicians. If Hawkins and his crew had not been the first to puff pipes in England, Hariot and his fellow-adven- turers certainly would have been. But the evidence On his return voyage to Britain, Drake put in at • points to Hawkins. A book published in England Roanoke Island, North Carolina, and picked up the in 1570' declared that surcivors of an English settlement established there in 1584. Among the refugees from hunger and In- dian hostilities was the surveyOr-historian Thomas Harlot. In his "briefe and true report of the new ~und land of Virginia: of the commodities there found and to be raised, as well marehantable, as You see many sailfrs, mad atl those who come back from America, carrying little funnels made from a palm leaf or a reed in the extreme end of which they insert the rolled and powdered leaves of this plant. This was the herbal written by Matthias de L'Obel, a citizen of the Low Countries who eneour- PlNAT 0001 7234
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aged high consumption of "Nicosiana Sanasancta." First pubI/shed in F, nglish, de L'Obel's work in. eluded the fast accurate picture of the tobacco plant. However, the illustration- widely used by other scholarly writers-also showed a savage smoking what seems to be a three-foot cornucopia. This picture (page 40) is somewhat less than accu- rate; judging by the text, de L'Obel was at:empt"~ = to describe the rolled cigar and the tube pipe as a single form. Be that as it may, de L'Obel confirmed the fact that tobacco smoking had come to be prac- tised in England by "many sailors." Wen before Drake's 15g5 sally to the West Indies, tobaceo had come to be valued by the English for personal use if not for resale in Britain. But Harlot, or Roanoke's governor Ralph Lane, or one of the Roanoke explorers- Captain Philip Amadas and Captain Arthur Barlowe.-- certainly brought Caro- lina seed to their sponsor, Sir Walter Raleigh. These were planted by Raleigh on his Ireland estate, but :. ~::i'.- ~ ~~ ~'-~.rts Sir ~.va]~_~r ,x~s ....-~-'.~. ~ con-. vert the English tabackians to the rank Nicotiana rust/ca when Spa~h leaf was available. Drake returned to Dominica som~_ roars hter, and the log of his l&~) voyage d.~se.-. ~. his deal- ings with the natives: After defeating the Spanish Armada, Britain sent her privateers to burn and pillage Spain's ports of trade in the New World. Sir Walter Raleigh made a triumphal attack on Guiana in 1595 and observed the traffic in Trinidad tobacco, But the English wanted to seize gold, not to enter the leaf trade. ~6 " MNAT 00017235
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~, Wdt,.r Raleigh popularized pipe-smoking at the t ,~.'h,h court. "Tobagies" multiplied, and demand .... ~t,,,ish h'a[ soon exceeded the limited supply. TI,~ we stood for Dominica, an Island ~ of ",L.,hitants of the race o~ the Canihals ....in it ~,-~vth .re'eat store of Tabaeco: where most o~ ,,.,r Endi~h and French men barter lmives, hatch. . t. ~wes. and such like iron tools in truck o~ ~:, r tht. Spanish Armada was defeated, English ~" "::" iwm'trated Spanish waters almost at will. • !, .:..rt I)udlev landed in Trinidad, Venezuela, "" • |{tt, and Bermuda in the course of his 1594- ' '.'.~ &',t,,u. and his ~'ritten account shows that -a , q,tilt, tobacco-conscious, lie traded for to- ::, Trinidad. referred to the coast of Caracas "" 0,f the fruit.fullest places in the world for ' ":" :.: ~:,.,d tobacco," and added that "~ the L,,,d ,f Paru I was informed by divers of these By 1611, when this title.page fo~ a play pictured a smoker, tobacco was a prominent feature o~ life in England. which had become a major leaf market. Indians, that there was.., great store of most excel- lent Cane-tobacco." S/r Walter Raleigh made a tri- umphant journey to Gu/ana in 1595 and descr/bed the Tiu/Uuas at the mouth of the r/ver Orinoco: They make the most and fairest houses, and sell them into Guiana for golde, and into Treinedado for Tobacco, in the excessive taking wereof, they exceed all nations... Despite this direct allusion to the worth of tobacco in terms of gold, Raleigh and the English generally were still content to buy their leaf at home from the Spaniards. Their hearts were then set, not on build- ing up a lucrative commodity trade, but on finding E1 Dorado and his golden treasure before the Spanish did. In this respect the English of the 1590s were in the same state of mind as the Spanish HNAT 00017236 87
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of the 1520s -they sa~, tobacco as a picturesque custom, a native oddity. Raleigh's Guiana voyage was followed up the very next year by his lieuten- ant, Lawrence Keymis, who described a parley with some Orinoco chiefs in these words: Thus they sit talking, and taking Tobacco some two hburs, and until their pipes be all spent (for by them they measure the time of this their solemn conference) no man must interrupt... for this is their religion... Keymis was still engaged in the wild gold chase for E1 Dorado, and the emergence of England as the dominant tobacco trader had to wait/:or that fever to cool g, a6,~- E~rope The potential of tobacco as a consumer's good was appreciated by the trade-conscious Dutch very soon after the Portuguese and Spanish staked out In 1642 Pope Urban VIII prohibited the taking o~ tobacco in churches, the custom having gained so strong a hold, "yea; even on priests and clerics." their plantations in the New World. Educated in France and writing in Antwerp, Matthias de L'Obel observed in 1571 that the mariners in the West Indies trade smoked enthmiastieally "since they attribute to it the power d allaying hunger and thirst, exhihr" at/ng the spiri~ and renovating the animal powers." Perhaps de L'Obel read too much into the simple fact that sailats smoked for pleasure, but he had the'wit to grasp th~leafs non-medicinal significance and to encourag~ its cultivation in the Low Countries. The Dutch t~k to the leaf more quieldy than the English, despite the straw-like character of the tobacco grmm in their own fields. For eentur/es they consumed more leaf per head than either England or C, etmany, although they constituted a smaller marla¢ "I'he pipe," wrote Washington Irving, "/s never mat of the mouth of the true-born Nederlander." Wrote a German ambassed~ to the Hague in 1627: I cannot refrain from • few words of protest against the astounding fashion htely introduced from America- • sort ,~ smoke-tippling, one m/ght call it, which emhves its victims more completely than any oth~ form of intoxication, old or new. These madmen will swallow and inhale with incredible eagerness the smoke of a plant they call Herba N/eotiana. or tobacco. Even as this was written, tobacco cultivation had crossed the Rhine, and s'making was spreading through Germany, Switzerlaad and Austria, Hun- gary, Sweden, Poland, Russia and Turkey. Princes and pontiffs, alarmed respectively by fires resulting from careless smoking and bythe origin of tobacco among heathen savages, laitI down prohibitions. But both royalty and clergy s~n grew to enjoy the bewitching vegetable. In 1~ a Papal Bull issued by Urban VIII noted that "theme of the herb com- monly called tobacco has gained so strong a hold on persons of both sexes, ~a, even priests and clerics" that it behooved the Pope to prohibit its use in churches. During the next 20 )'ears or so, most of the princes gave the new custom their approval. Like James I of England, they became aware of the revenues to be had from taxes on con- sumption and from the sale af growing, manufac. turing, and trading rights. The rapid expansion of this European market was ~ prove cnlcial to the survival of the first American colonies. There was one interesting difference between HI(AT 00017237
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tobacco's introduction on the continent ano :r.s rlse in England. Nicot had sent the phnt to the French court as a speci~c; it was adopted by Europe doubt- less because of its pleasurable utility, but under the ~ise of medicine and with the endorsement of the physicians. There was no ~s~¢h endorsement of any consequence in England. Raleigh, and the sailors who preceded him, pu~ed their pipes for personal solace. This was a result of the hte arrival of Britons generally in the New World; by the time Spain's dominion over the western seas was broken tobacco wa~ n,~ longer a barbarous custom of the naked heath, but a going comr, odity among the white settlers of Amer/ca. I~rom la~lm lea! ~, Out of the early seaborne t~afIic in leaf emerges a curious but distinctive fact about tobacco: the taste for it is not invar/ably "ritualist/c" nor con- of consumption is f~exible and in~uenced by culture and environment, which are themselves always chang/ng. But shifting fashions in smoking do not seem to affect the essential object of the taste, the tobacco. In the Spanish West Indies the cigar or the palm-wrapped cigarette was the preferred form of consumption, not only among the Indians but among the whites and Negr~.~s who took to smok- ing. Outside Cuba, however, the cigar was retarded by the hck of skilled rollers and by the fact that it was unsuitable for smok/ng outdoors in raw weather. This Jast affected most of all the habits of the Spanish sailors, who took up chewing with equal relish. Yet their principal customers in Eng- land. Holland and Germany were almost exclu- sively pipe smokers. Perhaps the North Europeans were initially condit/oned to the pipe by the harsh- ness of the leaf they grew at home; perhaps the leaf During the early 16005 tobacco was l~ing grown in the Rhine valley, although its Imy'like character required that it be blended with American tobacco. Germany, Switzerland, Austria, Hungary, Sweden and Russia took up smoking; this European market enabled the Chesapeake settlements to survive. HNAT 00017238
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Botanical sketch of tobacco appeared in many herbals of Europe ~rom 1570 on. Smoking apparatus at right confused the spiral-wrapped cigar with the funnel-like tubular pipe. But the print con~irrned role of sailors in spreading leaf. Caption read: "N.icotiana is packed into a fundibuIum, a sort o[ tube used by Indians and by sailors when smoking." that reached them from the Spanish Mafia -often transshipped in French or Flemish bottoms- was only relatively milder than their own, but not the choice tobacco that the directness of cigar smoking requires. Though both factors may have operated, it is certain that el/mate also played an important part. A given smoker can enjoy many more cigars per day in Havana than he can in wintertime New York or London. The southern smoker tends to like his roll sweet, the northern smoker straight or lightly flavored. The difference is ob~:ious today to a student of brand preferences in cigarettes-in Cuba, they are heavy with molasses; in the Amer- ican South, the sweetest, most heavily "cased" brands are best liked; in the temperate latitudes, moderately flavored or lightly flavored blends are most popular; and in the British Isles, stra/ght Vir- ginia gSth no sweetening at all is the ideal. Shillings ]or $1mnlsh By sixteenth century standards, the British mar- ket for tobacco was an eager and growing one. Both Spencer and Ben Jonson mentioned the custom of smoking in their works before the century w~s out, and visitors to Brita/n wrote that the English were constantly smoking at bull-baiting, at bear-whip- ping, in the courtroom, and everywhere else. Some taverns were called "tobagies," as others were called alehouses or coffeehouses. In 1599 a pound of Cuban tobacco was said to have sold for $125 in London. Violent price fluctuations around the turn of the century-a pound of leaf ranging from 2 shillings to 90 shillings over a 22-year span -evi- denced the inability of supply to keep up with demand. Wrote Thomas Platter in 1605: In the taverns tobacco or heathen wound plant is provided, which everyone gets for a penny... at plays,/nns or at any place they light up and drink .... The plant is brought in great quanti- fies from the Indies and one kind is stronger than the other, as one can tell by the tongue. That same year a pamphleteer advised that tobacco be grown at home so that England would not have to pay 200,000 pounds sterling a year to the rival Spanish colonists. (At an average of 30 shillings per pound, this suggests a consumption of 180,000 pounds of leaf.) However the English soil and climate proved more suitable for raising iVicotiar~ rustica than Nicotiana tabacum, and the Spanish MNAT 00017239
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continued to sell tho.us~u~ ds of pounds of the pre- world's greatest market for imported tobacco ferred kind to Britain - with and wi~OUt benefit (which Britain remains to this day), and it was this of duty - until the m/ddle of the seventeenth een- market, along with its European offshoots, that was tury. Owing to the undependable supply and to to sustain the economy of the American Colonies mounting taxes, counterfe/tandad~t~at~.tobacco, during their f~rst two centuries .of existence. became common in England, which made "Spanish For Britain to shake off Spain as her tobacconist tobacco" atl the more h/ghly prized. In fact, the and put down her own tobacco roots in the New adiective "Spanish" denoted t0ba~ 0fth¢ highest World, required the fierce econom/c imperialism quality in Britain and the U. $. until about 1880. gel,crated under the Virgin Queen for whom Vir- giaia is named. How this imperialism was to oper- /'oaada~a: "$moak" ate for three hall eentxtries is illustrated by the :a me last analysis, the sur..~,'.,! c.i ~.he fi:~t Eng- ep:'.' ~de of Dra~e standing for Dominica to barter lish Colonies st~ed from the eariy n'ading zest hatchets and saws "in trueke of Tabaeco." His of the Spaniards. Despite the vicious sea war with exchange - maauhetured goods for raw stu~s not the English that r aged from I558 to 1604, the Span- available at home-was to be the formula and ish sailors bearded the lion in his den by pressing foundation of the British Empire, as it was to be their tobacco trade through the South Coast ports the formula for the Chesapeake colonies "founded and smugglers' coves. Thereby, they opened up the upon s'moak." Oo NNAT 00017240 41
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Desperate for the means to trade for supplies in England, lamestowners tried tobacco. Virginia and Maryland leaf soon passed Spanish in the European markets and supported the Chesapeake colonies for nearly two centuries. The tidewater planters were, in effect, 3~etd hands to His Maierty; there was no improvement in the leaf, no local manufacture. THE TIDEWATER PLANTERS i~- recent years the intensity of competition among manufacturers has overshadowed compe- tition among growers. But competition for leaf markets was the dominant aspect of the tobacco industry thro.ughout the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. It was a knowledge of this, and an awareness of the "two kinds" of tobacco, that prompted the desperate John Ro]fe to grow a new strain in the Virghaia tidewater in 1612. As often happens in and out of the tobacco industry, desperation may succeed when nothing else can. Rolfe and his wife had left England for the Jamestown colony in 1609. They were shipwrecked on Bermuda, where their first child was born and died. In the spring of 1610 they reach,~l Jamestown to fred only a few dozen gaunt survivors of a har- ro~Sng winter that became known as the "Starv- ing Time." During the next two years Rolfe, a man of twenty-five sobered by tragedy, tried to grow a smokable leaf from the strain cultivated by the Virginia Indians, the small-leaved Nicotiana rus. t/ca. But the native tobacco could be appreciated only by the natives; the settlers found it "poor and weak and of a biting taste." In the midst of his experiments, his wife also died. It is not recorded how Bolfe came by seed of the hrge-leaved Spanish tobacco (Nicotiana tabacum), but he had the enterprise to plant a crop in 1612 and ship a small quantity to England in 1618. This may have been his last east of the dice, but it was a natural. Two years later, Virginia was sup- plying to London one pound of tobacco for eyeD" twenty supplied by the Spanish; by 1619, the Vir- ginia staple exceeded the Spanish product on the London market; and in 1620 Virginia exports ex- actly doubled the 1619 quantity. Bolfe's contribution is best appreciated against the background of the Jamestown settlement. In its first decade, this was no tidy transplant of the English countryside to sunny, green glades and abundant harvests. Jamestown was a pestiferous mantrap on a swampy ishnd, comparable in bodily misery to the Bhck Hole of Calcutta and the con- eentration camps of Nazi Germany. Of 1,000 souls poured into the colony in its first four years, 800 died. Starvation went so far that one settler killed. salted and ate his wife. Until Rolfe's crop found its market, human folly ran wild. Two thirds of the MNAT 00017241
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early arrivals were persons of "qua]itie," who ex- pected the other third to provide for their wants. The first leaders were a succession of incompetents who never managed to get a food crop planted, stole from and murdered the friendly Indians who were almost their sole supply of food, roamed the tidewater tributaries looking for the "Back Sea" that washed the East Indies, and filled the holds of their tiny supply ships with yellow earth-"fool's gold'-to be assayed for gold content in Britain. Several of the early commanders d~serted the dying colonists, taking needed ships with them. Amidst all the su~ering there was no thought of emulating the Spanish colonies and turning the rich earth to a profit. The adventurers who first crossed on the 100-ton Susan Constant, the 40-ton Goodspeed and the oO.ton Discovery-105 reckless souls-were certainly aware of the tobacco trade. Their little tk, et had made its ~lan.~all.~..~e West Indies near Dominic.a, "a very hire Iland full of sweet and good smells" including, at that time, the scent of tobacco. Furthermore, survivors of the "Lost Colony" 'of Roanoke Island had indicated in words and pictures how the native Indians of that region grew tobacco. Li~e the early Spaniards, however, the first Jamestowners came to the New World not to make a living but to make a killing. They envisioned the natives as Aztecs ripe for plucking, and looked for- ward to looting jewel-encrusted chamber pots made of solid gold. Thus, two-thirds of them saw no reason why they should not continue to write "Gent" after their names, signifying that they were above manual labor. They were, after all, investors ~n the Virginia Company to the extent of twelve and a half pounds sterling apiece. Unfortunately the other third-who crossed the Atlantic on credit and worked o/~ their passage by five or six years of indentured labor-had even less incentive for hard work. The terms of their inden- tures k~pt them in a kind of communistic slavery. For their labor they were to receive only suste- nance from the common harvest; what they pro- duced they had to share on an equal basis with everyone else. It was no wonder that Marshall Thomas Dale found no corn crop planted when he arrived in May of 1611. It required the no-nonsense hand of Dale, a vet- eran mercenary soldier, to break up this fool's para- dise. He organized work gangs to till the soil, build HNAT 00017242
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Financed by the Virginia Company o~ London, with were 105 adv~rcrs; 66 died within ~ve months. New World gold the obiective, the Susan Constant By 1511 1,000 settlers had come and 800 had died. and two smaller ships reached the lames River in ~'his 1957 replica o[ the Constant was built [or 1607 after a six.month trip. In the three vessels the celebration o~ lamestowr~s ~50th anniversary. barns and a wharf, and dig new wells. With a keen and more reluctant to throw good money after bad. awareness of human nature, he granted a hundred While the J.amestov~'ners were shriveling from acres of land to each man after he worked out of starvation and dying of malaria on their dank bondage. Toughened by the European wars, Dale island, shipments of supplies were delayed for played his role of soldier to the hilt. He not only weeks and months in England. And even under took the law into his own hands, but declared it to be martial law. Commandeering a visiting British warship of fourteen guns, he sailed it up the James to "requisition" corn from the Indians and on the same expedition kidnapped Powhatan's 18-year, old daughter Pocahontas. One thing Dale could not order was the ship- ment of supplies and re/ni~orcements ~rom England. Organized with the expectation of immediate wealth, the Virginia Company was growing more military rule, it would take time to convert James- town from a crazy communism of lazy desperadoes and sullen serfs to a self-supporting colony of ener- getic farmers. It would take time for John l:tolfe to recover from his personal losses and develop the merchantable commodity England expected. Po~ This time was granted by Powhatan, a 70-year- old chief of chiefs who comes closest to the roman- MNAT 00017243
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Powhatan's lodge was the "long house" t!o~al of well-ordered society. They cultit~ted corn, beans many eastern forest tribes. These Algonquin people andtobaccoandmaintainedcommunitystorehouses. hedprogres~edbeyond the hunting-gatheri~stage, This mourn replica was also built to mark the lived in more or less perrnane~ villages forming a 350th anniversary of the founding of Jamestown. fie notion of the American Indian as a "noble savage." Secure in the esteem of his own people, aware of the pe~dionsness of the desperate English (John Smith plotted to murder him and make off with his corn store), Powhatan not only refrained from wip- ing out the Jamestowners but supplied them with venison, fowl, sqtdrrels, ~h and com. When the English k/dnapped his daughter Pocahontas, he sent the demanded ransom but wisely decided not to enter Jamestown himself. True to form, the Eng- lish then increased the ransom. Meanwhile Sir Thomas Dale persuaded the captive Pocahontas to renounce her heathen faith and accept Christian baptism, along with the name Rebecca, and took her upriver in an attempt to worm another ship- load of corn out of Powhatan. Poeahon~a~ Perhaps Rolfe sensed that something had to be done to end such comic-opera intrigues before the In~ans ended the whole show. At any event, he asked Dale for permission to marry Pocahontas "for the good of this Plantation." It seems doubtful that Bolfe's was a grand passion, for Pocahontas- called "Little Wanton" by her own people-was not unknown to the Englishmen, having once cart- wheeled through their little settlement in a spirit of youthful play. Furthermore, Little Wanton had married a young brave of her own tribe four years 45 MNAT 00017244
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I:) First picture of American tobacco farming resulted from Walter Raleigh's unsuccessful effort to settle Roanoke Island in 1585. It depicts the village of Secota in the North Carolina tidewater. (E) mar~s a tobacco field. The other crops were pumpkins (I) and corn (H,G). Shed at (F) holds a field sentinel. MNAT 00017245
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earlier. But l~ol,tes request leo ~.~ue to wam~raw the troops and give over the savage pawn to be his bride in April, 1614. So Rolfe crowned his econondc success with a diplomatic one by marrying Pocahontas, daughter of the chief of chiefs, Powhatan. Peace with the Virginia Indians was assured i:or a t/me, as were continued payments on Little. Wanton's dowry- foodstuffs for the still famished English. In 1616 he took lds bride in triumph to London-was rids a promotional stunt for tobacco?-where she d/ed. When Rolfe returned to Jamestown, tobacco was l/terally growing in the streets. Tl~e deare bought kind Rolfe's switch to Latin American seed was not a lucky accident, for he knew of the "two kinds" of tobacco, and described the kind "known to be ver/e vendible in England," i.e., the large-leaved Span- ish. He was, before going to Jamestown, a con- firmed pipe smoker. The 1597 herbal of John Gerard has a section on "yellow Henbane, or Eng- fish tobacco . . . brought from Tr/nideda, as also from V/rginia." Gerard thought Indian tobacco was best for Indians and that "being now planted in the gardens of England... better for the co~st/- tution of our bodies." It is quite possible that Rolfe's fruitless experimentation with Nicotiana rustica v-as based on some such notion, along with the practical consideration that the coarser plant was then being grown in England. On the other hand, Gerard himself recognized that "our Taback- ians" preferred the "far fetcht and deare bought" kind to the rustica. The new strain, as the reaction of the London market showed, was infinitely superior to the native North American tobacco. In the trade it was de- scribed as "Trynidado" or "Oronoko" leaf-the kind Englishmen meant when they referred to Spanish tobacco. Yet RoBe's crop was a far cry from the leaf we know today. Planted on the rich, moist bot- tom lands of the tidewater, it was 'heavy and strong: today it would be classed as "shipping leaf" -this being a euphemism for tobacco not suitable for U. S. forms of consumption. Rolfe's dark air- cured product, in the years before blending, before flue-curing, before slog" aging and humidity con- trol, would resemble the coarsest, darkest type of chewing tobacco seen today. Powhatan was t~ most powerful Indian chieftain in the Chesapeal~ area. Despite settlers" efforts to murder him, he ~ them alive with corn and meat. The sriaesl [ool in Christendom Nevertheless, tt~mnd acceptance in an England accustomed to thebest that the Spanish possessions -Santo Doming~, Venezuela, Puerto Rico, Cuba- could ship. And itwon this acceptance in the midst of the first great lt~iacco controversy. In 1604 the king himself, Jame~ I,-issued a "Counterblaste to Tobacco" in which he characterized whiflqng as a "vile and stinki~ eustome'" and discouraged his subjects from im~ting the "barbarous and beastly manners of the ~n'ld, Godless and slavish Indians." At the same time the dour Scotch Monarch im- posed a duty of ~ shillings eight pence over and above the tWO-lamny tax then existing-from two to two-and-eight~ pence in one swoop, an increase of 4,000~. Late~ he restricted tobacco-selling to persons holding~al warrants (which were rented for a yearly stilmad). He also sold concessions for pipe making aml pipe selling, fully iustifying his reputation as ~ wisest fooI in Christendom." MNAT 00017246 47
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Iron-handed Thomas Dale, lamestown's Marshal, had Pocahontas kidnapped and held ~or ransom. With the colony's secretary, Ralph .Hamor, Dale voyaged up the York to demand corn from Opechan- cano, uncle of Pocahontas(above). Brat was averted when Pocahontas married lohn Rolfe, but ten years later, a~er both she and her ]ather Powhatan were dead, Opechancano massacred 349 o[ 1,200 colonists. Almost from the first, leaf quality was a prime objective (apart from the intrinsic superiority of "Spanish" seeded tobacco over the indigenous North American variety). One reason was the swindling and adulteration that characterized the earliest years in England when tobacco com- manded its weight in silver. Before the sixteenth century was over, protests were voiced in London against the apothecaries who mixed genuine leaf with worthless vegetable stuffs. The Spanish, too, were accused of "sophistieatin~ their leaf with the filth of sugar (molasses), pepper, wine lees, honey, and berry juice and of secreting rotten and with- ered leaf under good. This last, not unknown even today, came to be described as "nesting." In 1619 James I decreed inspection of all leaf (and sold the concessions), a decree to which no more attention was paid than to most of his ukases. British mer- chants awoke to the potential profits in re-exported leaf, and this gave further impetus to the practice of adulteration with starch, oil, coal dust or sweep- ings for the home market. As the Virginia plant- ers extended their acreage, their English customers were becoming more and more guarded in their purchases, and a planter's reputation for quality was a valuable asset. A new curing method-hanging the leaves on sticks for an "air cure"-replaced fermen- tation in heaps, and this not only improved the final product but reduced spoilage, In 1619- the sixth year of the Chesapeake trade - the Virginia House of Burgesses banned second-grov,~h tobacco, ordered the trashy grades destroyed, and initiated MNAT 00017247
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an inspection system. There were, to be sure, nu- merous evasions. Not until a century later could the inspection system be described as generally efec- five. But the immediate elect was to bring Ameri- can shipping lea~ to a standard wb./ch was competi- tive with~ ff .not equal to, the West Indian "Span- ish." Ultimately-that is, a~ter two and a half cen- turies- qual/ty-consciousness was to create U.S. leaf grades superior to all others for the I/ght smokes (pipe and cigarette); the old Spanish pos- sessions still grow the best tobacco for the heavy smoke (cigar). The Jamestowners were helped in the very ~rst years of their le~ trade by a commercial mistake on the part of Spain. In 1614, just before Virgin/a tobacco became a factor in.~e world market, the Spanish king ordered that all export tobacco from his colonies was to be shipped to Seville under pen- alty of death. This drastic step was intended (1) to diversify the agr/culture of Spain's possessions and (2) to protect the product against the nmrket glut occasioned from time to time by overplanting. One result of this was ~o make Seville a repository for the choicest tobaccos grown in the New World, and thus a famous cigar manufacturing city. But it put a crimp in the Spaniards' freedom of trade (even though it did not stop global smuggling) just as a hungry rival was entering competition for the Eng- lish and European trade. Spark o! !re~Iom Given the chance, the Virginia colonists might have acbJeved econom/c independence-and per- haps political independence-much sooner than they did. In 1621 they tried to take advantage o~ Spain's Seville bottleneck by entering the Europe~m market on their own. Even then, in the fourteenth year of the £rst permanent settlement, they struck oI~ a frill spark of freedom, Appropriately, it wa~ John Rolfe who made the first of many protests against the Crown's ruthless colonial policy; in his petition for free trade appem- the frst stirrings o~ the drive for liberty that would create a new nation 180 years later. He requested that our ancient l~bezty be restored or other~se to send for us all borne Jnd not suffer the heathen to triumph over us. The moribund Virginia Company, a financial dis- appointment from its founding, was a-f'raid to risk a head-on clash with the king and withheld l~ol~e's petition. Instead it pursued a bypass policy as a last resort: all of the 1621 crop was sent to Holland and paid no British tari~. But the British had no intention of letting their overseas offspring become a well-to-do orphan. After four years of proposals and debates in Parl/a- ment, the Crown declared tobacco a royal monop- oly and clamped a tight hand on Virginia leaf. In order to maximize his revenue therefrom James de- creed (1) an end to tobacco-growing in England proper, (2) an end to tobacco t~ading with Spain and (3) that all American tobacco be landed in the city of London. None of these rulings was wholly elective, but they provided an umbrella of pro- tectionism under which the tr~c in Virginia. lea~ continued to /ncrease. They also rendered the Jamestowners completely dependent on the Lon- don lea~ merchants: free enterprise was to be a long time in coming. P o~hatan's da=ghter Pocahontas was Icidnapped and held fo~ ~a~om bg ]ame~towner~. She married l~olfe, br/nging about a tempo~a~g ~ate of peace. MNAT 00017248
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Tobaee~ fi~ t,o The idea of diversified crops, which worried the Spanish into the fatal error of too much planning, was intermittently bothersome to the Virginia tobaceomen. In the early years of Jamestown Sir Thomas Dale required each tobacco farmer to raise corn as well. (Like most of the solemn pre- scriptions about tobacco hid down by captains, kings and savants, this d~eeree was ignored.) The Virginia Company itsel~ subsidized fishing, lum- bering, shipbuilding, iron and glass manufacture from 1608 onward, butin 1621 the practice of rais- ing funds by lottery was ended and the Company itsel/died from financial malnutrition, along with the ambitious enterprises it had encouraged. At that stage there was no economic advantage in di- versifying away from tobacco euhivation. Captain John Smith estiraated that a man's hbor/n raising tobacco was worth fifty pounds sterling a year, as against ten pounds in raising corn. Tobacco re- quired less cleared ground, and less shipping space, than any other crop. These economic facts of life were recognized in England by the year 1624, when Virginia was given its monopoly on exports to the mother country and all foreign trade in tobacco prohibited. Tidewater tobacco burgeoned. In 16~-8. under Charles I, the planters shipped 500,000 pounds; in 1688, 1,400,000 pounds. This was a ehs- sic example of the system of colonial specialization which eventually made Britain the wealthiest na- tion in the world. Calverts, cod and conscience If tobacco was the saving of Virginia, it was no less the support of Maryland. A "great man" of the Elizabethan era, somewhat junior to Raleigh in age but an adventurer of equal vision, plays a large part here. After twenty years of high public offvze in England proper, George Calvert was made Lord Baltimore by a grateful James I in 1(;'25 (his barony of Baltimore was in Ireland). Five years before, Calvert had bought part of Newfoundland Island and established a settlement there, but by 16~9 he decided that-notwithstanding the run of codfish in that part of the New World-the rigorous climate and the hostility of the French had rendered his colony of "Avalonia" a failure. Eschewing the cod, he asked a grant of land for himself and forty Avalonians on the Chesapeake so that he "might do the King and my Country more service there by. When Rolfe returned to Iamestown, the tobacco crop he had started had spread even into the streets of that tiny island town. Leaf supported the colony. This was not the native Indian tobacco, tchicl~ did not sell in England, but a mild strain grown from Latin American seed that produced Spanish fobacco. HNAT 00017249
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planting of Tobacco." By 1632, when the Maryland charter was passed, the first Lord Baltimore was dead. His eldest son, Cecil, became the second Lord Baltimore and another son, Leonard, became the fast Governor of Maryland. Actual colonizat/on of what is now the Old Line State began in 1634, and George Calvert's vision of tobacco fields was soon reaJized by his sons. From the first, Maryland showed an independence of thought and act that went beyond anything seen in the other settle- ments. (Masy]and was not technically a Crown colony but a pahtinate, the Calverts enjoying royal prerogatives of their o',,'n.) Unlike John Smith and Thomas Dale, the Calverts did not use strong-arm tactics in dealing with the Indians- they bought needed hnd from the natives instead of appropriat- ing it. Unlike Virginia, Maryland oompletdy di- vorced church and state and welcomed all faiths. This "security of conscience" principle extended to economies as well; time and again Maryland re- fused to follow Virginia's lead as to tobacco inspec- tion, crop control, and hogshead size, even where it would have been in mutual interest to have done so. During the coloniaI period there was no appre- ciable difference between Maryland leaf and the Oronoko grown in Virginia: both were known in Europe as "Virginia tobacco," a term still used. During the last century, Maryhnd tobacco has emerged as a unique variety, soft brown in color, easily distinguished from the lemon-yellow Bright leaf which is the big tobacco crop of Virginia, the Carolinas, Georgia and Florida. Cloud, over Europe British mercantilism was based on a rigid impe- rial monopoly of trade with the colonies, a monop- oly which included the means of transport as well as the source of raw supplies. To protect the inter- ests of the Virginia Company (and to check the drain on Britain's silver reserve caused by pur- chases of Spanish tobacco), Spain's leaf after 1631 paid a duty of two shillings (then worth about $5) per pound as against the ninepence ($1.90) paid by Virginia leaf. Thirty years later the differential was ten shillings against one shilling eightpence. The Spanish trade had no sooner been doomed to extinction than the doughty Hollanders had to be put down. The Dutch fleet rivaled the English dur- ing most of the seventeenth centmT, and secured a George Calvert, Lord Baltimore, couId not make a success of his Nett~oundland settlement, asked for Maryland grant so that he"might do the King and my country more service there by planting Tabacco." good share of the Virginia-Mary]and carr)qng trade in its early phase. The British acted quite di- rectly, commandeering Dutch merchantmen laden Unlike Virginians, Marylanders avoided strong-arm tactics, bought the land they needed from Indians instead of appropriating it in the name of lames. PfNAT 00017250
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Chesapeake waters had 4,~0 miles of shoreline, a bottomland was cured ~ear water's edge and rolled great adcantage. Deep.water ships could be moored onl~/ a short d~ance to the docks. Cutting roads at plantation landings; leaf raised on tidewater through virgin forests was thus held to a minimum. with British colonial produce and, a/ter the rivalry had burst into open war,are, seizing Hew Amster- dam to plug an important leak in the American leaf traffic. This trade, as yet, was very little influenced by manufacturing reputation. Neither ~Havana ci- gars" nor "American cigarettes" had established their ascendancy. The trade was almost exclusively a leaf trade conducted, as originally, by sailors; hence convenient access by merchantmen was the most important asset of an agricultural area in that virtually roadless wilderness. The Chesapeake tide- water lapped at 4,600 miles of shoreline, including 150 rivers and inlets which a deepwater bottom could navigate for distances up to 100 miles. (The Indian word, k'tehisipik, meant "Great Water.") Thousands of ocean vessels could fred safe harbor in the 3000 square miles of sheltered Chesapeake Bay waters-more, certainly, than could be berthed in all the developed harbors of the Spanish West Indies. The flat coastal country surrounding the Chesa- peake was well laced with rivers and creeks suit- able for small "flats" and canoes. This was impor- tant; the number of plantations which could wharf ocean-going bottoms was necessarily limited, and overland transport was rough on tobacco. The stoutest hogshead could not take many miles along the rolling roads without losing some leaf and gain- ing some mud. Even the shallowest streams were made navigable for tobacco by the use of a cata- maran-two canoes in parallel supporting a plat- form between them on which were lashed half a dozen hogsheads. When the hogsheads were floated downriver to the ship Impaling, the platform could be dismantled and the canoes paddled back upriver singly. The risk of "ducked tobacco" on the rivers was no MNAT 000.17251
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greater at first than theTisk of piracy or spoilage on the high seas, and probably a good deal smaller: during the first fifty years of the American tobacco trade many a shipload was captured by flying Dutchmen. Some of the Dutch privateers actually entered the Chesapeake estuary to take or sink leaf-laden Virginiamen. Around 1690 the Crown awoke to the economic losses implicit in the sink. or.swim system and arranged for the tobacco ships to move in massed fleets convoyed by warships. During most of the eighteenth century this protec- tion was 6 .*n ~imost exclusively to t'~e ~esa- peake-England trade mute, commerce with other British colonies being left pretty much to run its own gauntlet of Spanish and Dutch raiders. For the most part, it was effective. This special Crown protection meant that the potentialities of the tobacco trade were limited only by the extent of demand, and demand seemed I/mitless during the first two centuries of Virginia and Maryland settlement. Exports increased stead- ily from 1,400,000 pounds a year during the l&q0s to 23,800,000 pounds in 16~. The latter amount included 1,800,000 pounds shipped to, of all places, Spain and Portugal (To add salt to the wound, the Virginians also carried on a profitable, though small, trade in tobacco with the Spanish West In- dies, without benefit of legal sanction.) In the same year, 1698, the Spanish trade with England was ~ust 27,000 pounds! As the seventeenth century drew to its dose, the demand for tobacco in England was, if not stable, a regular and accepted part of British life. In 1665 William Kemp blandly wrote The American silver-weed, or tobacco is... an excellent defence against bad air, being smoked in a pipe, either by itself or with nutmeg shred •.. it is good to warm one being cold, and will cool one being hot. The crop itself had not changed since Rolfe de- scribed it as "strung, sweet, and pleksant as any under the sun'--a slight exaggeration except for the first adjective. An acre of Virginia bottomland yielded about 500 pounds, about enough to fill a single hogshead. The London merchants received something like five shillings a pound for it; the New World phnters received about an eighth of that amount. For the small Virginia planter, tobacco was perforce a peripatetic occupation: after three Virginia tobacco did not equal Spanish in quality, but was givea customs preference by British king. "Best Virginia" became the English staple and was well-advertised by htmdreds of London trade signs. plantings the lea~ ~eld visibly diminished, and fresh land was sought., This posed no particular problem for the "one-hogshead man'; tobacco cul- ture spread first a, long the James, then along the York, the Rappahannock and the Potomac. The price of leaf went doma gradually-from five shill- ings to four shillings, one shilling, sixpence and, in the eighteenth century, to a penny or two a pound. Quantity being the only answer to depressed prices, tobacco lealxrrogged up the rivers toward the fall line-the lust "westward expansion." The fall line was, in fact, the first "hontier" of fur trad- ing and cattle grazing; Colonel William Byrd owned a fort near what is now Richmond during the seventeenth century. The tidewater planters did not have to curb pro- duction to the needs of England itself; the/r leaf was transshipped to the European continent in MNAT 00017252
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Tobacco catamaran-twin canoes with crossbeams- was devised to move hogsheads down the shallowest creeks. Once the leaf had been loaded onto ocean- ever-increasing volume--a practise encouraged by a "drawback" granted to English re-exporters of all but h'appeny of the import duty. The European market was sizable: in 1706, for example, Holland alone grew 20,000,000 pounds ol~ leaf-almost as much as the colonial planters exported. However, the Netherlanders themselves described their leaf as having a "stinking, filthy" aroma. The sweet, bright Oronoco of the New World was needed to make the homegrown stut~ palatable. Queen Anne's War (1702-13) cut off trade with France, Spain, Flanders and the Baltic. With sh!ps by the score ferrying leaf from the tidewater, England was over- whelmed with it while Netherland and German farmers struggled to increase their output. Despite going ships, the platform between the two canoes was dismantled and they were paddled back up the river singly. "Ducked tobacco" was not uncommon. this long break the European market was not lost; demand for the mild "Oronoko" of Virginia and Maryland survived hostilities. In 1750 the tide. water planters shipped 72,000,000 pounds, of which 54,000,000 were re-exported to European nations; in 1775 of a total shipment of 100,000,000 pounds, 90,000,000 was ultimately consumed on the continent. Now and again, this burgeoning trade received a setback-as when war closed the European ports to British merchantmen. However, so important had tobacco become to both France and Britain that the trade was carried on by mu- tual consent during the Anglo-French war of the 1740~, British ships landing leaf at the French ports under a tlag of truce. i Extensive network o[ rivers and inlets throughout the Chesapeake tidewater enabled tobacco planting to spread inland. Where depth o~ stream permitted, 54 heavy riverboats like the above were used. Limits o[ lea[ cultivation were determined almost wholly by access to water, roads being [ew and primitive. MNAT 00017253
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The re-export of leaf tobacco from London to the continent was not entirely a boon tO the Chesa- peake plantations. Spanish tobacco remained a competitive hctor in the European trade, and the extra freight, handl~g, insurance and commission borne by Virginia leaf reduced by so much the price received by growers; A Maryland man calcu- hted that the loss to colonists on every hogshead resold in Europe was three pounds sterling. There were other disappointments.. In 1698 Brit- ish diplomacy tried to open the Russian market to coIonial leaf by setting up a factory with the under- standing that Virginia tobacoo would be processed therein. However, the arrangement fizzled and hter backfired. When the factory was built and operative, the Czar approved the use of Russian leaf, violating the agreement. And a few years hter, the use of "English tobacco"-meaning Virginia- wa-. prohibited outright in Russia. With Portugal and Spain supplying southern Europe, the tobacco grown in the tidewater, which under the Naviga- tion Acts of 1851 and 1660 could be shipped only in English vessels, was restricted to the countries of northern Em'ope: Enghnd, Holland, Germany, Scandinavia and France. Gray.land grade~ One of the most strild'ng characteristics of Nico- tiar~ tabacum is that it is more tr~e to the earth in which it grows than to the seed from which it springs. Seed tobacco from North Carolina, now the center of Bright tobacco, has been transphnted into Cuba in an effort to grow American cigarette grades on that island; in two seasons, the Carolina seed generates Cuban cigar leaf. Despite the devel- opment of new curing processes and new hybrid strains, the primary influence on the characteristics of the leaf is the soil and climate in which it matures. This fact was demonstrated, and its significance hrgely overlooked, by the tidewater planters. Their trade with the Old World was built on "dark air-cured," a strong heavy leaf of the kind that rich bottom land produces. This was the type called "oronoko" by the London merchants from its re- semblance to the rich product of the Orinoco River region. But very early in the development of the tidewater phntations- about 1650- one Edward Digges cultivated a tract of land on the York River. Earliest English symbol of American tobacco was a black "Indian" with pipe and bunch of leaves. It appeared both as a three-dimensional show figure and on two-dimensional trade signs like this one. Digges Neck yielded a leaf much milder and more aromatic than the Oronoko, so much so that it was given its own name, "sweet-scented." This light leaf commanded a premium in England almost from its first appearance, and for more than a century hog- sheads hbeled E. D. were highly prized. "E. Dees," in fact, came to be a synonym for the choicest grades of leaf, and "sweet-scented parishes" came to mean the wealthiest. The reason for the develop- ment of"sweet-scented"-the earliest form of Bright tobacco-was not some unique cure or hybridiza- tion but the so~l of Digges Neck itself-sandy, light- colored loam visibly different from the dark bob tomhnds nearby. When the prosperous Digges ex- tended his plantation beyond the gray granitic belt, he applied the famous "E.D." mark to the new land's leaf and was reproved by his London agent, who advised him it was inferior and would ruin the "E. Dees" reputation. Oronoko wins The small proportion of sandy land in the tide- water kept sweet.scented to a small portion of the crop. Although British smokers favored the milder leaf, their tobacconists preferred to handle the common Onmoko-which came in at bargain prices during years of glut. Furthermore the continental markets, weaned on vile Nicotiana rustica of their own growing, were satisfied with the comparative pleasantness of Oronoko, and the overseas demand MNAT 00017254 55
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First of the tidewater's "great h~uses" was Green Springs, tmilt by luxury-loving governor, William Berkeley. By levying harsh taxes on the colonist collected in tobacco, Berkeley inspired rebellio~ for sweet-scented was not great enough to force its development. This would have entailed the move, ment of tobacco culture away from the tidewater and into the piedmont, and here a further obstacle delayed such a movement for two centuries-the fall line. The abrupt waterfalls on all the tidewater tributaries, setting off the rocky foothills of the piedmont from the fiats of tidewater, marked the upper limit of navigation. Since the tobacco trade was based on direct access to ocean-going ships, the fall line hemmed in the tobacco plantations during the early cdlonial period. However, this was no safeguard against overpro- duction. With much of the tidewater country given over to closely-spaced tobacco st~ks, it required only forty years before the London warehouses were choked with led. Prices dropped, planters grew desperate. In l&~9, ~ the crop was burned in order to reduce the total to the 1630 level of 1,500,000 pounds. This gave only temporary relief. M the surplus reappeared, individual planters packed their hogsheads with trash tobacco in an effort to increase volume and compensate for th low prices. This was an outright abandonment o any pretense to quality, and the planters paid heax ily for it. Bacon' a rebellion The glut became glaringly evident by 1660, an, set in motion the vicious cycle all too familiar those who live by tilling the soil. Hogshead weighted with dirt, straw, trash and scrap gave English and Europeans a good reason not merel: to pay less, but not to buy at all. Divested of liveli hood, the smaller planters turned west, casting about for new hnds and possibly new crops, or wit| an eye on the hcrative fur trade with the Indians Here they encountered Governor Berkeley's wal2 of frontier forts, built to protect white from red and, remembering the Powhatan days, vice versa. Violations of Berkeley's "forest curtain" led to squabbles not only with the Indians but with Berkeley, who had imposed heavy taxes to build the outposts. Taxes were paid in tobacco, and MNAT 00017255
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.1 Berkeley's useless forts were said to be "a design of the grandees to engross all of the tobacco into their own hands." The result was a foretaste of the American Revo- lution. Colonists along the upper James R/ver named a young planter of good family, Nathaniel Bacon, to form their own militia in defiance of ernor but unwilling to risk an eventual clash with British troops, lost heart. Many were tricked into giving up theft" arms by the vengeful Governor, who was said to have hanged more Virginians after Bacon's death than had bee~ killed in the rebellion. He was recalled to England and discarded as "an old fool" by Charles II, but the bitter blood re- Berkeley. General Bacon with his volunteers set mained. Had Bacon lived, the War of Independ- off to find the Susquehannock Indians, and Berkeley with his troops marched up the James to find Bacon, whose farm was near the "Falls of the Farre West." now Richmond. Both sides organized "navies" using merchant ships, and although the Governor's force of 80 men and four ships controlled the Chesapeake, Bacon controlled all but the coastal portion of Vir- ginia. Believing themselves in the right, the rebels were eager for a showdown fight with Berkeley's di~ident soldiers, but the climax battle was never fought. Bacon sickened in the fall of 1876 and died of a fever. His followers, still disdainful of the Gov- ence might have begun in 1676 instead of 1776. Cutters and Pluckers The end of Bacon and his rebellion did not solve the tobacco problem. At 6rst, the colonial govern- ments tried to limit the number of plants each worker might set out. In the sparsely settled tide- water, laced with creeks and rivers, this was un- enforceable. Then Virginia tried a "stint"-com- plete suspension of all trade in tobacco- first in 1~3, and again in 1888 and 1881. If enforced, the stint would have worked: in I~7 a severe August storm destroyed two-thirds of the crop, and prices i ! Bacon's Rebellion of 1676 expressed resentment of own hands." Nathaniet Baton and central Virginia smaller planters toward Governor Berkeley and his militia confronted Berkeley and his Burgesses at heavy taxes. Berkeley and cronies were suspected swords point (above), later burned 1amestown to of trying to "engross all the tobacco into their the ground. But Bacon died and so did the revolt. MNA¥ 00017256
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advanced. But the eoloxdsts could not create such "luck" themselves. The first two times a stint was proposed, MaryLand refused to go ~long with Vir- ginia; the third time the royal Customs officers re- fused to permit it. E,m-aged planters instituted their own crop control the following year, 1682, rioting and destroying the better part of a million pounds of leaf. The plant-cutting riots were illegal but effective: prices rose the year afterward. Like Bolfe's unpresented petition for freedom of trade 80 years before, this revolt of the "Cutters and Pluckers" was another tug at the Crown's ruthless imperialism- a step in the gradual progression towards a tug of war. Carolina competition As production outran demand, Virginia also sought to bring the two into balance by closing Old Dominion ports to North Carolina tobacco. Later, when roads were built, the "importation" of North Carolina leaf into Virginia by either route was prohibited. Eventually, these actions.were re- voked by the mother country; but North Carolina's leaf culture was throttled for 60 years, since its colonial tobacco region was inaccessible to deep- water craft. The interstate tobacco rivalry brought into the open in 1679 by Virginia's first exclusion act was a long and bitter one, and had profound effects on both states two centuries later. Actually, high feeling between Virginians and Carolinians had begun even before 1650. It grey, from the economic enterprise of the New England traders, combined with the tricky shoals and shal- low inlets of North Carolina's Outer Banks-insu- lating the coast from marine commerce, but made to order for piracy and smuggling. Ever alert to potential trading profits, New Englanders in vessels of light draft took out most of the Carolina lea/by sea, coastering it to their own ports and thence to the ports of Europe. Bypassing the King's customs- men, the New Englanders undercut British leaf merchants in the important continental market. Many Virginia planters did not take kindly to this arrangement, and for a while North Carolina was known as "Rogues Harbour." Parliament in 1673 tried to stop the practice by levying a penny-a- pound export duty on intercolonial leaf shipments. Faced with economic isolation, the Carolinians rebelled immediately, demanding the right to free- dom of trade. Just as the Cornishmen brushed aside Queen E1/zabeth's agents a century before to main- rain duty-free trade in Spanish leaf, so the Carolin- ians set up a cry of "'Cod Dame ye Collector" and elected their own governor, John Culpeper. Fear- ful that the disorder would lead to revocation of their charter, the Lords Proprietors covered up "Culpeper's Bebellion" and assured His Majesty that the plantation tax was being enforced. It was not; nor were Culpeper and his "rabble" punished. Another pull away from imperial servitude and MILLIONS OF POUNDS (L~F EXERTS. U S.) Considering the limited area planted to tobacco, the expert volume reached by the planters of the tidewater was ~bstantial. For a period o[ wooden, • • • wind-driven merchant ships, the 23,000,000 pounds o[ 1703 was no mean quantity. Huge, slave.manned plantations began to develop about the year 1690. HNAT 00017257
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I • I ii ii iiii l lli _ i ~ 8g~lO00 O0,L
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toward freedom bad been, in its small way, successful It is significant,/n view of the later emergence of the U.S. as the world's industrial pacesetter, that each major incident in the long pull toward independence was centered not on religious or political integrity ~.-:: )n economic ~eedom. In tY:e nature of the colonial economy, most of these inci- dents involved tobacco. Nor d/d they a!ways take the form of petitions and rebellion~ ~n t1~e course of each year's leaf trade, there was a continual effort to bypass the grasping British crown. Around 16n:30, for exampIe, a eonsiderable part of the tobacco crop was shipped in bulk, not hogsheaded. This e~abled a ship to carry more tobacco, making it easier to unload-and easier to smuggle ashore. EngLish women and chil- dren came aboard before the cargo had cleared drop in the hogshead compared to the Smuggler's Fleet, comprising ships of Scotland, Ireland, New England and Holland, all calling at the Chesapeake wharves quite openly fo take off cargoes of to- baeco. In 1602 the Collector of Customs there re- ported to his EngI/sh chief that "in these three years last past there has not been above five ships trad- ing legally in all those rivers and nigh thirty Sayle of Scotch, Irish and New Englandmen." There were not enough British bottoms to handle the Virginia trade at the t/me; and there were not enough warships in the British navy to police the many-fingered Chesapeake estuary. Futhermore, Scottish settlers carrie to the plantations in consid- erable numbers- many tobacco manufacturers of hter years were their descendants- making en- forcement of the Navigation Act against Scotch ships doubly dit~ieult. Before the Union of Scotland Customs to buy loose leaf "at the mast." Not to be and England in 1707, the former was regarded as done out of its royalties, the Crown prohibited all a foreign nation, especially in the economic sense; import of bulk leaf in 1698. in this situation the Scotch smuggled. After the This kind of '~onest smuggling" was, however, a Union, the Scottish ships had equal access to the "Smugglers" Fleet" of ships from Holland, Ireland, New England and Scotland was as large as Britain's "Tobacco Fleet" of 800 ships. Scots were not only proficient tobacco runners but maior manufacturers of snuff, Hogsheads unloadedat Broomida w on Clyde in eighteenth century supplied Glasgow snuff works. MNAT 00017259
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imperial colonies; in this situation the canny Scotch continued to evade the duty, for they managed to pay more for leaf in America and sell it for less in Bristol, London and Liverpool. Contributing to the so.called economic yoke, which required the War of Independence to throw ot~, was the staggering growth of planters" debts to the British merchants receiving their goods on con- signment. It was a long time between seeding plants and seeing payment, so the colonials gen- erally drew credit from their~Bri~ ~tis.h ~nsignees for the purchase of furaiture, clothing and other amen- ities which could not be grown on tidewater loam. All but the simplest manufactured objects -even clay pipes and factory-gronnd mut~- were im- ported from Britain. These long-range billings pro- vided chances enough for cheating. But a more serious result was that the planter, once in debt to a given agent, lost his individual freedom of trade and had to accept whatever price that particular agent would pay for his lea/. In some cases the debt interest amounted almost to usury, and in most cases plantations were worked for generations without ever being out of debt. As the tobacco trade wore on into the eighteenth century, British buyers began to operate in the tidewater colonies. This did not relieve the debt problem, since they preferred to buy in quantity from the big planters for ease of loading and shipment, and since most phnters, large and small, preferred to gamble for a possibly high price on the London market against the certainly low price at Chesapeake dockside. They were, after'all, adventurers first and settlers afterward. They had to be, to build a civilization on a single cash crop; 3,000 miles from the source. of most other supplies. This situation was doubly fa-ustrating because there was no possible remedy under the imperialist restraints. Virginia leaf was an important factor in the world market, but Virginia men were not. The hck of merchandising and mamtfaeturing by set- tlers was almost complete: the only record of a to- bacco factory before 1750 gives its leaf requirement ers of quality products. Their Varinas tobacco rope and Canaster-twist in a basket-were acquiring a reputation and bringing good prices. The imperisl- ism of the Iber/an nations was, if anything, more naked in its cruelty than that of the British Crown. But the iron grip of Spain was accompanied by more enlightened economies than that of Britain: in the Antilles, there was no wild scramble to pack hogsheads with anything that grew green and dried brown-.-cttltivation was controlled, and only the production of choice leaf encouraged. There were two sides to the no-manufacturing coin: it appears that the tidewater people were more or less content to be t~eld hands of His Majes- ty. Such local manufacture as there was revolved around the working of hides and wool to provide clothing. When the tobacco market was glutted and prices dropped, a spate of manufacturing be- gan, particularly in cotton. The British would reg- ister ot~icial alarm, tobacco prices would rise, man- ufacturing would dwindle, and the colonists would resume planting and prizing. One of their gover- as sixty hogsheads a year-,30,000 pounds, or one- tenth of one per cent of the average crop. While Desire to imitate English manor life led Virginia the tidewater men worked only for quantity, the planters to go into debt to their British tobacco Spanish and Portuguese colonists were manufactur- agents. Debtsmountedwithsucceedinggenerations. MNAT 00017260 61
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Tomahawk pipe was invented by white man for trade with Indians during early 1700s. It was a highly success~uI item o[ barter, usually made o[ iron. Indians carried pipe and skin tobacco pouch slung from neck or belt. Clay pipe was invented by red men but quickly imitated and mass-produced by the whites. Since Indians preferred white man's pipes and white man's tobacco, Virginia lea[ and clays made in England were exchanged for [urs and land. 62 nors, ~ocb, aec/are~ ~e ex~-emes ot cLimat dispose both whites and blacks to hard wor~ where the earth produces enough to purchas. supply all the neeessitys of life without the d: cry of much toil, men are tempted to be lazy." may not have been the whole story; eertainl. original Jamestowners did not End the good ~ very fruitful without "the drudgery of much Nevertheless, C, ooeh's observation probably plied, or was intended to apply, to the small 1 holders who by nature kept their exertions As in the Spe~sh discovery days, only the rot and-ready consumer around 1700 chewed any : Rantial amount of leaf, and that more from he, sit)' than choice. Even he was likely to take up pipe during moments of leisure. Between the t forms, per capita cousumption was evidently q~ considerable in those classes which had taken tobacco at all One such was the ~),000-man B ish Navy; at that time three-fourths oJ the Ki~ tars were estimated to chew and/or smoke ¢ pound of tobacco each month. This figures t¢ per capita usage of about nine pounds a year - ~ far below the twelve pounds a year now eonsum by the average American. The everyday use of tobacco was even less cox plicated than the rather elementary routine of h~ vesting and hogsheading. A llkely-looking leaf two'was snatched from the nearest available sour -usually a crack in a hogshead-and stut~ed in: mouth or pipe. Although active males were t] chewers of cud, almost everyone smoked a c1~ pipe-men, women and Indians. The latter had i vented pipes centuries before whites arrived az had made them in a v,~ide range of materials-soa stone, bone, wood, day and even porcelain. T] Red Pipe-Stone Quarry of the northern plait whose very location was secret, was a kind of hl lowed shrine long before white men streamed in Dakotah territory. Since the Indians" primary fo~ crop was corn, they are credited with originati~ the corncob pipe as well. O~ all these types the brittle chy was most co~ mon. It was quickly imitated and mass-produc by English pipemakers whose days found a tea market in America, not only among the white s, MNAT 00017261
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Clay pipe reached social heights in Prussia under gatherings of his intimates known as the "Tobacco Frederick Will,am I, the "smoking king." Regular Parliament" were dedicated to pipes and politics. tiers but among the red inhabitants as well. The while property the Indian cocld offer was land. typical Indian brave east of the Bock/es carried his This they would sell very cheal~y: there is a seven- pipe and his animal-skin.tobacco pouch wherever teenth-century record, of the lm~chase of land "m he went. As the white settler developed a better- New Jersey in which 1~,5 pipes and 100 Jews harps tasting crop, the Indian abandoned his own constituted the sole consideration. Part of Pennsy|- tobacco-growing to barter for white man's leaf. Similarly, the red men preferred Eng~sh days when they could trade for them (although the long, feathered wooden calumet, ustmlly a sacred or ceremonial object, remained an Indian .ar~act). Trade with the Indians was always a profitable undertaking, and the whites could afford to go to considerable trouble to give the red-skinned trap- pers what they wanted for their pelts. Some un- known merchandising genius, aware of the place of wander prowess and tobacco in the Indian scheme of things, invented the tomahawk pipe early in the eighteenth century. This was usually an/ton affair, and was apparently one of the most eagerly sought barter items dur/ng the pre-Revolu- t/onary years. Aside from furs, the only worth- vania was bought with pipes lff William Penn, the colony's founder. In Europe, tobacco in general and the pipe in particular were exalted to an incredible degree. The French playwright Moliem wrote of the leaf: "It is the passion of honest :am. and he who lives without tobacco is not worthyd living."(I) Frede- rick William I of Prussia (16SS-1740) was known to Europe as "the smoking kiug"; his Tobacco Par- liament was a regular gathe~ag of intimates de- voted to beer and pipe smak~g with political overtones. As a rule, pipes had small l~ow]s; the dark air- cured ]ear of the seventeenth ~ry was a power- ful shag, best smoked in small doses. For the same reason pipe stems were fairly long compared with HNAT 00017262 63
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First snuff, like first pipe lea[ and chew, s a "d°'it'y°urselF product. Tobacco rope was ground into coarse powder or "rapee" using pocket rasps. today's; the luxury clay of the t/rues had a curved stem so long it was known as a ~yard of chy." The unblended strength of the rank shipping leaf, wh/ch required a robust palate to appreciate, also contributed to the vogue for snuff among the more delicately constituted upper chsses. Snu# Most of the Indians encountered by the English colonists of North America wer~ pipe smokers; the native snuff-takers lived in tropical America. Hence the initial spread of tobacco among Englishmen was in pipes. Snuf did not become an ever. • commodity untd late m the 1600s: thought to antiseptic properties, it was prescribed for use against the P/ague. It did not become fashionable until the turn of the eighteenth century. Under Queen Anne the muff-box became indispensable to the welI-turned-out gentleman, while the smok. ing of clay pipes was relegated to philosophers and the lower classes. Among the first snuff-takers were members of the clerg3", who found tabacum tndveratum an incon. spicuous way to consume the leaf. In the haute monde, however, snuffing was a conspicuous form of consumption. Its origin with the naked Arawaks of Cuba and Hispaniola was overlooked by ,the French, who raised it to an ehborate social ritual T~e eighteenth century was the great age of s, Inlaid ~r snuffboxes like these were displa by upper classes and "toorn" like personal iew~ imitated by the upper classes of Britain. The h society of the colonies followed the British adopting this flamboyant excuse for graceful ~ng movements, ostentatious snu~-boxes, and the ishing of si/ken handkerchiefs. A/though a fast fad for "sniveling and snortin developed during the latter half of the seventeent century, the courtly eighteenth century **'as great age of snuff. Tobacco powder was sold by th ton, not only among the wcll-born and the clefK but also among the ordinary subjects of Portugal Spain, Itah.., France and, la'stly, England. Pulver ized and perfumed, tobacco g'as inserted up th~ nostrils in dainb, pinches and the excess removed with a tiny snuffspoon. For those of lofty station, snuff had a dual advantage: not only was it a means by which soothing scents were introduced into the organ of smeI1, but it also blanketed the user's olfac- to~, sensibilities against other strong odors. Among the lowly who were the source of some of these odors, snuff served an even more practical pur- pose: it induced sneezing, which was thought to have therapeutic value. At t~rst, snuffing was just as etude as the chewing or burning of whatever hank of leaf came to hand. The pog'der was not milled in factories but pre- pared from standard tobacco rope by the const,mer on a "grate-your-og-n" basis. From the French MNAT 00017263
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word for rasp, used to grate the dried leaL comes the term rapee, still used to designate coarse muff. Factory mills could grind the tobacco much finer, and muff.making became a thriving business in many cities of western Europe, most notably Glas- gow. The Scotch were quick to import leaf from the Chesapeake colonies; their merchants even set up stores in the interior where they could barter merchandise for leaf before it got to the wharves. They were just as quick to manufacture and export snuff. During the first half of the eighteenth cen- tury Scotch snuff had its greatest sale in London, and that city's "overseas suburb," Virginia, also formed a good market. So assiduously did the col- onists take to the snuffing custom that small mills were started in Virginia about 1780, in Rhode Ishnd about 1750, and in New York City about the year 1760. Only the last-named enterprise, founded by Pierre Lorillard, has survived to the present day; thus the P. LoriLlard Company is the nation's oldest tobacco manufacturer. During the 1800s, in England, the original tobacconist's signs of the black Virginia Indian gave way to that of a Scot, which eventually culminated in the cigar store Indian of the U.S. Although the varieties of snuff were almost in- finite, there were three basic types made in Europe from Virginia leaf. Scotch snuff was a dry, strong, virtually unflavored product which was finely ground. Maceaboy snuff was moist and heavily scented, lhpee snuff, also known as Swedish, was grated to a more coarse consistency. None of these could quite duplicate the distinctive flavor of Seville or Spanish snuff, ground from Havana leaf and known as "Musty." In almost any form, Vir- ginia shipping leaf suffered by comparison with Spanish tobacco. Tobacco road, Much of the "adventure" or busines.s risk of the tidewater tobacco trade revolved around the mat- ter of shipping. In order to economize on shipping space, most led was prized (compressed) into hogsheads. At first these were 400 to B00 pounds in weight, the average growing to 1~.00 pounds as hogshead dimensions increased. The crude cooper- ing of the day, and the equally crude packing of the leaf for a 3,000-mile journey, were not calcu- lated to preserve the finest leaf quality. Since not Kilted Scot replaced black "Virginia bog" as the tobacconist's trade figure, reflecting Scotland's dominance in the business of snuff manufacturing. H I G H C I A S S T O B A C C O S "You Later advertisement for the leading English snuff ignored "sniff appeal" in favor of "snob appeal." MNAT 00017264 65
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every plantation could touch water, many hogs- heads had to be roiled to the nearest tobacco wharf over rough trails-"roiling roads" or "tobacco roads." Even a mile of this involved a certain amount of bruising, and ten or twenty miles could ruin a season's work. From wharves the hogsheads were loaded directly or lightered in flat scows to the ships, generally built to stow hogsheads seven deep. Should the hogs vary to any extent from the accepted size, the end cask would be cropped to tlt it into the hold. Shipwreck or piracy meant a 100~ loss, but the normal course of water trans- port usually reduced the value of the leaf to some degree: rotting in a leaky bottom, withering in hot climates, petty thievery through the loose staves everywhere. Crucial as these risks were to individ- uaI planters, a. bigger menace to the leaf trade as a whole was the great fertility of the tidewater land and the consequent over-production. The queat /or quality Eventually, Virginia came to grips with crop control by setting up inspection warehouses to cut off the export of trash, lugs, suckers, slips and sweepings at the source, These warehouses or "roll- ing houses" were located within one mile. of deep water by hw. After a false start in 1713, an inspec- tion act with teeth was passed in 1780. "Tobacco Planters who owned deep.water wharves made too. ney by assembling small [armers" crops into a single large shipment, imported goods to trade [or leaf. Illustration is part of an eighteenth.century map. MNAT 00017265
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"Rolling road", or "tobacco road" was crude trail over which hogsheads were bumped to water's edge. Rolling hogs over rough roads usually resulted in bruised, dirty tobacco; /or this reason, the law speci~ed that inspection warehouses be within a mile oI deep water. One hogshead held 400 or 500 pounds of leaf, representing a whole year's cash crop Ior small [armers called "one-hogshead men." notes" certifying leaf for export were issued by the ~ Mr. Patr~rk He~'j¢ public inspectors; leaf not qualifying was bttrned: -~ In 1758 the use of tobacco as money touched off this included bruised, worm-eaten, barn-burned or the celebrated trial of the Parson's Cause, whose smoked tobacco and all ground leaves. Almost im-_~ central issue ~the~ ~ght of Virginia to pass her mediately, the international reputation of Virginia"~ Own laws. The law in question was known as the leaf was restored. Maryland held aloof as its leaf Two Pemay Act, and provided that debts payable sank into comparative disrepute, but she too had .:in leaf-Could be discharged in currency instead; suffered from overproduction and had experienced =";~ad ffeather had led the legislature to anticipate a a "cutters and pluckers" revolt in 17CK). Maryland small ~op. The clergymen resisted, since the small finally passed its own inspection act in 1747. So effective was this quality control that "to-' bacco notes" or "crop notes" began to take the place of leaf Rself as colonial currency. This did not mark any great change in the tobacco culture itself, but merely replaced the old leaf-barter system with a more stable currency, now based on a commodity crop:~de for h/gher pr/ces, and the following ye~ol~~ined an Order of Council from the Crown d~lari~ the Two Penny Act null and void. Some o~ tl~~I clergymen then brought suit against Vir- gini~ for their "Iosses'-the difference between two pence per pound and the higher market price. A 27-year-old lawyer named Patrick Henry pleaded of standardized qdality. Taxes and other fees had the case for the taxpayers against one of these long been paid in tobacco. The story is told that !'~i~en, basing his argument on the right of wives were "bought" for tobacco by the Jamestown " vir~ to manage its own affairs without arbitrary colonists; actually, the passage fees of twelve Eng- -~.:~te-~r~:~i'ence from a tyrannical king. Henry s un- lish ladies who ~oumeyed thither with matrimonial ~ sus~ed genius as an orator made the |ury's intent were paid in leaf. For more than a hundred "bl~ to run cold, and their hair to rise on end." years, clergymen's salaries were set by law in terms .... No"~Wbnder: his words were nothing less than trea- of leaf-16,000 pounds (tobacco, not sterling) per son frc~m the British point of view. But the verdict year. This made each minister his own leaf expert was another step on the road to independence: the and, willy-nilly, a speculator in tobacco, plaintiff, Reverend James Maury, was awarded one MNAT 00017266 67
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i Patrick Henr~ won lame defe.ding Virginia's right to pay clergy in cash instead of tobacco, a right not recognized by the British king. In 1775 Henry penny in damages and the royal veto was flaunted. Henry, who had taken the case with tongue in cheek as a means to achieve notoriety, eventually succumbed to the force of his own reasoning. Sev- enteen years later, in St. John's Episcopal Church of Richmond, he was to voice for the Virginia Con- vention and the colonies the rallying cry of a new nation: Is I/ire so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be pur- chased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take, but as for me, give me liberty or give me death! " First ~amili~. o/Virgin~ Primitive as the tobacco currency system sounds, the cix41ization that evolved with it was anything but primitive. Great plantations, great manor houses, great names grew up in the Chesapeake along with the six-foot stal -ks of Nicotiana tabacum. to rebel against imparialist know not what course others may take, me liberty or give me death.e" of 5,0~ acres or so were the they ran as high as 800.000 ban on manufacture, estates of out shoes, cloth, hemp, bar iron, and to tobacco. Inevitably, they of ability. "1~ concentration of tobacco plan- tatimas or "~hundreds" .... was stretched along the lames Biver between Jamestown Island and the falls ~~~w Richmond. W estover, Berkeley Htm~~ Hundred and Bermuda Hundre~l ad~~ber. Although these could trace their~~e early years of settlement, none ~~i~ablishments until 1700 or there- a~at time, tobacco farming was hrge~~ed-aere proposition; most of the work was donne, by free citizenry. The first slave ship a~eed jn.~1619, but there was comparatively MNAT 00017267
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l/ttle importation of captured Africans for the next 50 years or so. It was not until the slave~tr~c be- came heavy and vast land-h0l~gs were~accumu: lated by wealthy proprietors that the sizable plan- around 1650. The .second Harrison became a sner- i~, then a Burgess, and climaxedhis career with ~e p~Chase ofBerkeley Hundred in 1691. Under the third Benjamin Harrison the old place flowered tations evolved. When that happened, the sma11 into.a ~ghty establishment of 20,000 acres with a planter or "one-hogshead ................. man~ was squeezed into free ~brigk.m~o~o~se, shves to grow the tobacco insiguifcance, or moved west. But it was from small beginnings that the huge plantations- like Virginia it.seN- began. Berkeley Hundred, which grew into a P,0,000-acre domain, was settled in 1619 as an independent colony or, more properly, as a colony within a colony. Thirty- eight men landed and declared a day of Thanks- giving on December 3, almost a year before the Pilgrims held a similar observance in Massachu- setts. They included a cooper, carpenter, shoe- maker, blacksmith, cook, gunsmith and other arti- sans; Richard Berkeley and the other absentee owners intended that the venture should be inde- pendent of relief ships, with its own supply facili- ties and a diversified crop. For a while, everything went along swimmingly. A college was set up, Indians converted to Christi- anity, and some brick construction initiated. By 16"22 there were 1,200 living colonists in the James area. But Powhatan had died in 1618 and his brother Opechancano, who succeeded him, was not so forbearing a king. The apparent permanence of the white settlements disturbed the Indians, but they were careful not to show it. On Good Friday of 1622 groups of the redmen wandered into the white homes and mess halls, many sitting down to breakfast with the English. As if by a signal they seized their hosts' knives and muskets, and in a trice 349 settlers were massacred. Only Jamestown, which had been warned of the plot, sul]~ered no casualties. Again the little walled island became the lone outpost in a hostile forest; most of the sur- vivors fled there, since the methodical Indians had destroyed their food barns. By 1632, Berkeley had reverted almost to a wilderness. In time, settlement resumed. Most settlers were content merely to surv/ve, but a few worked and such was Benjamin Harrison II, son of a modest colonist who had acquired 200 acres across from Jamestown and increased it to 500 by his death and tend the flocks, and a deep-water landing; it was knownfor a time as "Harrison's Landing." As the years revolved, tobacco increased and so did the Harrisons. The fourth Beniamin Harrison v-as a lord of the manor rather than a struggling planter- merchant; the fifth Beniamin Harrison had the wealth and leisure to devote his time to statecraft: he was a delegate to the Continental Congress, close friend of a wealthier planter, George Wash- ington, and, later, the ~st governor of independent virginia. To an extent, these great plafitations were acci- dents of geography; most of them we, re fortunate enough to embrace deep-water landings. Less fortunately-situated growers took to delivering fought their way into the big-planter class. One Tobacco spawned great Virginia plantations which set the pattern of life in the South. This was the Byrd manor house at Westover, on the ]ames River. MNAT 00017268 69
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Berkeley Hundred dotes from 161,9; a Thanksgiving Day was celebrated there almost a year before the Pilgrims landed at Plymouth Rock. The manor house was built in 1726 by Beniamin Harrison, a tobacco planter whose grandson became the ninth President and whose great-great-grandson the twenty-third. their hogsheads to the waterside plantation for shipment in the next available bottom. Gradually the big plantation came to furnish cooperage and other services; from this developed the phntation store which took leaf in trade for imported goods. In time, the planter became an importer, a boat- builder, a storekeeper, or a cotton spinner-some- times all of these in one. In addition to his leaf tobacco he might export sawed lumber, furs or hides. In some measure these establishments were independent of the violent price fluctuations of to- bacco: they could "wait out" the market and ship in vast quantities when the price was right. So evolved the Berkeley Hundreds, the Westovers, the Carters Groves. Lea.[ men into leaders The successful managers of these plantations were not transplanted English aristocrats, but rather energetic members of the lower and middle classes who generated their own aristocracy in the New World by dint of their or, an labor. Among them were William Fitzhugh of Bedford, whose income in 1686 ran to 60,000 pounds sterling and who left a plantation of 54,000 acres on his death Jin 1701. William Byrd II of Westover was the son of the Colonel Byrd who traded with Indians from his fort on the fall-line frontier. Like Fitzhugh, he became a member of the House of Burgesses, was educated in England, amassed one of the largest libraries in the Colonies, and held 179,000 acres by MNAT 00017269
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The most impressive plantations were those along the broad Iames between Richmond and the island of 1amestown. W estover, Berkeley Hundred, and Shir- ley Hundred were contiguous. The brick barn ar Shirley (above) was put up in the early 1700s and is still used; the plantation was worked as early as 1613. 1744. Not surprisingly, Byrd was moved to write that tobacco's uses went far beyond smoking: "We should wear it about our clothes, and about our coaches. We should hang bundles of it round our beds, and in the apartments wherein we most con- verse." The most powerful of the planters was Robert Carter (1663-1732), better known as King Carter. His holdings exceeded ~0,000 acres and he dominated not ordy the Virginia political scene, holding virtually every leading ol~ce at one time or another, but also ruled hi~ local parish in spirit- ual matters, the minister being, in effect, his assist- ant. Services did not begin-in fact, the congrega- tion did not enter church-until Carter arrived. Carter and his counterparts were to Virginia what the cattle barons would be to the early West and the oil millionnaires to Texas. Vast holdings like Carter's 3,~,000 acres were not all worked by one owner's slaves. Some were worked by tenant farmers who paid rent in produce. Some were held as "reserve land" to replace the acreage constantly being worn out by mass tobacco cultivation. Plan- tation life was an alternation between the monoto- nous, seasonal sequence of seeding-priming-curing and the occasional bursts of social excitement that befit the lives of "landed gentry." Their pattern be- came the pattern of the whole South through the ascendancy of cotton, for as time went on the to- bacco cash crop was supplemented on the large plantations by the raising of fruit, cattle and grain, MNAT 00017270 71
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The great men of colonial Virginia originated not from the English arlstocrac~ but from middle.class settlers who developed ability managing their own estates. George Washington, for example, was born in this modest homestead on Bridges Creek, within sight of the Potomac. Ground floor had four rooms. making each estate essentially sufficient unto itself. The storybook land of cavaliers and cotton fields swept away b.v the War Between the States took its shape from the little knot of successful tobacco growers clustered around the Chesapeake. With their success, which was the success of business acumen, grew political vision. Trained in the man- agement of self-sutticient plantations supporting up to 1,000 souls apiece, they passed easily into the management of whole colonies and the conduct of international affairs-first under, then against, the haughty kings of England. As it is usually expounded, the "great man theory of history" is somewhat one-sided. It cites the acts of great men as determining the course of events, and often ignores the events which shaped the great men. The experience of the Virginia colony - throg,n on its og'n, forced to produce or statwe, buffeted in its trade growth by the international winds of war and polities-was a crucible all in it- self, trying and testing and turning out men of abil- it3,. This unique and demanding situation bred the men it needed: Fitzhughs, Byrds, Carters, Digges, Lees, Randolphs,. Nelsons, Harrisons. And in its fullest tiower the tobacco culture also bred George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison. George Washington knew his tobacco, In 1760 he wrote that "Rain for near four weeks has given a sad turn to our expectations . . . a great deal of Tobacco being Dro~'nd, and the rest spotting very fast, which is always a consequence of so much Wet Weather." Too much rain is still a maior hazard to the South's big cash crop-apart from the unsightly spots, it "washes out" the leaves and renders them weak in flavor. Too little rain. of course, carries drastic results of its own. MNAT 00017271
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As Commander in Chief of the RevoIutionaryarmies Washington asked his fellow.Americans to help his soldiers: "If you can't send money, send tobacco.~ But even more, Washington knew men. While one of the large tobacco planters of his day, he could see better than most what was happening to the Colonies" No. 1 cash crop under the London- consignment system. In four years out of Rye, he estimated, tobacco shipped on consignment to England actually returned lower prices than those obtainable at home. If the results of his career as a planter are any measure, Washington must be ac- counted as a self-made success. His landholdings west of the Appalachians alone exceeded ,15,000 acres; when the Declaration of Independence was written, he was reputed to have been the wealthi- est man in Virginia, possibly the wealthiest in the colonies. It was this, more than his limited military experience on the frontier, that led to his appoint- ment as commander-in-chief of the Continental armies. Washington's sagacity was not confined to a business knowledge of his fellow man; he was a natural leader as well as a natural gentleman, In 1776, year of his most serious Revolutionary re- verse, loss of New York to the British, he appealed to his countrymen for aid to the army: "I say, if you can't send money, send tobacco." After he had ceased to grow tobacco for the market, he permit- ted his tenant to grow tobacco on his estate so as to provide !ear for family chewing and smoking. Tobacco in Reeohaion During ~.he Revolutionary. eampai..~s tobacco played its p~.,-t a~. ~. sustai~er.of r6~.~rale, much as it has in all wars since. In 1777 the British Colonel St. Leger and his Indian ally, Joseph Brant, found their drive across New York State blocked at Oris- kany. General Nicholas Herkimer with 800 militia- men moved to strengthen that strongpoint and were ambushed by St. Leger and his Indians. Al- though a ball had shattered his leg and killed his horse, Herkimer continued to command his troops while smoking his pipe. The engagement was broken off by the British, who were unable to re- duce the fort at Oriskany and retreated to Oswego. The immediate importance of tobacco to the success of the Revolution went beyond twist for the troops. The Chesapeake colonies continued to export leaf during the war years; the Continental Congress used it to build up credits aboard. In 1777 Benjamin Franklin in Paris drew 2,000,000 livres against a contract to deliver 5,000 hogsheads of Virginia leaf. Of all people, the British were in a position to appreciate the value of leaf tobaee~ as currency reserve. British men-of-war, alerted to in- tercept America's chief source of foreign exchange, seized an estimated 34,000,000 pounds; but an addi- tional 53,000,000 pounds-slightly more than half a normal year's export-reached the overseas markets during the war years. England used her ground troops as well as her ships to stopper this funnel of American strength. In 1780 and 1781 Cornwallis and his armies made the destruction of tobacco in Virginia a primary mission. Ten thousand hogs- heads are supposed to have been burned in the course of the "Tobacco War," among them the leaf stores on Thomas Jefferson's plantation at Elk Island. Although the "useless and barbarous injury" done to his property by Cornwallis would have more than paid his debt to British creditors, Jeffer- son did not claim immunity on that account. Nor 73 MNAT 00017272
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did he seek refuge in the "sequestration" laws passed by Virginia to wipe out private debts to the English. His personal declaration of dependence in this matter was quite as admh'able as the more famous Declaration of Independence he had penned in Philadelphia seven years before. "Sub- stantial justice is my object, as decided by reason, an~t not by authority or compulsion." This was one of the proudest moments in the long history of Americans and tobacco. T~dewater" , ebb The fight for independence was led and financed by aristocrats like Washington and Jefferson and Benjamin Harrison V. But in the process of dis- placing the British aristocrats, they displaced themselves too. Not only tobacco and barns but slaves were lost during the "Tobacco War" of 1780 and I781. The debts to British merchants remained an obstacle to resumption of the trade in Virginia leaf. Cash was low. So was the raw energy which had built up the plantations in the first place. Men looked to a new frontier and a new life across the Appalachians, among them the youngest son of the fifth Benjamin Harrison, William Henry Harrison. President George Washington, young William's guardian after his father died in 1791, got the rest- less youngster an ensign's commission, and the new ensign joined his regiment in Cincinnati. In effect, he rejected his aristocratic tidewater background; in 1811 he defeated Tecumseh at Tippecanoe and in 1840 ran for President as "Old Tippecanoe." By then his personality was of the "log-cabin" cast; but as a token of respect to the great days of the tide. water, "just plain Bill" Harrison stopped at Berke- ley Hundred on the way to the White House to write his inaugural speech in the room where he was bOFno Old Tippecanoe died a month after taking o~qce as the ninth President. His grandson, Benjamin Harrison VIII, was to be the twenty-third Presi- dent. But neither belonged to the world of the tide- Washington was one o~ the large tobacco planters o~ his day, shipped considerable leaf to England. An acute businessman, he warned that lea[ shipped to Britain on consignment brought less money than that sold on domes'tic market, in [our years out o[ [ive. Mount Vernon crop was there[ore diversified. 74 MNAT 00017273
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water tobacco. Berkeley Hundred, topheavy with debt, was sold to the Carters of next-door Shirley only a year or two after William Henry Harrison paid the place his last visit. Most of the other large plantations, and the aristocrats who went with them, were to fade out of the tobacco story in a similar way, Independence and democracy brought in a new kind of economy to replac~ the s~ic master-and-slave arrangement of a colonial possession. Not a few of the Virginia gentlemen supported the Revolution in the belief that victory would automatically discharge them of their hereditary debts to English factors. But the Treaty of Paris (17~) did not cancel out the tobacco debts. Some of the tidewater planters set about settling them. Others pleaded "sequestration" and were sued in the courts by their British creditors, who generally collected. The controversy dragged on for twenty )'ears and was finally solved by Congressional ac- tion, the Federal Government paying £600,000 to Britain in full settlement of all the outstanding claims. If the revolutionaries had wondered why they- fought, as many of them doubtless did, the post- war resurgence of their tobacco trade formed part of the answer. At the recommendation of Lafa- yette, France opened her ports to Virginia leaf in 1784, granting Americans the right of deposit at Lorient. The French government went so far as to urge the Farmers-General (France's monopoly) to forego its accustomed practise of pre/atmn-low- ering the purchase price of leaf after it was con- t'meted for. This drastic suggestion was made be- cause the British, also keenly interested in Ameri-. can tobacco, were offering every inducezhent to the new United States in an effort to restore commer- cial ties with its offspring. It has been said that the fa/lure of Congress to settle the planters' debts immed/ately after the Revolution was responsible for the passing of the aristocratic tobacco culture of Old Virgin/a, since debt settlement proved the financial ruin of some of its finest families. But the prosperity of the to- bacco trade does not bear this out. In I788, leaf ex- ports from Virginia alone jumped to more than 86,000,000 pounds, as against the average of Pipe-smoking hero was C, eneral Nicholas H erkimer. His leg shattered when troops were ambushed near Oriskany, New York by British, Herkimer puffed on his pipe, directed skirmish until enemy withdrew. 12,000,000 during the war years of 1776-1782. And in 1791, leaf exports constituted fully a fifth of all U. S. exports in point of dollar value. With no more than the ordinary year-to-year variations, the lucrative leaf business continued at a high level right up to the export embargo of 1808. There was, to be sure, a decided movement of tobacco cultiva- tion out of the Virginia tidewater (it began as early as 1700 when English settlers crossed the Cumber- land Gap and planted tobacco in Kentucky). But the westering was prompfed not by the impoverish- ment of a few individual planters, but by the im- poverishment of the tidewater soft itself. Thonms leI]er*on, planter Jefferson's major influence on the history of the United States-and on the tobacco industa3, - was exerted during the early 1800s, and was felt in the *,Vest rather than in the tidewater country. But as a tobacco planter himself, familiar with the cross- currents of supply and demand that made leaf prices so unstable, he worried about Virginia's con- centration on the one crop. At the outbreak of the Revolution he, along with two out of three tobacco planters, was a financial prisoner of his British agents, and owed nearly 10,000 pounds sterling to MNAT 00017274
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Monticello, designed b~t Thomas le~erson, is now his monument to his memory. Bricks, timber and nails on pairing o~ his tolntme debts in full. "lustice to build it were made on the property. Like many is my object," mid he, "m decided by reason and tobacco planters, Ie~erson owed large amounts to not by authority or comlmhion." Monticello manor British merchants.Although reds had destro~/ed house was begun in 17~9,~ completed until 1809. Glasgow and London firms. Jefferson deeply re- sented the debts peculiar to the tobacco trade which "had become hereditary from father to son, for many generations, so that the planters were a species of property, annexed to certain merchants in London." In 1781 he wrote that leaf culture was fast declining at the commencement of this war, and that of wheat taking its place: and it must continue to decline on the return of peace. I suspect that the change in the temperature of our climate has become sensible to that plant, which, to be good, requires an extraordinaD' de- gree of heat. But it requires still more indispen- sably an uncommon |ertillty of soil: and the price which it commands at market will not enable the planter to produce this by manure. Was the supply still to depend on Virginia and 7O Maryland alone, as ittet~lture becomes more diffi- cult, the price wo~ rise. so as to enable the planter to surmount I~tose difficulties and to live. But the western com~ on the Mississippi, and the midlands of Geee~, hax~g fresh and fertile lands in abundance, and a hotter sun. will be able to undersell the~ two states, and will oblige them to abandon tlae raising tobacco altogether. These remarks imply ~ exhaustion of the tide- water soil and lack of ¢sop rotation were having some effect on the ~lmlity of leaf. Jefferson's prophecies of the spre~of tobacco cultivation and the replacement of ti~-water tobacco by wheat were correct, although I~ notions on temperature change and"hotter suna~we~e not. Later he echoed Washington's shrewd ~bservation on the trans- oceanic tobacco trade: "Tobacco a]ways sells bet- 00017275
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ter in Virgirda than in the hands of a London mer- chant.., submit to anything rather than to an ob- llgation to ship your tobacco." The Morr~ bu~nes~ The precept of business management spelled out by Jefferson, the farmer-philosopher, was v/vidly underlined by a great transaction between the French tobacco monopoly and Robert Morris, a Ph/ladelphian who had helped ~ance the Ameri- can Revolution. The terms provided for the dally- cry of 60,000 hogsheads of tobacco to the French Farmers-Ceneral in 1785-87. In return for the ex- clusive agency as suppl/er to France, Morris agreed to supply the leaf at 22½ Virginia shillings per hundredweight (the "normaF price at the time was 40 shillings). Reaction to this in the Chesapeake area was mildly typified by a letter written by William Hernsley of Queen Anne County to his leaf dealer in Baltimore, which related in part: ... In a letter Mr. Monis wrote me by the post on Saturday he says by Way of postscript that I must get Tobacco down to 25/per 100 ct. as soon as possible. I flatter myself you will not try the experiment, because I do not think it will succeed. The planters w/II send their Tobacco to Baltimore and barter it away in any shape before they will take that price... Morris was branded a traitor, a profiteer and a blackguard. The planters depended on the French market to take about a fourth of their crops. Mor- ris' "package deal" may have been good business- an attempt to secure a wholesale discount on a bulk lot-but Jefferson wrote that it "had thrown the commerce of that article in agonies." Washington was torn between sympathy for his fenow-planters and obligation to Morris, who bad furnished funds in the nation's dark hours. Morris himself did not make out well on the deal, for part of the shipment was lost at sea and the hard-bargaining French quibbled about the quality of the delivered portion. In the end, the invidious arrangement all but severed Franco-Americau trade. Extensive diplo- matic exchanges between Thomas Jefferson and the French minister Vergennes were intended, first, to abrogate the Morris contract and, second, to eliminate the French tobacco monopoly, the Farmers-General. Neither was accomplished. Ow. ing to the sharp policy and transparent chicanery of the French monopoly, the American leaf trade, greatest commercial prize of the era, was not won by France even though she was at the time the largest consumer in Europe. Resentment among French businessmen, whose commerce with the U. $. hinged on tobacco imports, was among the factors leading to the fall of the French monarchy in the bloody revolution of 1789. A hundred years later, in 1880, the U. $. Depart- ment of Agriculture was to report that Tobacco is, for several reasons, held longer in stock than the raw material of most manufac- turers, its production fluctuating more than that of corn and wheat. Prices are therefore variable, stimulating heavy movement when low, and caus- ing inequalities in the quantities held. The gov- Robert Morris, a Philadelphian who helped ~nance the American Revolution, became agent for French tobacco monopoly in 1785, contracted to ship leaf 44~ below normal pr/ce. He was branded a traitor. 77 i HNAT 00017276
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]ames Madison in 1794 opposed a tax ontobacco as unequal. He felt it would de;nice poorer people o~ innocent gratification. Congress com~omised with a tax on snuff, did not tax chew and pipe tobacco. ernment monopolies of several countries buy irregularly, in large quantities, a~ the require~4 ~'pes are found in sufficient abundance and of desirable pdces, and the trade is liable to sud- den and marked disturbance by the meteoric incursions of these rcgie buyers. With a neces- sit)" for a much larger "visible supp].v." for these reasons, thar~ the current requirement for the year's manufacture, the record of stocks and probable crop at the close of each year is exam- ined with great care by dealers and manufactur. ers; and the subject/s invested with additional interest from the mystery of the regie surplus, which it fails to penetrate. The probable crop is also a somewhat uncertain element, because the curing is not complete, and if the quantity, could be precisely determined, the quali .ty and avail. able ~]ue could not be so early as the dose of December... This statement of the situation applied from the very beg/nning to Virginia's trade with the French monopoly and, to an extent, to the monopoly exer- c/sed by the London merchants. 78 The momentum generated by the strong demand for tobacco bad from the very fn'st canded its own penalty: heavy taxes. British Crown revenue on the lea~ amounted to the equivalent of $6,500,000 in 1689, $16,500,000 at the outbreak of the Amer/can Revolution. These amounts - enormous for that Period. and probably equal to the levies from al] the ou~e:- Britzsh possessions combined - were raised on only a small fraction of the tidewater leaf trat~e. In 1775 only ten per cent of the colonies' exports ~te .. -" ~,~ pl, - ' re,namc~er, *¢-exporteo to Europe, y, etded only half'penny a pound. Tobaeoo consumed in Britain thus bore almost the entire tax burden. (This levy., once imposed suecessi:ully, set a precedent for other governments to follow. Today, American tobacco in the form of cigarettes is taxed at the rate of $1.48 per pound by the federal government alone, with state governments adding another 8.60 per pound on the average, and many cities another 17e or more on top of that. A pound of tobacco selling for 60e in leaf form thus returns three to four times that amount to tax authorities by the time it reaches the smoker.) Since tobacco trat~e on this side of the Atlantic was in hogsheads rather than in pounds, the princi- pal revenue to Virginia and Maryland came from an export duty of two shillings per hogshead. There was also the 1678 penny-a-pound "plantation tax" on tobacco shipped from oolony to eolonv, but col- leering it proved difficult. Perhaps for t~is reason the King in 189~ granted to the College of William and Mary all plantation taxes on tobacco in Vir- ginia and Maryhnd. Smoking v,. ~nu~ing Taxes are always controversial, and extra-heaw,- taxes are even more so. One of the first tax debate's in the Congress of the infant United States had to do not with leaf tobacco but with manufactured tobacco and snuff. Alexander Hamilton, the first Secretary of the Treasury, discussed the imposition of excise taxes with tobacco makers of Philadelphia a few years after the Revolutionary War. After ex- tensive argument, Congress took the position that snuff was a foppish fancy and should bear a tax, while ordinary citizens who smoked or chewed would not be in~ured by such a levy. During debate James .Madison delivered this opinion: MNAT 00017277
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As to the subject before the House, it was proper to choose taxes the ~ea~ u~qual. Tobacco exc~se was a burden the most unequal. It fell upon the poor, upon sailors, day" laborers, and other people of these classes, while the rich w/ll often escape it. Much has been said about the taxing of luxury.. The pleasures of 1/fe consisted in a series of innocent gratifications, and he felt no satis- faction in the prospect of their being squeezed. Sumptuary. laws had never, he believed, answered any good purpose. The original bill provided for excises on refined sugar, tobacco and snuff. As passed in 1794. the word "tobacco" was taken out. The Philadelphia manufacturers, in pressing for this desirable result, presented a succinct description of the nascent American manufacturing industry: Freedom to memu]acture Between the lines of this short description can be sensed the great economic change that was to come over the United States with its release from vassal- age to the King. In the tidewater, tobacco produc- tion was diminishing in the interest of greater self- su~ciency; in the west, tobacco culture would re- ceive new impetus as the trading crop for pioneer settlers; and in the cities of the East coast manufac- turing- not only of tobacco but of other goods - was akeady beginning a vigorous growth that hasn't stoppe,~ vet. As a consumer's good, tobacco was reaching new peaks; America was literally growing up in smoke. Tightly bound to England by traditional ties as well as those of credit, their manufacturing enter- Before the revolution, the American. consump- prise squelched by imperial policy, the men of tide- tion of manufactured tob~ W~ ~St e~clu~ .... water had been fleeced repeatedly by the economic sively supplied b~ Bri~s~ ~n~[i~e/sl ~in'~ ~i~Eu/6pe~|y where they had achieved a Pennsylvania there existed but one snu~-mi11; "balanced economy"---on the largest, self-su~cient and all the other colonies could reckon but one more.. Manufactur~ ~ied tbba~~ iS bf a late date in ~ count~yi~~US~to the War,'U~Cle or none was ever used, at least in New Eng- plantations--did they enioy any degree of economic independence. The Morris contract drove home to them their own shortcomings as businessmen, but land; the inhabitants there were accustomed to it was a long time after the Bevolution-three-quar- use the leaf-tobacco, and that of their own rais- ters of a century-before the major industry, of the ing. The manufacture was begun in the large seaport towns, for the accommodation of foreign- ers, and sailors, who wanted, it for'th~ send,totes, and to carry as ventures [smuggling] to those places, where tobacco was heavily dutied. By degrees the use of manufactured tobacco has ex~ended into the country... Chesapeake region could be brought into a balance between export and manufacture. ~ Better as businessmen, and perhaps for that rea- son soonest aware of the need for independence of trade as a basis for political freedom, were their fellow-Americans of the North, the Yankees. HNAT 00017278
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New England's sparse soil spurred its setders to live by their wits. Boston became a great trading and shipping center. Yankee enterprise moved from "honest smuggling" of Virginia leaf to the export of Connecticut cigar lea[ and crude cigar-rolling. YANKEES AND LONG NINES ir Virginia wa~ the womb of the Colonies, New England was their sharp eye. In one, tobacco re- newed the cornucopia with seasonal, sleepy regu- larry; in the other, rocky soil and biting frost com. pelled the Yankee to fight nature, to shift for him- self, to adapt. Virginia showed the measured enter- prise of a rich land mined for its treasures; New England the quick enterprise, the alertness, the trading instinct of an orphan forced to live by his wits. The tobacco trade furnishes ample evidence of Yankee enterprise. Like the Jamestoaaaers, the first colonists were quick to perceive the Indian culture of the leaf, and quick to plant it themselves. Connecticut was settled in 1633, and before 1640 tobacco crops were being raised at Windsor. The bitter taste of the rustica variety smoked in pipes by the Indians led the Connecticut growers to fol- low Rolfe's sequence in switching to the large- leaved "Spanish" plant: seed for this purpose was obtained from Virginia. The importance of tobacco during the very earliest years of New England is seen in the fact that protective legislation ~,as enacted by Connecticut in 1640, and even earlier by Massachusetts. Citizens were forbidden to con- sume any tobacco grown in other colonies, under a penalty of five shillings per pound. This set a pat- tern for New Englanders which lasted more than 150 years-they satisfied personal tobacco needs by growing their own and using it in unmanufactured, "home-made" form. The native Indian habits of consumption, like native Indian farming methods, were taken over by the whites. As among most North American tribes, the pipe was most in evidence, but where the redmen mixed the coarse indigenous leaf with sumac or w/llow bark for smoking, the whites used straight "Virginia leaf" groan from Latin America seed. The Indians of that region also rolled their leaf into crude cigars, a practice which seems to have been imitated tn some extent by the Yankees. Thus, from the start, Connecticut settlers were reD- much aware of the cigar, which ",,.'as to dominate the later tobacco industry of their state. The special requirements of a marketable brown roll-Havana leaf for filler and smooth leaf for wrapper - were not available to Yankee hands for the better part of two centuries. Putting it another way, the leaf first HNAT 00017279
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raised in the Connecticut lliver valley was not suit- able for first-class cigar manufacture, although the thrifty New Englanders found it good enough for their own use. The sharp commercial aptitude bred by a sparse environment showed itself in the Yankees' immedi- ate invasion of the world tobacco trade. In 1650, still within the first generation of New England set- dement, the British Parliament became alarmed at the amount of "New-England leaf" imported by Old England. A duty was imposed, matching that on tidewater leaf. But the Connecticut Valley prod- uct did not then (and does not now) reremble Vir- ginia lea.f, and commanded no market outside New England. Furthermore the total area suitable for tobacco, a maximum of 31,(k)0 acres, was not ctdti. vate unt-i] 1911, and as late as 1839 production/~g- ures indicate that less than 400 acres were planted to leaf. Even the latter Rgure represents a consider. able post-Bevolutionary expansion of leaf trade so it is certain that the few hogsheads Massachusetts and Connecticut could have growa in 1650 wouk] have been scarcely noticed in the massive ttow of tidewater tobacco. Yankee sailors, aware of the burgeoning de- mand for the "golden leaf," were simply buying tobacco in quantity from Virginia and Maryland planters, re-shipping it from Boston as New Eng- land leaf. Later they entered the North Carolina region, plying the shifting channels of the Outer Banks to t~ke out leaf excluded from the Virginia ports. From the point of view of imperialist Britain, this was smuggling; in the eyes of the New Eng- land shipmasters, it was merely undeclared eco- nomic independence. To the early Ya.qkees smuggling was very nearly an article o[ faith. The original Pilgrimage from Britain was a ~ight from restraint - religious re- straint, l~olitic~d restraint, economic restraint. The concepts of natural law and the rights of man ap- plied as much to the coffee-house and the exchange as to the chapel One Englishman observed that the New Englanders would complain and smuggle, and smuggle and corn- plain, 'till all restraints axe removed and 'till he can both buy and sell. whenever, and whereso- MNAT 00017280 81
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ever, he pleases. Anything short of this, is still a Grievance, a Badge of Slavery. In many ways the New England approach to business most closely resembled that of the dour, thrifty Scotch. 'Before they were united with the hated English in 1707, the practical Highlanders imposed a lower duty on colonial leaf and used the 'margin to undersell London tobaccomen in their own market. After the England-Scotland ``union," this trade advantage disappeared, so the Scotch set about in- tensffying their smuggling activ/ty and continued to play profitable hob in the London leaf market. No self-respecting Yankee ch/pman could ignore so conspicuous an example of succes~ul free enter- prise. In manufacturing also, the Scotch set an enviable example. Very early in the game they took to snu6 manufacture, which could be a most economical process: in general "smutchin" could be adequately described as flour of tobacco stalk.. It lent itself to the many variations demanded by ladies and gentle- men of fashion. There ~ colored ~u6, bleached snuff, perfumed snu~, spiced snuff; morning snuff, afternoon snuff, evening snuff, snuff for pleasure, snuff for medicinal use. Snuff-boxes, like gentle- men's canes, were never "carried" but always "worn": a design suitable for summer might be utterly de trop during the winter season. The Yankees, with a natural at~nity for the prac- tical Scotch, tried to emulate them in smutchin as well as in smuggling. Snu~ bottles o[ eighteenth-century Europe were as elaborate as today's perfume vials. Sm,~makers of 82 One of the first American snuff manufactories was built in Rhode Island around 1750 by a New England immigrant from Scotland named Gilbert Smart (his son, born in the living quarters of the second story/n 1755, was to become famous for his great portra/ts, particularly that of George Wash- ington). It was Stuart's aim to use the nearby Con- necticut Valley leaf as a source of supply, but although his snuff w~ up to snuff, he was hampered by the unavailahility of glass bottles. Like the early Spanish sailors, Stuart tried to make do with dried animal bladders for containers, but this crude pacr<- ing discouraged sales and the factory closed down. The story illustrates the obstacles in the way of even the simplest kind of manufacture before the War of Independence. Although their manufactm'ing efforts were fore- doomed to failure, the contraband leaf commerce carried on by daring, darting Yankee merchant sloops was one of many ventures that built the reputation of the New England traders. During the century preceding the Revolution, the austere col- onies of New England supported an eightfold pop- ulation increase; while the lush loam of the Chesa- peake colonies supported a tenfold increase, nearly half of which was accounted for by the importation of slaves. These statistics alone tell the story of Yankee enterprise. "No smoklnf" Within New England itself, the use of tobacco passed through a controversial stage at the begin- New England could get no bottles of antj kind, tried animal bladders with no success, eventually gave up. MNAT 00017281 II
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General l~rael Putraan brought thre~ donkey-loads of Havana c/gars to Connecticut in 1762, thereby ~arting New England's long cigar tradition. "Old Put" was a Yankee idol. He had out-dueled a'British ol~cer by sitting longest near a keg o~ "powder," calmly puffing his pi~e (the keg contained onions). A "rough, ~ery genius," Putnam was to win renown as a Yankee commander at the Battle o~ Bunker Hill. ning. Like the dour James I, the dour Puritans looked at the Indians and their customs with par- tieular disgust. To this was added a distinctly blue- nosed attitude toward creature comforts and sensual pleasures in general. In 1647 the Connect- icut General Court ordered that no one under the age o~ ~0 years, nor any other that hath not allreaddy accustomed himsel~ to the use should take tobacco without a physician's certifi- cate that it was "useful for him," plus a license from the Court. Furthermore, tobacco could not be taken in public, or even in the open fields or woods except on iourneys of 10 miles or more. A citizen might smoke at "the ordinary tyme of repast comonly called dyrmer." But no more than two could en|oy their after-dinner pipe in the same house at the same time. In New Haven a fine of sixpence was imposed in 1646 ~or smoking in public, and in 1655 it was ordered that no tobacco shall be taken in the streets, yards or abeute the howses in any plantation or farme in this iurisdiction without dores, neere or aboute the towne, or in the meeting howse, or body of the trayne Souldiors, or any other phce where they may doe mischief thereby, under the pen- alty of 84 pence a pipe or a time, wch is to goe to him that informs and prosecuts. Those hcking 84 pence would be given a sojourn in the stocks. MNAT 00017282
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New England taverns like the F~untain House on the Boston-Salera road kept a cigar barrel, gave cigars "free~ to their ~atrons. O~ scant commercial value, they were crude, homemade rolls of unblendcd leaf. Like the fulminations of James I in England, these statutes represented a minority vie,~point and did not stand up. Home cultivation of tobacco and its informal sale to neighbors continued to grow, along with maritime leaf commerce. While the colonial courts dosed their eyes to the circum- vention of His Majesty's duty on Virginia tobacco, they were keen to enforce the embargo on trade with the Dutch of Nieuw Amsterdam. One Captain John Manning was tried in 1654 on a charge of suppl~Sng the Dutch with provisions, having deliv- ered at "Munna~loes" (Manhattan) "thirty-six hogsheads of tohaeco the one time and thirty-five the other," having been "two time at Verginia since he came from Boston." And although the New England magistrates were in theory against tobacco consumption, they recognized its importance'as a home industry needing protection. In 1662 the 84 Hart.ford court held "that whenever Tobacco is landed in this Colony" the master of the vess.el or merchant importer should pay the custom master of the port twenty-five shillings per hogshead. In 1680 the Connecticut Governor reported: "We have no need of Virginia trade most people plant- ing so much Tobacco as they spend." biter 1700 the New England tobacco crop, con- eentrated in the Connecticut River valley around the original River Towns of Windsor, Hartford and Wethersfield, increased beyond home consumption needs. On a small scale, tobacco grown in New Eng- land began to appear in the cargoes of merchant ships built in New England. Tobacco was exported from Wethersfield to the West Indies as early as 1704. A brigantine built at Windsor in 1749 showed MNAT 00017283
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10,296 pounds of tobacco in S7 casks on her b/21 ot lading for a 17~ voyage to ~e West ~es. ~ ~sks of toba~ weig~g ~,~ ~ were s~p~ ~ ~e b~gan~e Oh~e to B~bados ~ 1751, ~d a s~fl~ ~ount to ~e s~e dest~a~on the fo~o~g ye~. ~e E~ f~y of W~d- sor sold 26,~ ~ of toba~ pressed ~to s~ p~ng ~ks to one Capt~ E~nezer Grit ~ 1752. These amoun~ were pid~g, ~d ~e b~g~es and schooners ~i~6~nt when ~mp~ed to ~e hea~pladen s~ps of the V~ia toba~ fl~t. Se~g Co~cut tob~ ~ ~e W~ In~ w~ ]~e ~g ~a~ to Newc~t]e, for ~e Sp~ish Emp~e, sti~ a m~ ~e ~wer, ~n~o~ed ~ost eve~ West Indhn sour~ of ~oi~ ~g~ le~. From ~e ~ ~g~ or ~om~ of Cu~, ba~ed a~ ye~ ~ wa~, mo~t ~, ~ey ~d ~e two plan~gs of ~omafic le~ for eve~ s~gle cz~ of ~e~ shoes~g ~o~ ~ ~e sho~ Co~ecficut ~er; but ~e smallest chance for g~ w~ towns along the Coanecticut River instituted a rigorous inspection procedure in 1758, only twenty- three years after the tidewater planters took the. same step. Experts were designated as "surveyors and packers" of tobacco, with power to discard poor and damaged tobacco from all export ship- ments. (No planter was permitted to pack or press his own leaf. ) Even in a commodity.which reached a product/on peak of only 20,000 pounds in 1801, quality control was important to maintain demand abroad. Apparent]y, Yankee specialization was success- ~u] even on this limited scale: in 18"25 a warehouse was built expressly to handle tobacco exports, ~ve miles north of Windsor on the Connecticut River at a spot still called Warehouse Point. //mama, ¢~a donkeys With its short growing season- O0 days in the year for tobacco-New England could not hope to tobacco, were part of the Yankee pedlar's stock in cigars to smoke or exchange for store merchandise. HNAT 00017284
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Shoe-string leaf was also grown in Pennsylvania's York and Lancaster counties, was rolled into long, sweetened cigars that teart~ers could either smoke or chew. These became lasown as'stogies" [rom the name o~ the town where covered wagons were made -C onest oga. Thus, stogiewonmeant any cheap cigar. export agriculture produce in any quanti~'. Manu- facturing, however, was something else again. And in 1762 an American army o~cer provided a new impetus. General Israel Putnam, who had served with the British forces in the capture of Cuba, brought three donkey-loads of Havana cigars with him on his return to Cormeeticut. Putnam, a "rough, fiery genius" who was later to become the hero of the Battle of Bunker Hill, was perhaps the leading citizen of Connecticut before the Revolution. Typical was his response to a per- sonal challenge sent him by a British o~eer during the French and Indian War. Bent on a duel, the Britisher found Old Put seated on a keg putting away at b.is pipe. "I have never been good at firing pistols," said Putnam; "If we light with them, you will have an unfair advantage. Here is a powder keg. I have bored a hole and inserted a small fuse in it. So ff you will be ~d enough to sit down, I will light the fuse, and !~ who dares sit the longest shall be called the bravest." When the flame was an inch from the keg, tlse Englishman retreated at full speed. Putnam's tri~maph was sweetened by the fact that the keg containednot powder, but onions. It is no wonder that ~ smoking habits of such a dyed-in-the-wool yankee ecmnmnded attention. However, the suddea interest in cigars which sprang up was not ent~ely due to "Old Put's" im- portation. Germany, iml~ed by the cigar products of Seville, generated a demand for the brown roll and during the American Revolution "tobacco sticks" were being macle in Ilome. As in previous centuries, the mariners~ called at New England ports undoubtedly helpedto popularize the revived cigar. At any rate, the cig~r g.athered new converts in 00017285
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Long nines and short sixes were terms for ordinary cigars of common leaf. Good cigars were those made at least partly ~rom Havana lea~; these were wld as "Half Spanish." (Typical 10c cigar today still uses Havana in ~ller.) Clear Havanas, made wholly o~ Cuban leaf, were too expensive for mass market. the homemade tobacco trade of New England. Farmers roiled their own, using the leaf they grew themselves. Unbranded and crudely put together, they nevertheless became part of the Yankee ped- lar's stock in trade. Homemade "torpedoes" were packed in barrels by the farmers or by storekeepers who took them in trade, and shipped to the ports for the sailor market. Many a New England tavern had its cigar barrel and gave away "free" smokes to their patrons. Actually, few beside "the sailors would buy them. Around the time of the Revolution cigar manu- factories took hold in New York City and Philadel- phia. At Conestoga, Pennsylvania, which gave its name to the covered wagons or "prairie schooners" which were beginning to open up the West, long slender cigars were made of so-called "shoe-string tobacco." This was the narrow-leaved, coarse vari- ety grown in York and Lancaster counties as well as in the Connecticut Valley. Conestoga cigars or "stogies" came to be the accepted term for cheap cigars (although the Lancaster area was later to grow a type of cigar leaf much superior to "shoe- string'). In New Orleans "Spanish" cigars were being made in 1800 - probably the equivalent of • the "clear Havana" cigars now made in Tampa, Trenton and Philadelphia from Cuban lea.¢. Begin- ning shortly after the turn of the nineteenth century Cuban cigars .w~re imported through New York and Philadelphia, and in 1810 a Sut~eld, Connecti- cut, cigar manufacturer imported a Cuban cigar- roller to teach his skill to American workers. Cigar factories became quite numerous; since all the work was done by hand, a large number of small factories MNAT 00017286
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rather than a few large establishments prevailed until machinery was introduced a century later. As the industry took hold, branded goods slowly super- seded the former homemade product. The work- manship was not, at fast, outstanding: an early New England brown roll carried the brand name of Paste Segars, descriptive of the method of fasten- ing the outside wrapper to the filler. The best known brand of this era was Windsor Particulars. Long nines were pencil-tl~; short sixes not so long; supers were finished off with a twist. Short sixes became a fixture in the taverns, and were the earli- est "twofers" (two for a cent). Even at that early date, when tastes for cigars were presumably not too refined, a variant edged into the marketat twice California was opened up bg clipper ships like the Flying Cloud out of Boston. Early contacts of New the price of twofers. This was known as "hal~ Span- ish"; whether it contained 50% Cuban leaf is con- ~ectural, but it did foreshadow today's common cigar, which typically comprises a Connecticut wrapper, an inner wrapping or "binder" of Wiscon- sin or Pennsylvania or Connecticut leaf, and a filler including some Havana. The practice of using Cuban leaf, whether for wrapper or filler, grew quickly. "Clear Havanas" made of Cuban tobacco only were first manufactured in this country in the 1840s, and retailed at four or five times the price of domestic cigars. In the next decade "half Spanish" became literally true for the industry as a whole: the amount of Cuban leaf imported- mostly through New York City - was about equal to the England sailors with West Indies and later voyages to.California beginning with the gold rush of 1849 HNAT 00017287
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amount grown in all of New England. evolved over three hundred years, were also applied Two factors contributed to this change in the rag" to Connecticut tobacco, notably the practice of let- material mix: the growth of cities, industry, andmenting the leaf in bulk. The improvement contrib- transportation, fostering a more discriminating uted greatly to the rise of the cigar, New England palate in the average smoker; and the specialization production increasing from 540,000 pounds in 1880 of Connecticut lea.f. As cigar production grew and to 9,800,000 pounds in 1859. Other factors played the fuselike qualities of shoestring lea/ became their part - the plentiful supply of hand hbor as more evident, an East Windsor planter experi- the tide of European immigrants increased, and the mented with Maryhnd seed. The smooth, broad blexican W~.- oi IMG47, ~om wkich soldiers re- leaf this yielded (in 1880) made a more attractive turned with an admiration for cigars. California, wrapper than the narrow shoestring. Since the visi- annexed in 1848 and teeming with American pros- t~le wrapper is what "sells the cigar," a demand p~-ctors the foIlo'.ring year, was :m sage= cigar mar grew up for the new "Connecticu~ broad leaf,'" ~ci.. ~et, the new a::~, .is took ~'~/adC,) to r.he old grown today. ShoesWing was quickly abandoned, can-Spanish custom practised by the Californios. Some features of the Cuban lea/cure, which had Yankee dipper ships were quick to take advantage of the lucrative supply trade from Boston and New York around the Horn to San Francisco. Beginning with Israel Putnam's return in 176"2, each succeed- ing contact with the Spanish furthered the concept • ""-"~ of the cigar as an aristocratic luxury. • "-" Actually, before 1870 or so, almost any kind of ,--" ~ --~ factory tobacco product was more or less an aristo- cratic luxury. Before the industrial surge of the postbellum years, a good deal of retail exchanging was in kind - cash was not spent even on cheap cigars or plug if homegrown leaf could be had. Every farmhouse had its tobacco patch, big or small according to the size of the family - all of whom chewed or smoked. For this reason statistics on tobacco consumption before 1870, sparse as they are, do not describe the actual extent of chewing and smoking by Americans but only indicate the very slow growth of manufacturing. There was another good reason why the manu- factured article did not catch on quickly - the leaf of which it was made was scarcely different from "long green" fresh from the barn. Virginia turned out dark, strong shipping leaf; New England grew the harsh, narrow-leaved "shoestring'; and the Mid- west shipped a leathery Bed Burley. There was no blending to speak of, and very little in the way of "~ "value added by manufacture." . A third reason for the failure of consumption to : "~ keep pace with population growth was the "manci- pation" of women shortly before the War Between • . the States. (The "emancipation" did not come until • --:" =~- - ~--: g.'-2"_':." ..... -: ~ the turn of the century. ) The ladies of colonial New ~urthered Yankee interest in cigars as trade goods. England were said to "smoke in bed, smoke as they Natiue Cali~ornios smoked cigars almost constantl~/, knead their bread, smoke whilst they're cooking." MNAT 00017288 89
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Iohn Quincy Adams, one o~ the Boston Adamses and also the sixth President, was a noted connoisseur of Havana cigars, made the brown roll " pro~er" for Bostonians. What Adams did for New EngIanders, the inveterate cigar-puffer UlysSes S. Grant was later to do fdr smokers of the United States as a whole. During the antebellum days, women smoked pipes or chewed just as their menfolk did. Mrs. Andrew Jackson and Mrs. Zachary Taylor smoked pipes while they lived in the White House without being thought bumpkins. But as the nineteenth century passed the halfway point, city manners and the romantic notion of womankind as fragile flowers came in, and women's pipes went out. Still another hctor in the tobacco equation were the immigrants from Europe who swelled the popu- lation but did not add greatly to the market for ready-made tobacco. Many, at first, were too poor to buy smokum or quid. Those who passed on through the port cities could obtain or grow "hill- side na,,~," so much better than the manufactured product of Germany or Holland that there was no point in buying ~actory twist. When the urge to splurge came on, the ordinary man might buy a cigar or two as a special treat. Even so, he was not likely to derive any special taste thrill; chances were his hard roll of shoestring had to be soaked in rum or wine to make it haLe, way palatable. The day ot the Spanish cigar The growth of American demand for cigars can fairly be said to reflect, at least in part, events in Europe. In 1814 British forces engaged the French in Spain, at that time, with Portugal, the only maior smoking-ground for the cigar. As a result of this European round-robin on the Iberian pennisula, both French and British revived the simple tobacco cylinder which was the mode first observed by Columbus in 1492. It required no great length of time to demonstrate to the British that Spain con- trolled all the acceptable cigar leaf. Imported Havanas (or Sevillas), virtually unhaog-n in the tight little isle in 1826, weighed in at a quarter of a million pounds in 1880. In the next few decades MNAT 00017289
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the aher-dinner cigar establLshed itself in English and French salons, smoking rooms featured every gentleman's dub, and smoking cars were intro- duced on European and Bri~h railroads. The /nfluence of this vogue on Amer/cans, ~tst begin- ning to be citified and, in the narrow sense, ~cisdl- ized," can hardly be overlooked. For New England- ers, the ex~-mple of John Quincy Adams ~,-n~bolized and spearheaded the trend toward cigars. Adams, son of the second President and the sixth President H~vanas, an =" ... ~arnily was more /: .-,~:a.". .. :t cr quintessentially New England than the Adamses of Boston. So many Bostonians flourished brown rolls with ioyously glowing tips that the city fathers eventually con~ned them to the "Smoking Circle" on Boston Common. What the younger Adams did for the Yankees, the cigar-pulling General Grant was to do for the nation's smokers generally. Wh/le John Quincy Adams was still in the Wb.ite House (1825-29), Connecticut seed]ear was known as "American tobacco" and cigars made from it as "American cigars." Wrappers of a cinnamon red color were preferred, the choicest being a white: specked mahogany leaf known as "cinnamon blotch." Unlike the Spanish cigar, traditionally boxed in cedar, the New England product was packed in chestnut containers. Even at that early date, however, it was clear that the American cigar could not be hilly differentiated ~rom the Spanish and still rival the latter's smoldng qualities, l~efer- ences are made to the use of Havana leaf as a wrap- per or filler and even to the use of grated Spanish bean to/~nish off a box of New Engl:.~-~ brown rolls. Although the cigar is thought of as an appurte- nance of the gas-lit decades after the CiviI War, it did not spring suddenly to life between the lips of Ulysses S. Grant. Smoking customs rarely do. Like twist, like the hter pipe and cigarette, like tobacco itself, the cigar started out as a new-fangled inven- tion, a novelty. It lingered on the fringe of smokers' consciousness for fifty years (1782-1810) and took another f~ty years (1810-1860) to develop momen- tum as an accepted form. For still another ~ty So many Bostonians flourished brown rolls during ~athers set apart a special area for cigar smokers on the ~ears /ust before the Civil War that the ctqt tree-shaded Boston Common-the Smoking Circle. 91 HNAT 00017290
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years cigars reigned supreme, reaching their peak in 1907; thereafter they fell off gently to the status of a secondary form. tobacco planters along the James River only ~ifteen years after they began hacking their clearings out of a virgin wilderness. It was not until the eve of the War Between the States that the Yankee crop achieved the semi-signit~eant level of 10,000,000 Of these three phases of cigar development, New pounds a year (a level it rarely exceeded through England dominated the fxrst two. Lest the word 1900). But by the t/me New England had gener- "dominate be mis:.~."~.r~'~. P ,.hould be added ated foal m,~rnen~,~m for ei~a: leaf production and that Yankee leaf production never ran to really sub- cigar manufacture - 1860 or thereabouts - the stantial weight compared with the tidewater ton- brown roll ceased to be Yankee property. In 1860 nage. The ~rst phase ending in 1810, marked by the as much cigar, leaf was Town in Pennsylvania and home-rolledtorped" ~o :.~ pac;::'~. a:..~ '~},~ :~.)- ~, !.: as .~: lXew E:-..glar, d, alt~ugh commercial dozen-hogshead shipment to the West Indies, is of seed~leaf production did not begin until 1828 and historical rather than economic importance. As has 18,38 in the Keystone and Buckeye states respee- been pointed out, the Connecticut Valley crop of tively. Twenty years ,la,,ter the Ohio cigar leaf crop 1801-the largest up to that year-amounted in equaled New England s, and the Pennsylvania crop taro to a mere score of hogsheads, doubled the Yankee output. - The second phase, the Yankee heyday, is of lim- The third phase, or postbelhm era, was actually ited inte,r, est even to the tobacco historian. New a national phase not only in cigars but in man)' England s leaf output in 1849 totaled about other lines of consumer products. The regional . 1,400,000 pounds. This llgure is much less impres- product and provincial tastes and customs were be- sive than it reads When it is recalled that it was ginning to yield to nationwide sthndards; the up- reached more than two centuries earlier by a few heaval of civil war, the inrush of immigrants, the PO~UL&TION. U. S. (000.000) ' POUNDS OF TOBACCO CONSUMED. U. S. (0.000,000) " i "~". .'. "~." ~ .. : . ":'- ' , i ~ ' . Menu[acCured ¢ob~cco¢on~umedb~ Amer~can~(red beCween l~O0 and ISrO, when much ot i¢ was grown - line) lagged behind grou:¢h of na¢ional ~o~ula¢ion ~ homeendusedin home made produces. Fro,~ lSrO MNAT 00017291
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2OO 100 TOBACCO PRODUCTS CONSUMED . through 1929 consumption roughly followed curve during the 1930s and gained faster than the pop- of population increase (black line), fell off the pace ulation during World War II and the Korean War. MNAT 00017292 93
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Seville, world's first great tobacco manufacturing center, made finest cigars. The Icing o~ Spain rigidly controlled leaf culture in his colonies, Manufacturing, of course, was not limited as was agriculture. By 1880 there was not a single state or territory, except for Montana and Idaho, which lacked its own cigar factories. Most also boasted plug and pipe tobacco manufacture as well, includ- ing even such a sparsely settled place as Arizona. This explosive spread of manufacturing was a re- flection of greatly intensified demand for manufac- tured items-that is, for better goods. Any old scrap of baccy rolled into a cheroot or crammed into a pipe would no longer do. Discrimination was set- ting in. The next step, the nationally advertised brand of uniform and dependable quality, was inevitable. Cigars were to be last among all tobacco prod- ucts to evolve truly national brands, despite the early appearance of Windsor Particulars (before 94 prohibited export except to Seville. Cigar rollers o~ that city worked with the best o~ all tobaccos; "Spanish" became a magic word in the tobacco trade. 1820). But cigars were probably the first American tobacco product to generate a clearcut quality dis- tinction, that between domestic and "Spanish" rolls. During the years before the Civil War. pipe tobacco was pipe tobacco and chew was chew. But every cigar smoker knew the difference between a paste segar or stogie and the lordly clear Havana. Moreover, he could taste the difference for himself in spite of the rather loose use of terms like "'Span- ish" and "Havana" by certain makers of domestic cigars. And the difference was firmly fixed in the minds of the smoking public well before Sumter, a dear indication that by then the bro~aa roll had "'arrived." Thus the rise of the cigar as a national habit came during the first half of the nineteenth century, more or less coinciding with the rise of chew or "fudgeon" MNAT 00017293
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as the Yankees eatled it. Smoking - as disti~act from chewing - was therefore never absent from the American scene. The cigar forms the bridge be- tween the calumets and clays of colonial times and the twentieth-century briar pipe and cigarette. Since many brown ro]~s were homemade, there is no statistical reco~'d of the domestic cigar's ascend- ancy before the War Between the States. But an idea of its rise can be irfferred from the figures on cigar imports. These amounted to 4,000,000 or so in 1804.24.000.000 in ]810:14,000.000 in 1816 (re- flecting the a:.:2: :'.."~ of ..erseas trade aused by the second War of Independence with Britain, largely a sea war); ~,A,000,000 in 1830; 74,000,000 in 1840; 124,000,000 in 1850; and 460,000,000 in 1861. Man~' ff not most of these imports were Havanas, a significant fact in an era when hard cash was hard to tome by. However the imports of finished cigars, which may have accounted for as much as a third of fae- tory-rolled cousumption in a given antebellum year, do not tell the whole story. O~ equal "import" were the purchases of Havana leaf for use in U. S. cigar establishments, a preferred procedure owing to the lower duty on bulk leaf as tompared with that on mantffaetured cigars. Even the Yankees with their "make do at home" attitude had to admit that Sp.~nish tobacco - i.e., Cuban leaf - was an essential ingredient of good cigars. This marriage between Yankee and Havana leaf was expressed in two ways: first, Havana leaf was u.~ed as ~ filler enclosed by kn outer ~'rapper of smooth New England broadleaf; and second, virtually every New England cigar brand with any pretension of quality carried a Spanish box-mark or "top iron'-La Gloria de la Habana, El Buen Fuego, La Rosa de Santiago, and so forth. The use of Span- ish verbiage led to some strange brand names, like La Flor de Chas. F. Kurtz, made in Millville, New Jersey, and Velocipede Vuelta Abaio Havanas, Beginning around 1800, U.S. demand for Cuban- made cigars- the same as "Spanish"-steadily increased. Shapes or "~ront-marks" were designated by Spanish words Londres, Regalias, Coronas, etc. In 1861 cigar imports numbered hall a ~illion. An equivalent weight o~ Havana leaf was imported by U.S. factories for use in domestic cigars. Guests at ]ine hotels lit Havanas with gas cigar lighter. MNAT 00017294 95
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Despite ob~ioudg American brand name,V elocQYede cigar trademark paid label 8eroice to the renown o~ ftacena leaf. F.t~ertflhing about the cigar except the brand name, the label 8eems to ~ay, is Spanish. made in Detroit. ( It should be mentioned that the Havana leaf content of some of these brands, like the actual raw material of Connecticut's wooden nutmegs, was highly questionable.) Cubans and commons Over the years it ]ms become fairly well estab- lished that Havana leaf is the :/he qua non of a good cigar, and most of today's big-volume ten-centers include some of it in their fillers. (In 1957 a trade magazine, applauding a reduction of tariff on im- ported Cuban lea~, declared: "An abundant supply of reasonably priced Havana tobacco is essential for a prosperous American c~gar industry.') Never- theless, a good proportion of nineteenth-centta7 cigars were made without it. At the bottom of the scale was the cheroot, a long and untapered roll o| Yankee ingenuitg outdid i~sel~ this unique box which disguised ~of.-cent cigar.as cheese. Brand name was "Cheese It." Head ~w~ inspired bg Gilbert and Sullivan operetta."fLM.S. Pinafore." non-blended tobacco - the ki~a[.simple cylinder made by the Maya or the Tu~immbas of Brazil. It was recommended' of course,~y by its cheap- hess. The stogie was a foot long, s~, ed to a mouth- piece at one end, made of dominie leaf, and some- times sweetened with mohssetl~s last rendered the stogie or toby a two-way itmt,especially useful for travelers; it could be chev~m well as ignited. What constitutes a "good" ee~mon cigar (as dis- tinct from Havanas or "free'cigars) has changed considerably over the yea~ "I*ae brown roils smoked by the Carib Indians ~almnbus saw were, to |udge by the early prints, alieat the size of a policeman's nightstick, twisteflmtl~er than rolled. They looked like firebrands an~made of unblended Nicotiana rustica, tasted like them too. The cheroot, as rolled in the East Indies, ~ closer in size and 96 HNAT ~17Z95
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shape to the modern cigar, although still unbhnded. Before hroadleaf was grown along the Connecti- cut, the standard cigar had a filler of dark shoe- string, no binder, and the cinnamon blotch wrapper speckled in white. Some Philadelphia firms sur- rounded dark domestic filler with a smooth Havana wrapper and advertised the result as "Spanish." They did not much resemble true Havanas. Fit for a king's taste and ~t for a royal purse, real Havanas were accordingly named Begalias, Coronas, Kings, and the like. A~tez the War Between the States, domestic cigars underwent radical changes. The broadleaf wrapper became a binder. A lighter, more bland wrapper was added - first Sumatra, later Connect- icut shadegrown. Shoestring was replaced by more savory filler leaf from Pennsylvania or New England. Havana lea~ was used in the "bunch" or fzller rather than on the outside. The availability of four or more distinctly dit~erent types of leaf made blending possible, and the various brands took on distinctive smoking characteristics. The cigar proper- contrasted with cheroot, toby or bhck Italian "tobacco stick"-has an outer wrapper, an inner binder, and a filler blended from two or more types of leaf. Since these must be selected and put together by hand, even where the actual roiling is done by machine the cigar is by definition a "custom-made" item. The better grades of domestic cigars inehde some proportion of Cigar demand grew spectacularly during last half wholesale ~or 1.2c, retailed at two /or a nickel. o] the nineteenth century. Average price between In 1860, ~29c of every tobacco dollar was spent on 1870 and 1880 was ~c: the "Trade" brand sold at cigars; in I870, 45c; in 1880, 54c; in I900, 60c. MNAT 00017296 97
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Ritual o~ curing and processing ~ine cigar-leat is a Cuban development. First hung up for a barn cure, tobacco is then piled and ferments in its own heat. Fo~ ~enturies. by donkey ~rom farm to worehouse to ship. Donkey'. are m~w g~ but bark.tied bales remain the same Bale cure lasts anywhere ~rom six months to three years. Experts inspect tobacco periodically, o~ten roll and smoke a sample cigar to test baled leaf. Barrel cure or barbacoa iS ~inal cure, lasts six months. While in barrel, tobacco undergoes still more chemical changes, effected by its own heat. Havana, the term "clear Havana" being reserve< t~or c/gars made in the U. $, using Cuban lea/onl) At the top of the scale (and bearing the highes import duty) is the Cuban-made tabaco roiled Havana from leaf grown in the renowned Vuelt region. T~ Vudm Abako This crook of Cuba west of Havana and neares the Un/ted States- the name Vuelta Aba|o mean "down turn"-grows a fragrant, rich lea/ whic] neither Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, Su matra, Jamaica nor Puerto Rico can imitate, al though all have tried. In the Vuelta province o Pinar del Rio, brown soil, bright sun and heav: humidity are uniquely suited to cigar leaf. Tradi tions of cultivation, bred by centuries of Spanis] rule, play a ritualistic part. Tobacco seedlings ar grown in s-peeial beds, transplanted to the field when they are six inches high. As in the Unite, States, sucker leaves and flower buds are remove, as the plant grows, forcing all the strength into th leaves, in two months of continual hoeing, irrigat ing and fertilizing, the stalks reach man's height; Cuban veguero, like his American Indian counte~ part, must be "a father to his tobacco/' The leaves are hung for a barn cure, piled to re: ment in their own heat, then sorted into di~eren grades each req~ing a different length of curin in bale - anywhere from six months to three year: After this, the leaf gets a barrel cure or barbaco HNAT 00017297
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Custom~ duty on imported leuf is less than that on Hand-rolling o~ cigars is still the law in Cuba. finished cigars. Cigars "manufactured in bond" are, Most American ~actorics use machines, which yield in e~ect, certified by U. S. Customs as all Hacatm. a better result in all'but the very largest sizes. lasting about six months. Then, ready for manu- facture, the precious brown and tan leaves are packed in exotic bales made of stit~ Royal Palm leaves tied with maiagua bark rope. The basic pab tern goes on year after year, changing but little. As demand in the United States shifted from the natural brown or co/orado wrapper to a light green or claro, special methods to increase production of light-colored wrapper leaf were introdgced: shade growing under cloth, forced-heat curing. Until World War II, donkeys carried the palm- leaf bales to merchant ships for export- descend- ents, possibly, of the same donkeys which carried out Israel Putnam's three loads of Havanas. The best of the Vueltaba|o leaf is now manufactured into cigars in the U. S. under bond, the retail pack- age bearing a white U. S. customs stamp to certify that it is all "Spanish." A good part of the rest of Cuba's crop is shipped to U. S. factories for me as filhr, or to the clear Havana cigar factories in Tampa, most of which do not manufacture in bond. The art of cigar manufacture is threefold: blend- ing, roiling and pecking. Since the strength of the delivered smoke varies with the diameter of the roll, thick cigars or perfectos require a di~erent combi- nation of heavy, medium and light leaves than the long, thin premiers or ~ancy tales. The factory fore- man who apportions the leaf to the bunchers is the key to blending. Hand-rolling, a virtually lost art in the United States after machine-rolling was per- fected in the 1920s, has been perpetuated by law Precision uf manufacture is important, since the dimensions of a cigar influence taste. Di~erent shapes therefore require di~erent leuf blendings. Traditional pride in ora~t is carried right down to boxing: cigars are color-sorted be~ore being packaged. Skilled selectors distinguish 70 shades. NNAT 00017298 99
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in Cuba. Selection of cigars by shade of wrapper is a specialty all in itself; in a well-packed box each individual cigar is almost indisting~ishabh in hue from the next, although skilled selectors can ~.,~ - guish 70 shad~ .of to~eeo. This proud, measured progression from one step to the next - working the tobaccos "in their time" - results in an expensive product. In 1956, no more than one out of every ~ty cigars bought in the U. S. followed the classic Havana pattern of growth, cure and manufacture. Before the Civil War, the. propor- possible ~.to put a statistical yardstick on the place of the fine, or Havana, cigar.. In 1904, leaf used in cigar manufacture represented only'27% by weight of all the tobacco processed in the U. S. Yet 60e of .every dollar spent on tobacco products went for cigars (ehe~g/tad smoking tobacco accounted for ~Kqc, cigarettes 5~, snu~ 2c). ~/amna m/t and pepper It is strange that the subtle process of transcul- turation should so closely interweave people as dff- mastery of the palace-like Havana facto~es formed the model for the 20,000 cigar establishments scat- tered through the United States in 1900. It has never been possible to assess the cigar's importance soIely in terms of units or poundage of leaf, still less limited a~ount of Havana leaf that could be added to the fd/ers of domestic cigars. Normally, the Havana component was not used as "long filler" - that is, as a whole leaf crushed together w~th the Pennsylvania product inside the binder. Bather, it 18~0 ~900 ~9~0 Cigar consumption came into its own iusf a~ter the Civil War, accounted for ~ o[ all tobacco used in manu[acturing in 1880. For the next 40 years cigar 100 sales increased with the U. S. population; during that period they accounted for a consistent 25~ oi leaf used in manufacture. Cigar sales have alway. MNAT 000~7299
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was chopped up and disbibuted through the filler as H. S. P. (Havana salt and pepper). This per- mitted a better blending of the inimitable Havana fragrance, and made for more uniformity from one cigar to the next. At the same time, New England wrapper Iea~ was grown to be as neutral as possible in taste, so as to allow the Havana-salted filler to dominate. One of the factors that made Sumatra wrapper so desirable to manufacturers toward the end of the nineteenth century was its utter blandness. Cozmec- ticut shadegrown was and is bred specifically for this tasteless quality, although it derives from the same seed that produces Havana wrapper, famous for its rich taste and the most expensive tobacco that can be bought in the U. S. (as high as $15 per pound). At that, Connecticut shadegrown is the most valuable domesfic leaf; its War II ceiling price was $7.50. 'As might be deduced from the mounting cigar imports of 1810-1860, the interweaving of Cuban and U. S. economies was considerable by 1850. In that year Cuban trade with this country exceeded. commercial tratiic between Cuba and Spain. The long subjugation of Cuban tobacco to the Casa de Contracion de Indias in Seville rankled the Cubans; as early as 1831, £t~y cigar makers escaped Spanish domination to set up shop in Key West. They could not take their bottomlands with them, but they could escape with their skills. In 1868, at the start of the Ten Years' War with Spain, another wave of Havana cigar manufacturers fled to Florida. Among them were Vincente Ibor, a Spaniard by birth, and Eduardo Gato; the cities they founded - Tampa and Ibor City - are still major cigar centers. They are also monuments to the easily-forgotten fact that political freedom is inseparable from economic freedom. Like the tidewater planters' resentment been particularly sensitive to general level of the economy: sharp declines followed the panics of1893 and1907, and postwar boom year of 1920established all-time peak in unit sale, s. Over the last ten years brown rolls have held steady at around six billion, account for about 10~ of leaf used in manufacturing. MNAT 00017300 Ioi
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Even in the days o~ the "two[er" (two [or a penny) cigars were more or less a luxury smoke. The great weight o[ tobacco consumption was in quid and pipe [orm: typical [arm woman o[ 1870s puffed on pipe. of mother England, the Cubans" resentment of mother Spain eventually burst into a violent war of liberation. One scholar claims that fine tobacco is produced only by free men (unlike sugar, origi- nally distilled from the drudgery of slaves). There is an element of tnith in this philosophical position: craPtsmen, free and self-employed, who sold their bundles to export dealers; factories with their immense rolling-rooms came later. As the word Havana gained international fame (becoming more widely known than: the word Cuba itself), manu- facturers aimed for mass production and tried to use slaves and even prisoners in their workrooms. These at~.~m~ts were not successful: in the end, they had to turn to the irre lab~,r market for "eigar- tists." FiRed with pride in themselves and their craft, the cigar-rollers were the free thinkers of ni -..teenth-eer,:ary C :ha. c~, ~t ff their o',-n wages • .~-. the)' paid the readers who occupied their n~,,as while their hands were busy shaping cigars in the workrooms. These readers were not hired to divert • . or to entertain; the books they read aloud were thinkpieees on history, polities, philosophy. This simple institution sharpened the political conscious- ness of the eigartists, who played a key role in throwing off the Spanish imperialists shortly before the turn of the century. An exact parallel cannot be drawn between the nineteenth-century Cubans and their Yankee coun- terparts in the cigar business, New England had achieved politico-economic freedom while the P.earI of the Antilles was still strung on the Spanish neck- lace. Yet the sequence, though not simultaneous, was the same. On the one hand, civilized men of European stock trying to turn new land and new resources into a new culture; on the other, the dead hand of mercantilism, throttling manufaettrre and banning free export. Neither Yankee leaf nor Yan- kee snuff could have become economic mainstays in the sense that Virginia leaf was; yet the.v bridled under the same repressive measures and generated the sameantagonism toward their overseas master. The tidewater leaf culture of Virginia and Mar.v- land was actually closer to the Cuban sugar com- plex than to the Cuban tobacco craft. With quality quality leaf cannot be mass produced, but demands manufacture largely heking in Europe and Eng- constant pampering. Thus fine tobacco growing is a middle class occupation, more often than not a famil.v tradition, in the U. S. as in Cuba. Sugar, by way of contrast, typically produces a proletariat on the one hand and great wealth on the other. Politics and panetela, What was true of the Cuban farmers was also true of the cigar-rollers. They were originally home land, the Chesapeake colonies strove mainly for quantity. When they produced quality - more or less by accident, in the sandy sweet.scented parishes - there was no market incentive to sustain it. So Virginia tobacco, like Cuban sugar, spag'ned a master-and-slave economy. It was only after the Revolution and the gradual release of manufactur- ing energy in the U. S. that quality of leaf became a factor. As this happened, the huge plantations MNAT 00017301
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During the 1870s the smoking car became a fixture on the nation's railroads. So widesFread was the cigar craze during those years that Women took to the brown roll to some extent. This 1877 woodcut in the Illustrated Weekly was captioned: "A lady on the C.H.&D.R.R. determines to enioy her rights -she takes her place in a smoking car beside her husband, and ioins him in puffing a Havana cigar." dissolved and small tobacco patches took their place, with quality by and large replacing quantity as the farmer's incentive. Quality of product was not a workable incentive for a master-and-dave system; instead it gave rise to individualistic enter- prise and thereby led to radical improvements in crop and in cure as well as in the arts of manufac- tlxre. From the very ftrst, the limitations of nature pre- vented any burgeoning of big plantations in New England. The Yankees leafed by their wits, by spe- cializing in what the market wanted and by imitat- ing as closely as possible the peer of tobacco products, the Havana cigar. Only in that way could stony New England keep its precarious toehold in tobacco. Thus the middle-class Yankees shaped their small but dogged leaf industry around the precious qualities of Havana filler grown by mid- dh-class Cubans. Cigar smoking showed its steepest rate of climb during and just after the Civil War. Although a number of plausible reasons for this can be cited - lack of access to the Virginia.North Cardina crop for one, the supply of easy money in northern cities for another - this accelerated growth probably re- fleeted nothing more complicated than a growing taste for the p~oduet. Chewing tobacco was still on the rise, and by no means in short supply during the war. In fact, the diversion of Burley leaf from the normal New Orleans outlet to New York City made plug manufacture more convenient than ever in the heart of the Northern market. MNAT 00017302 109
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Mass immigration gave NewYork City a tremendous reservoir o~ labor; by 1880, the city had 14,500 cigar workers as against 2,300 in all o~ the New England states. New York's production was 20~ o[ the national total; New England had 5"t, and the original cigar state, Connecticut, was down to 1~. Northern roll By the thousands, Amerit.~ans tobk to the brown roll. Cigar making had employed 8,000 hands in 1860, as against 19,000 in tobacco manufacture; in 1880 there were 53,000 cigar makers as against 33,000 employed in chewing and smoking factories. It was this final surge that reduced New England to a secondary status in cigar manufacture; there were simply not enough people available to keep up. In 1880, New York City alone had 14,500 people in its cigar factories; in all of New England's 503 establishments the number of workers was Richmond manufactured barely ]/., of I~ of the national total by 1880. During the war of brother against brother, Grant against Lee, it was the northern cigar on the one side and the flat bright plug on the other. And each side missed the other's specialty, as the soldier-swaps along the front lines proved. City nmrkets, city makers Since the largest cities were at once the entre- p6ts of fashion and the ports of entry for cheap labor, cigar manufacture soon gravitated to New only 2,~)0. New York State made eight times as York, Philadelphia-and other urban centers. The many cigars as New England's six states; Pennsyl- big cities had both concentrated demand and a vania twice as many. And such states as California, Illinois, and Ohio had as much or more .cigar pro- duetion as the New England states, whose share of the U. S. total fell to a mere 5~. In all this there was a kind of symbolic division of the tobacco industry. No more than a tenth of the national cigar output was turned out south of the seed-hal territory of the Northern states.,In spite of et~orts in the direction of cigar-making, concentrated supply of labor; so cigars were rolled on a piecework basis by women in tenements, in- stead of by farn~ers" wives in the New England countryside. By 1880 New York City was produch~g more than a fifth of the nation's :2,500,000.000 out- put and Connecticut only 1~. Cigar manu[acture was dispersed even more by the arrival of addi- tional Cuban firms in Tampa during the 1S~Os. industrial refugees from the strife-torn Pearl of the 104 ~NAT 00017303
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smoker who likes his Havanas ~cgstom-rolled," per- haps g'ith his own name printed on the cellophane jacket. This, of course, was the exception rather than the rule during the Brown Decades as now. The trade was personified by the high-hatted, high- spirited cigar drummer, almost as magnificent as t~.,, ~remiu-'~, ha ~.~ ~ole ea~ '~-~ the gilded and embossed decoration of his c~gar oands and boxes. Even as he distributed his gaudy gimcracks and lithoffaphed cards, he was uneasily aware that retailer's door using iaent/eal inducements. The nineteenth-century rise of the cigar, made of Northern leaf, was not slowed by the growth of cigarettes, made of Southern Bright. National ad- vertising was unknown, for there were no national brands. But just the same, cigar manufacturers en- gaged in "national advertising" of a whispering sort: the cigarette contained opium, was made with tobacco from discarded butts and paper made by . CLAY CALHOUN'A.]iD "Great man theory" o~ cigar brand names made Clay, Calhoun and Webster l~gieal cigar-box adornments. + o. a .w, om • co . mr.... Nellie Bly's 1890 iourney around the world, which bore no visible relationship to smoking, was used nevertheless as subiect o[ a cigar advertisement. Chinese lepers, and so forth. In the long run, this called attention to the competitive product and probably helped rather than hindered its rise. There was canny economic wisdom in the abruptness with which the New Englanders with- drew from competition in cigar manufacture. They were quite w/lling to leave the making of cheap cigars - always a low-profit-margin pursuit - to others. This did not mean a retreat from the to- bacco trade as such. Rather, the Yankees turned their attention to filling a particular demand ere- ated by the growing popularity of cigars. What- ever the filler a given manufacturer uses, he needs an attractive and smooth wrapper leaf to make his cigar sell; and no matter how choice his wrapper, MNAT 00017306 107
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Wrapper leaf is eareIdly hung up in barn for air cure. Despite competition ~rom Cuban and Sumatran wrappers, and desT~ite short summer season, Yankee planters have evolved a highly satb~actory leaf. he needs a strong, elastic binder leaf to keep the filler from wrinkling or puncturing it. It was to these requirements that the perceptive New Eng- landers addressed themselves, supplementing the Maryland or Connecticut broadleaf binder with Havana seedleaf and, later, cultivating the delicate and high-priced shadegrown wrapper. Without minimizing the part played by Yankee energy and enterprise, the specialized wrapper- and-binder agriculture of the Connecticut Valley is a classic illustration of the part played by geogra- phy in tobacco evolution. Although the Valley farms were planted with Virginia seed around 1640, the tobacco they yielded gave rise to home- made cigars. In 1830, the cultivation of Maryland broadleaf along the river produced a successful wrapper for cigars, although the same seed planted in Maryland gave rise to a different leaf useftd at first in manufactured tobacco and hter as a ciga- rette ingredient. To put it in reverse, the Connec- ticut broadhaf was not suitable for non-cigar use; in the same way, the aborigines of Central America who first found and cultivated Nicotiana tabacum used R in cigars rather than in pipes, although the pipe was the most widespread form of tobacco consumption throughout pre-Columbian America. Regional classifications of tobacco are thus not interchangeable. Connecticut turns out cigar leaf whether from Virginia, Maryland or Havana seed. The differentiation can be carried further: the New England types were useful as binder (Connecticut broadleaf. Havana seed ) and v,-rapper (Connecticut I08 HNAT 00017307
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Slatted barn for air cure is used in l~urley areas o~ Kentucky as well as in Connecticut cigar leaf region. In additi~ to smooth wrapper, neutral in taste, New Engla~ grows a strong, elastic binder. shadegrown), but the Pennsylvania and Ohio crops were used mainly as fillers. (Currently, the develop- ment of reconstituted binder sheet is erasing the distinction between filler and binder leaL) Wiscon- sin, Florida and Georgia were specifically suited to the growing of binder lea~ while the inland val- leys of Puerto ]lico produced filler leaL Many of the Ohio filler types were used as short-filler or "grinders" for less expensive cigars. Soil and cli- mate, no less than human enterprise or the lack of it, place definite limitations on the tobacco tradi- somewhat paralld~ flue.curing Virginia and Caro- lina tobacco of ~noking and cigarette grades. Sudden applieatioa d heat lightens the tobacco, a result first prompled by the market demand for yellow, "eolory" l~g wrappers. Flue-cured Bright leaf is one of ~ maior classes of tobacco now used in cigarettes; the other class, Burley, grown mainly in Kentucl~ and Tennessee, is air-cured like cigar leaf. Most aii~: earing is done under shelter, but one type d Virginia chewing leaf, as well as most Turkish tobacco, is sun-cured. tion of a given region. In addition to ~ue.curing, which applies heat In general cigar lea~ is air-cured. However, in without smoke, mat the more natural air-curing, an et~ort to starve the lea~ into a light, bright color some tobaccos aresmoked or fire-cured like smoked for American smokers, increasing quantities of ham. Smoked ledfs~used in "eatin" tobacco," that is, Cuban-grown wrapper are force-cured with the quid and snuff. (l~he htter is no longer sniped but application of high temperatures. This practise is is held in the moath without chewing.) Fire-cured I0~ mAT 00017308
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Although actual foiling is mechanized, much hand "lm ' these according fo wort is needed to mate long-~lIer cigars. Whole the shape of the cigar is uital to ~vor. Above, leaues-three or four-are tu,,i~ed together in the imported fdler is sorted leaf is also an export specialty: the historic origin of 6re-curing was as a preservative process, and much American leaf grown for export, even well into the twentieth century, was d the smoked va- riety. Fire-curing played no role in the Connecticut Valley, partly because the valley crop has been a low.volume one which never developed a large ex- portable surplus, partly because Yankee growers have "babied" their plants in an et~ort to compete with the costly Cuban Iea~. Despite the excellent burning quality and aroma of Connecticut broadleaf, the influence of fashion reduced the demand for it as a wrapper after 18,59, and it did not recover to that year's peak until 1879. The Spanish like their cigar wrappers dark (colo- redo or maduro) and the light-colored Connecticut leaf temporarily lost out to the dark brown variety raised in Pennsylvania. The Miami Valley in Ohio also became a competitive source of cigar leaf, as did Wisconsin. New England acreage seeded to tobacco shrunk by a third, while the Valley plant- ers tried vainly to recapture their market by dark- ening leaf with licorice. In 1880 fashion swung to the opposite extreme with the importation of Su- matra leaf, light in color (claro) and so "light" in 110 body as to be almost tasteless. (Economics also figured here: a pound of thin Sumatra would wrap many more cigars than a pound of domestic wrap- per leaf.) Again the Connecticut growers were caught in the middle, and in spite of high tariffs levied on the Sumatra product, cultivated acreage fell oil, although poundage remained at a constant level- around 10,000,000 pounds a year-until 18~. New England ingenuity met this new threat with still another variety- shadegro,~ wrapper grown from Cuban seed. Filtering the sunlight striking the growing leaf makes it thinner in body and lighter in color. Connecticut shadegro~'n stimtdated the final spurt in New England tobacco production, from the 10,000,000 pound level of the 90s to near|y 45,000,000 pounds in 1~21. Shadegro~, compris- ing about a fourth of the New England crop, is a highly specialized product, and comes as close as nhture will allow to the luxurious ~apper gro~'n in Cuba. Shadegrow'n is now, however, the most expensive tobacco gro~'n in the United States, and a great amount of hand labor is still characteristic of cigar factories even though most of the actt~al rolling is mechanized. Thus the cigar, which rode HNAT 00017309
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to the height of smoldng fasldon as a }uxm'y prod- uct, has never been dissociated from a luruxy price - whether it be rolled from domestic leaf, or made in bond from Cuban leaf, or fash/oned in Havana and/mportod. From 1000 to the present the pound- age of tobacco ¢o~ed..in c~gars has varied but l~ttle from one year to the next, althoug~ America's population has doubled. The peak year for shade- grow:., 19'2." ~.s not been matched since, f~r ]921 also marked the ascendancy of another American product as the No. I mode of consm~ing tobaccos -the blended cigarette. Although the word "cigarette" ~iterally meant a l~tth cigar, the white roll is not a smaller variation of the brown one. Whih the cigar derives from Cuban lea~ types and the Spanish tradition, the cigarette is an outgrowth of southern American leaf and a distinctively American tobacco tradition. 7his ~volved 1]rst :~c',.:~.g :obacco, then smoking tobacco, and finally the cigarette. Shadegrown wrapl~er is New England specialty. It is the most ezpensive o~ American tobaccos. Filtered sunlight gives wrapper desirable light color, also and Puerto Rico also grow wrapper under shade to satisfy American preference for light.hued cigars. ~A~ 000%73%0 III
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Tobacco, eagerly sought by virtually every Indian tribe, was the white man's passport in opening the Far West. In the Ohio-Mississippi basin a new kind of leaf-Burley-became a ma~or economic mainstay. ACROSS THE APPALACHIANS Ttm westward expansion of the United States is associated, and tightly so, with the dramatic deeds of pioneers like Daniel Boone, death-wor- shipping gunmen like Wild Bill Hickok and Wyatt Earp, dashing bravos in blue like George A. Custer. Such men "rode point" for the westering; they were the shock troops. But as Captain John Smith and the other skilled soldiers of jamestown had dis- covered to their sorrow, shock troops could invade a land but could not really possess it. A territory is held only when economic development is assured to feed the settlers, and only when political struc- tures are set up to safeguard the economic growth. land preJ,ure The need of an agrarian economy for more land had led seven of the thirteen colonies to stake out claims to their west-claims that were denied out- right by George III's proclamation of 1768, pro- hibiting land grants or settlements west of-the Appaldchians. One victim of this proclamation was the Mississippi Company of Virginia, organized by George Washington and others to develop an outpost at the Ohio-Mississippi junction. Land pres- sure was particularly strong in Virginia, where tobacoomen realized that the tidewater bottom lands were being worn out by successive years of The real architect of western expansion was one'cr°pcultivati°n'Withthewar°fIndependence Thomas Jefferson. It was he who suggested, in his over, tobacco began to edge away from the tide- 1781 "Notes on the state of Virginia" that tobacco water lands between the fall line and the sea, and would serve as an economic prop to the ~western into the higher piedmont between the mountains country on the Mississippi." It was he who drafted and the fall line. More adventurous planters eyed the Ordinance of 1784, calling for the orderly estab- lishment of provisional territorial governments which would grow into separate states. And it was he, as President, who secured title to the vast valley of the Mississippi by the Louisiana Purchase of 1803 from France. Natchez, where tobacco had been raised since 1718. In that year John Law's Companie d'Occident brought in 30 settlers to grow tobacco for the French market; two years later Law's overcapital- ized venture exploded in the famous "Mississippi Bubble," but the tobacco culture itself was not MNAT 00017311
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uprooted. England acquired the Natchez district ~ter the Seven Years' War, and Spain acquired R during the l~evolution. Very much aware of the profit in tobacco trat~c, the Spanish government announced its willingness to buytwo million pounds a year, to be exported through New Orleans. Since this announcement came just as the War of Inde- pendence ended and George III's proclamation went by the boards, quite a few Americans headed for Natchez. Some were experienced Virginia tobacco plantdrs, among them younger sons who could not hope to inherit the family estate. Even while the Revolution was being fought along the Atlantic coast, pioneer settlers were trick- ling from the Chesapeake and Carolina colonies into Kentucky and Tennessee. Their routine of set- tlement was much the same as that ~ollowed by the indentured servants of tidewater days, who cleared land on the piedmont "frontier" aher work- ing their way out of bond. The big trees were killed (big trees meant rich soil), and a cabin thrown up using pegs if nails were not to be had, as was more often the case than not. Corn and beets were planted before the land was actually cleared, hogs were fattened on wild acorns, and survival thus- it was hoped-insured. The best of the virgin Land was saved for tobacco. From a sheltered bed seed- lings planted in March were transplanted in May. Harvested, air-cured and bundled, the summer's leaf crop might fill one hogshead-perhaps two. It bought naris and gunpowder, sugar and tea, axes and an occasional "fancy." Shelter and furniture came from the forest trees, food from the land, clothing from animal skins or tended sheep. The westerner-whether he battled the soil in seventeenth-century western Virginia or nineteenth- century Kentucky-was a different breed than the tidewater planter. The plantation culture of the Chesapeake was a little bit of old England; it en- joyed its lace cut~s, its churchwarden pipes, its books, its Georgian architecture. The western loner was likely to hate England and all it stood for. He had left the built-up East because it ot~ered him no economic opportunity, no real freedom. In Ken- tucky, the price was right: before 1778, under Vir- ginia statute, anybody could have 400 acres free. (After that year real estate went up-to ten shillings for a hundred acres.) There were no vast tobacco III PINAT 00017312
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plantations in the Kentucky and Tennessee hills; the pioneers were small farmers by temperament as well as by terrain. River pressure So the marginal man of the Atlantic seaboard- the common man of his day-tramped over the Blue Ridge and do~'a, over the Appalachian ridge and onto the wooded Appalachian plateau. This rolling country, stretching from Eastern Ohio through cen- tral Kentucky and Tennessee, was a kind of western piedmont. Its soft, rich in limestone and in nitrogen compounds, responded admirably to the hoe. Corn grew tall, tobacco grew strong, and both grew in quantity. Inspection warehouses for tobacco were in operation during the 1780s, but there was no way to export the leaf in vdurne. Boading hogsheads back over the Appalachians was impossible; float- ing them down the Mississippi was possible, but not acceptable to the Spaniards who controlled New Orleans. One of the consequences of this frustrating situation was the "Spanish Intrigue" organized by General James Wilkinson, who took an oath of loyalty to Spain and plotted to organize western settlements under Spanish rule. It has never been determined whether Wilkinson's real motive was political or economic. He first broached the Spanish customs barrier in 1787 with a cargo of meat and tobacco, and as the only "American" permitted to use the Mississippi trade route Wilkinson took a magnificent convoy of 25 riverboats to New Orleans the following year. Tobacco was his principal com- modity, and on this he made a trading profit, freight, handling fees and inspection fees. The prospect of Spanish colonies on the other side of the Appala- chians worried George Washington; and the pros- peer of U. S. action to prevent it worried Spain, for late in 1788 the Mississippi was opened to trade and American settlers permitted to ',export" their to- bacco and other produce to New Orleans on pay- ment of duty. Kentucky 1792, Tenne,~ee 1796 With the historic success of the Chesapeake colonies to inspire them, the Kentucky settlers sc.~-t- tered their seed with a will. In 17g0 they shipped 250,000 pounds of leaf toNeworleans and no doubt smuggled in a good deal more. Two years later Ken- tucky was admitted as a state. The bottom tempo- rarily dropped out of the Mississippi tobacco market about this time as Spain reduced her purchases to virtually nothing-the reasons given were, first, that the royal warehouses in Seville were full and. sec- ond, that Kentuckians were "nesting" their hogs- heads with trash. The move finished Natchez as a tobacco region, and hit the Kentucky tobaccomen hard. But the pressure for a tobacco outlet neverthe- less forced open the mouth of the Mississippi. Spain in 1795 granted Americans the right of duty-free deposit in New Orleans, effective in 1798, and Kentucky boats floated hogsheads by the thousand down river. Tennessee was secured to the U. S. in 176, when it became a state. With Kentucky it was to become the great transmontane tobacco area, rivaling the Chesapeake states in production. $11,250,000 bargain Whatever potency the "Spanish Intrigue" ever had was now dissolved. The Spanish authority at New Orleans withdrew the right of deposit in 1802, First to pierce New Orleans customs barrier was General James Wilkinson. His "Spanish Intrigue" hastened Kentucky and Tennessee statehood,, led to duty-free export of leaf via the Mississippi: early tobacco economy made river shipment vital. Barge trip from St. Louis required fcmr months. HNAT 000173~3 114
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again interrupting the leaf franc. Meanwhile in Europe the rampaging Napoleon Bonaparte had ac- quired from Spain the whole Louisiana Territory- an area embracing not only the port o~ New Orleans but the great plains area west of the Mississippi to the Rocky Mountains. There may have been a con- nection between the Spanish revocation of free ex- port in October 180~ and the great expedition being mounted in Holland at the same time by Napoleon, aimed at establishing a French colony in the west- era Mississippi basin. The expedition was icebound in harbor during the winter of 180~-~; meanwhile Jefferson sent James Monroe on his famous $10 million mission to buy the Isle of Orleans. While Monroe sailed for Paris, the groundwork for cession not only of New Orleans but of the great plains as well was being laid by the U.S. minister to France, Bobert B. Livingston. Napoleon was becoming dis- couraged in his scheme for a western empire to match those of Spain and Britain. He failed in his attempt to get Florida from Spain, failed to conquer the West Indian steppingstone of Santo Domingo and faced a war with Great Britain. By the time Monroe reached Paris in April, 1800, all of Louisiana had been offered for sale to Livingston. Before the month was out, Livingston and Monroe had ac- cepted the entire Louisiana package for $11,950,- 000. Again the planters of Kentucky and Tennessee stepped up their cultivation; the Mississippi basin had finally been made safe for Americans and tobacco. Embargo -- "O grab me" The leaf growers of what is now the Bur'ley region (parts of Ohio and Missouri in addition to Ken- tucky and Tennessee) had Jefferson to thank for the diplomatic coup that assured their economic development. An American merchant marine took shape, and western tobacco began to compete in world markets with that of Virginia, Maryland and North Carolina. But they had also to thank Jefferson for the next serious interruption to their progress- the Embargo of 1807. This was a milestone in inter- national affairs, representing the application of eco- nomic sanctions against Britain and France instead of a declaration of war in response to violation of U. S. rights at sea. These violations were crowned by the impressment of American seamen on the high seas by the British Navy, but the blockading Thomas lefferson was the architect o~ expansion to the West. He encouraged westward movement o~ farms (including tobacco farms), sent Let~ and Clark on mission to explore trade routes, bought Loui,dana Territorg ~rom France. A tobacco planter hirr~el[, he warned against one-crop concentration. of neutral American ships by each belligerent from the ports of the other was also a severe injury to a fledgling nation. Tobacco and other American staples were seized abroad. After 18ff7, when the Embargo took effect, they rotted on the wharves of U. S. ports instead. To be effective, the Embargo would have had to continue for several years-that is, until European stocks of cotton and tobacco were exhausted. As it was, the experiment was ended by HNAT 00017314 115
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Congress after only a year, and the idealistic Jeffer- son finished his second Presidential term in a storm of bitter abuse. His countrymen jeered that em- bargo, spelled backwards, read "0 grab me." Americans were ~ot philosophical enough, nor pacifistic enough, to s~rangle their own export econ- omy in order to chastise the warring empires of Europe. Their reaction, which finally took shape in the War of 1812, was more direct. And among the most prominent advocates of such a reaction were the "War Hawks" of Congress-Clay and Johnson of Kentucky, Grundy of Tennessee, Calhoun of South Carolina. These men were speaking for states com- mitted to the planting of tobacco and cotton, com- Mississippi valley from invasion. This time not only the Mississippi but the ocean had been made safe for Americans and tobac'c6. Era oJ good lee.ling With the departure of the beaten British from New Orleans, the United States was able to settle down to the business of growing for the first time in two generations. The era of turmoil that began with the Seven Years' War of 1756-of which the North American "French and Indian War" was a part- and continued through the Bevolution and the War of 1812, was finally over. Boundaries were drawn; land rights and river rights and sea rights affecting modities still grown mainly for exl~rt, still requiring the young nation were resolved. This was "The Era freedom of the seas. There was poetic justice in the of Good Feeling." Among other ways, it was re- hct that long rifles in the hands of Kentucky and Tennessee militiamen routed the British at New Orleans on January 8, 1815. Although fought two weeks after a peace treaty had been signed at Ghent, the victory of the War Hawks saved the fleeted in the resumption of steady increase in the tobacco export trade, which had peaked at 100,000,- 000 pounds just before the Declaration of Independ- ence. This peak was duplicated during Washington's first term as President, but exports fel] off by I(R or Freedom o[ the high seas for Americans and tobacco was secured by victory over British in War o[ 1812. Final battle was de[eat o[ British at New Orlea~ by 116 militiamen ~rom rnnessee t~ long backwoods ri#es. Peace had atready been made, but the Mississippi valley was saved [rom incasion. HNAT 00017315
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Tobacco manu/acturing began with this very simple procedure: ~ of cured Ie~af was roughly sorted, then twisted or spun on a wheel (below) into rope or roe tobacco ~ the S.mn~sh cobn~a! producL The resulting "twist/" sold by the yard, could be chewed, sliced for pipe, or even powdered to 1~5~ in the last ten years of the eighteenth century. During Jefferson's second term (that of the Em- bargo), the average export poundage dropped below 60,000,000 and between 1811 and 1815 the annual export was less than 40,000,000. The low point, 1814, saw a little over 4,000,000 pounds shipped abroad. But in 1815, with the seas cleared, leaf exports snapped back to the 90,(XX),000-pound level as if nothing had happened. Thereafter they increased steadily. By 1830 the pre-Bevolutionary peak was being consistently topped. In the next 30 years ex- port poundage doubled. ~ At the same time the geography of tobacco culti- More important than the geographical ~hift, how- ever, was a change in the character of the tobacco industry. Like the United States itself, it was be- coming more self-sut~cient, making the transition from a supplier of raw material to a manufacturer for home consumption. In 18,50 about a fifth of the crop was not shipped abroad but fed into home fac- tories. This proportiov grew, and by 1860 about halt the leaf grown by Americans was processed and consumed by Americans. Appropriately enough, the new development came about in the place where the tobacco civilization Krst arose: Virginia. In that state four cities pioneered an industry that was to become the Old Dominion's largest well before the vation was changing. In lg.~0 the western fields- War Between the States. The four cities were Dan- most of them in Kentucky and Tennessee-turned ~ ville, Richmond, Lynchburg and Petersburg; their out a third of the nation's crop, and from 1848 until the War Between the States, about half. Farther west, in the newly-established Bepublic of Texas, tobacco was raised before 1840 and traded across the Rio Grande for Mexican sugar and coffee. Thomas Jefferson's vision was futfilhd. product, plug tobacco. Era o] good ch~ving For the first time, tobacco usage in the United States was not an imitation of some foreign mode, but entirely on its own. The general switch to chew- PtNAT 00017316 117
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Eveninr~gh~nd-re~yantebellum~ys, a~n~s in t~ spitt~ & n~ ~ t~ flo~, and to throw t~ir were implant. "~nt~n are req~ed to ~t ~s & ~um~ in the ~, ~ ~t at the window." ing tobacco was, indeed, a distinctively American departure. After two centuries of aping the pipe- smoking tradition of Europe and, on a higher social level, the Old World's snuff-taking ritual, Ameri- cans took the quid in their teeth. There were two generations might have described this delicate and dandified sniffing practise as "unAmerican." As in every change of tobacco fashion, product improvement played a part. Foreign snuff mills of the time used the poorest scrap, stems, sawdust explanations. First, the onset of the new habit was and straw. At the same time plug and twist, lash- partly a matter of psychology: a rejection, final and ioned from leaf of light color and pleasant mild- complete, of Europeans in general and the British hess, was displacing homemade tobacco rope. Most in particular, with their inlaid muff-boxes, formal Americans could not spell the "retrogression of airs and silk handkerchiefs. It is scarcely an exag- snuff quality," but they could taste it. It was not geration to say that muff was associated with the ~st time, nor would it be the last, that a change everything Americans detested. The Scotch, who pinched snuff as a means of pinching pennies, man- ufactured it and used the colonies as a kind of captive market. Led by the prince of state, the Regent, and the prince of foppery, Beau Brummel, fully half of all the hated English took "sneeshin." Snuff went with periwigs and kneebreeehes, with the French Bourbons and Marie Antoinette. Later in tobacco fashion was based on the development of a better way of bringing out the best in N/co- t/ana tabacumo Chewing tobacco was also a matter of conven- ience: Americans were on the move, trundling their wagons to new homesites, building roads and canals, clearing the forests, farming, mining. "Chaw" was the practical thing for the average man, who 118 MNAT 00017317
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could not pause in his day's occupation to I~ght up a cumbersome pipe.. It was practical for another rea- son-there was always a spittoon handy, as large as all outdoors. On the eve of Fort Sumter, manufac- tured tobacco meant chewing tobacco, either plug or twist. C~ the 348 tobacco factories listed by the 1860 Census for Virginia and North Carolina, only seven were smoking tobacco producers, and only six of the quid establishments mentioned smoldng to- bacco as a sideline. And a sideRne it was-in most cases the pipe tobacco was a heterogenous mixture of scraps left over ~rom plug production. In the main, ff a man wanted to puff a pipe, he could shred his own leaf, or slice up a plug. The universality of chewing is more remarkable in the light of the volume of manufactured tobacco reached by 1860- some 8,3,000,000 pounds in Virginia and North Caro- lina alone, or about as much as the nation's total export trade in 1820. In~ian u~ed When the tobacco trade moved west after the Revolution, it did not stop at the farthest settlement but went all the way-to the Rockies by land, to California by sea. One reason for its movement be- wnd the Mississippi and onto the plains (then called "the Great American Desert") was the In- dian. To the roving ~bes of the buffalo country, as to the more settled hut-builders of the eastern forests, tobacco had always been something special. West of the Mississippi basin there were sedentary, agricultural ~bes who cultivated tobacco: along the Missouri River, Mandans and Arikaxas; along the upper Rio Grande, the pueblo peoples; along the Snake River of the Northwest, Nez Perces and others. The plains tribes-Sioux, Cheyenne, Coman- che, Navaio.-were more likely to acquire their to- bacco by raid than by trade. Nevertheless, the leaf was prized by all of them. Where the harsh N/co- 119 HNAT 00017318
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Pontiac, who organized many tribes for 1763 revolt Pontiac smoked calumet with English Maior Roberts against British, was a chief of the Ottawas, one o~ at Fort Erie, was later welcomed to Oswego peace several tobacco-raising and tobacco-trading nations parley with tobacco. From the first, tobacco was a discovered hy Champlain 150 years before. Defeated diplomatic offering in dealings with the. Indians. tiana rustica did not grow, even harsher wild to- baccos were smoked, usually "blended with mild bark or leaves. Algonquin tribes even had a word for such a mixture-"kinnikinnick," from which a successful Lynchburg tobacco brand todk its name. Like the buffalo and everything else that was valued highly by the Ind/an, tobacco was a gift of the Great Spir/t and, smoked in a straight pipe, a symbol of peace on earth and goodwill toward men. The Indian palate was keener than his agri- cultural ability, for no sooner had white men begun for tobacco. There was never any quibbling about the leaf's acceptability in trading with Indians- only the question of what they could give in return. Thus, in the opening of the West, tobacco was a necessity of travel along with the beads, mirrors and other trading goods used to purchase food and "life insurance." Tobacco lalks In their sallies across the Appalachians, the empire-building British of colonial times shrewdly the cultivation of leaf from Latin American seed spoke to the Indian in his own language, of which than the red man ceased to cultivate Nicotiana tobacco was a part. The Great Lakes tribes, whose rustica. This was recorded along the Connecticut regular commerce in tobacco was documented by l~iver as well as the James and the York. In a sen, se, Champlain and the French explorers who followed therefore, the Indians were the first local "market" him, were "good Iroquois" to the French and, for MNAT 00017319
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that very reason, bitterly hostile to the English. These tobacco-trading nations, Ottawas, Hurons, Potawatom/es and Cldppewas, were organized in 176,3 by the great ch/ef Pontiac for a massive revolt against the invading British. Most of the forts in the wild "back country" south o~ the Great Lakes were seized by the Indians, only Detroit, Niagara and Fort Pitt holding out against the uprising. It re- quired r~-ee years to break up the Indian alliance and end "Pontiac's War." Proud in defeat, Pontiac sailed east fn~n Detroit with his fellow-cldda and stopped at Fort Erie in 1766 to ~moke the calumet and parley with the English Major Robert Rogers, commander of the western forts. When Pontiac and his party reached Fort Niagara on their journey to the peace council at Oswego, New York, the Brit/sh there welcomed them with tobacco and rum. To- bacco-with or without ~ewater on the side-be- came the standard diplomat/c gambit for dealing with Indians of almost every tribe as the English soldiery and later Amer/can explorers, trappers and ~r traders moved relentlessly west. Lewi, ar~l Clerk In the first overland breakthrough to the PacL6c, by Meriwether Lewis and Will/am Clark (the for- mer, appropriately enough, having been secretary to a former tohaccoman, President Thomas Jeffer- son ), the trail through Indian country and back was blazed with the aid of tobacco. At eve~ meeting with the native tribes, the young o~cers presented them with "carrotes" (hands or twists) of tobacco or passed the pipe with them-pausing to do so even on one occasion where a dangerous stretch of white water made them anxious to test their fate. They recorded in their diaries of the two-and-a-half-year tr/p the attitudes of various tribes toward tobacco. Five months up the Missouri River on the western swing, they described the Arikaras: The Nation o~ the Rickerries is about 600 men able to be~ arms a Great perpotion of them have fusees they appear to be peacefull,, their men tall and perpotiend, womin Small and industerous, raise ~reat quantities of Corn Beens Simnins &c. also Tobacco for the men to Smoke they collect all the wood and do the drugery... up the Missouri, across the Rockies and down the tobacco proved indispensable to win con~dence o~ Columbia, Lewis and Clark established ~diplomatic the red man. So much lea~ was given away that the relations" with numerous Indian nations, paving party had no ration o~ its own during return trip. MNAT 00017320
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This entry would appear to indicate that women cultivated the Arikaras' lea~-either a misconception on the part of the explorers, or an exception to the general rule that braves raised the tobacco. In August, 1805, the party found itsel~ south of what is now Butte, Montana, and named the Je~er- son l~iver "in honor of that ~llustrious personage Thomas Jef[erson (the author of our enterprize)." They worked their way up the Jefferson a~.d ascen- ded the Tobacco/toot flange in ~rch of the Snake Indians, with whom they wished to trade for much- needed horses. Just aher crossing the continental divide, Lewis and a party got close enough to 60 mounted warriors to communicate peacehd inten- tions. His account reads: bothe p~ties now advanced and we wet all car- resed and besmeared w/th their grease and paint till I was heartily tiredof the national hug. I now had the pipe lit and gave them smoke ; they seated themselves in a c/rcle around us and pulled of their mockersons beforethey would receive or smoke the pipe. this is a custom among them as I afterwards learned indicative of a sacred obligation of sincerity in their profession of friend- ship ~iven by the act of receiving and smoking the pipe of a stranger, or which is as much as to say that they wish they may always go bear- William Clark, right, had captained a company o~ militia, was 34 when he and Lewis ~ St. Louis to lind a Northwest Passage. Clark was an expert riverman, cozdd handle Indians as well as boats. Meriwether Lewis, le~t, was 30, had been Thomas lefferson's l~rivate secretary, had served under Clark, knew natural science and navigation. He co.commanded the great expedition into the West. foot if they are not sincere; a pretty heavy pen- alty if they are to march through the pla~s of Two days later he noted in ~ journal: they are excemively fond of the pipe; but have it not much in their power to indulge themselves with even their nat/re tobacco as they do not cult/vate it themselves. The desire for tobacco, coupled for one or another reason with the inability to grow it, was quite evi- dent among the Nez Perces, one of the most vanced Indian tribes. On October 4th Clark remarks " I disple~l an Indian by refuseing him a pice of Tobacco which he tooke the liberty to take By Christmas Day of the same year the expedition had reached the mouth of the Columbia and built a stockade, Fort Clatsop. Their holiday began: at day light this morning we we awoke by the discharge of the Kre arm of all our party & a Selute, Shouts and a Song which the whole party joined in under our windows, aher which they retired to their rooms were cheadull all the morn- ing. a~ter braldast we div/ded our Tobacco which a~ounted to 12 carrots one ha~ of which we gave to the men of the party who used tobacco, and to those who doe not use it we make a present of a handkerch/ef. The remaining six carrottes not distributed ~ Christ- mas presents were husbanded for trading on the trip back. Before leaving the coast, Lewis recorded that the "Clatsops Chinnooks and others inhabiting the coast and country in this neighbourhood, are excessively fond of smoking tobacco." He also found that other English-speaking traders had visited the river mouth to trade; the Indians "give us proofs of their varacity by repeating many words of English, as musquit, powder, shot, nile, fie, damned rascal, &c." The visitors were probably British sailors in the Sandwich Island trade, although Lewis sus- pected that a settlement had been established south along the coast. At any rate the trade goods offered by the whites had consisted of tobacco along with firearms, tinware, beads and sailor's clothing. The Indian commodity was, of course, furs. The damp winter of the Northwest delayed the departure east until the following March; most members of the varty were taken i]]. The Indian demand for their dwindling store of tobacco was insistent: one morning three Clatsops turned up and'remained all day, the object of their visit being "mear]y to smoke the pipe." flowing their dugouts MNAT 00D17~21
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trade kedbo~ used M~'~ mute opened ~ and CZm'k expedition of I805. Tob=co, thezt [ound, was an e~ential trade item. Anumg ~eoera| up the Columbia, the whites provisioned themselves along the shore by hunting and tracling. The Indians sold them roots, dogs, sturgeon, dried salmon and seal meat, but at high prices: one band refused to accept anything but tobacco in exchange. Conse- quently, we are now obliged to deny the uee of this article (to the men who) suffer much for the want of it. they substitute the bark of the wild crab which they chew ; it is very bitter, and they assure me they fred it a good substitute for tobacco, the smoken substitute the inner bark of the red wil- low and the ttmcommis. This was late in March. By July 8, Clark's group had recrossed the continental divide to fred the supplies they had cached the previous August. The "uee" of tobacco no longer had to be denied the men, for to- bacco was part of the cache. But at each encounter with In~ans-Yanktom, Mandans, and others-pro- tocol required that the pipe be passed, and by Sep- tember the supply was low again. Near the junction of the Missouri and Big Sioux Rivers (now part of the boundary between Nebraska and South Da- kota), Clark and his men came upon a licensed Indian trader plying the river: as we were in want of some tobacco I purposed to Mr. Airs to furnish us with 4 carrots for which we would Pay the amount to any Merchant of St. Louis he very rendi]y agreed to furnish us with tobacco and gave to each man as much as it i~ necessary for them to use between this and SL Louis, an instance of Generossity for which every man of the party appears to acknowledge. Clark adds, as an afterthought, that Mr. Airs "also insisted on our accepting a barrel of flour." So far as the tobacco historian is concerned, the journals of Lewis and Clark tell as much about the place of tobacco among white Americans as among red-although in one of the boxes of specimens and artifacts Clark sent to President Thomas Je~erson from Fort Mandan was "a carrote of Ricaras To- bacoo" (Arikaras' tobacco). The confidential com- MNAT 00017322 123
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Indian ~urs had been object o~ white traders ever since seventeenth-century tobacco planters ~ought beaver skins ~rom Virginia red men. "Commerce o~ the prairies" was a risk~j business. Tobacco twists not be grown on dry plains and Indians generally preferred white men's tobacco to native varieties. Also desirable were blankets, hardware and beads. mission given by Jefferson was "to explore the Missouri river, & such principal stream of it as... may offer the most direct & practicable water com- munication across this continent, for the purposes of commerce" and specifically to llnd how the fur trade might best be conducted by Americans. Among their many discoveries, Lewis and Clark found that tobacco was an essential element of that trade. ~ar and peace An offering of tobacco as a gift retained a special the Comanches, the best horsemen of the plains. When one of their warriors died, a handful of tobacco was buried with him to "quiet the dead." The expression suggests a realization of tobacco's everyday function-to quiet the living. But despite their pride and prowess, the feared Comanches were not above peacefully approaching white wagon trains to beg for tobacco. This practise almost precipitated a war in 1847 when Chief Cinemo of the Cheyenne was shot by a jittery teamster as he advanced asking for tobacco. (Be- fore he died, however, Cinemo counseled peace to meaning, because the leaf still held an aroma of his tribesmen.) sanctity for Indian males. Where the Indions cultir , The pipe did not always betoken outward peace rated tobacco, only the males tended the plant and or inner quiet. Among the plains tribes it often it was the only crop thus dignified. The leaf figured signified an agreement. Before making war, the in the life-habits of such non-agricultural tribes as sacred pipe was sent from village to village; those MNAT 00017323
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wil~g to strengthen the war party would indicate their assent by smoking. And in a somewhat sire- /Jar way, the long tradin.g.wrang]es between white man and red were generally opened and/or con- cluded with a shared pipe of tobacco. l,e~/ p~z~por~ ~ Oregon Long before the Rocky Mountain b~er was breached b~ l~d, ~ mo~t~ ~ap~rs ~e~ ~ne~at~g Oregon ~om ~e mou~ of the ~l~- bin River. ~ex~der R~s s~nt ~e ye~ ~n 1810 ~d 18~ ~ ~e No~w~t ~ ffade, ~d ~ journal ~equently mentions toba~ ~ ~ essen~ t~l d ~at ~ade. I~ p~cipal ~e w~ to ph~te • e Indies, ~o~g ~g "~e ~u~o~ step to ~ ~~t ~, ~d no bm~s ~ ~ entered u~n ~ these ~ple ~fore the ~re- mony of smo~g ~ over." Boss des~ ~ a~ack on a white hunt~g pa~ ~o~g to ~e s~ciW of toba~,~ ~d the ple~e e~ressed by a chief at the return of ~ old trader ~end: We are rejoiced to see one of our first and best friends come back again to live among us. We were always well treated by our first traders, and got plenty of tobacco to smoke. They never passed our camp without taking our children by the hand and giving us to smoke.. Ross was careful to use tobacco as his passport. On one trek to the Cascades he found five hundred well-armed Indians. who were obse~'.'ed"w .~- -orne shy towards us, a very bad sign." At night the crowd was taken into the white party's camp, and When the ceremony of smoking was over, a few words were addressed to the chiefs expressing the favorable sense we entertained for their character and their-deportment during the day. We also bestowed on each a head of tobacco, and to every one of the mot]y group we gave a sing]e leaf; which took a considerable quantity and some time to distr/hute. Th/s kind treatment was so d/f~er- ent to anything they had met with for years past that all with one voice called out in the Chinook language, "Haugh owe yea ah, Haugh owe yea ah," meaning "our friends, our friends." operations for fur trader Alexander Ross, builder affairs, and fit) business can be entered upon with of. the skin commerce with the Indians (1810-1825). those people before the smoking ceremony is over." NNAT 00017324
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Later Boss describes his answer to one tmruly red- they were under a very di~erent government to any man, "a fellow more lille a])~b00n than a man, othertbey had yet seen in the country." The Snakes with a head full of feathers and countenance of were not beggars of tobacco, but preferred their brass, having a free gun in his hand," who called own. Boss thought they were "perhaps the only out the one question that was central to the rela- Indian ~ation on the continent that mantdacture tionship between Indian and Caucasian: " and smoke their own tobacco." By 1820, white "How long are the whites to pass here, troubling our waters and scaring our ~h without paying look at all that bales of goods going to our en- emies," said he, "and look at our wives and chil. dzen naked'... I turned briskly round, "So long~" said I, "as the Indians smoke our tobacco: just so long and no longer will the whites~ i~ass here." Then I put a question to him in turn. gave you that fine gun you have.~" said I. "The whites," said he, "And who gives you tobacco to smoke.~ said I again. -The Whites," he replied. Continuing the subject, "Are you fond of your gun~ said I. "Yes," said he. "And are you fond of your tobacco to smoke?" To this question the reply was "Yes." "Then," said I, "you ought to be fond of the whites, who supply ~]l your wants." "Oh, yes," rejoined he. As Ross and his trappers made their way toward the Rockies, a little farther east each year, they encountered the Snake nation. "The regularity and order of these people convinced the whites that man's tobacco had been smoked in most parts of what is mow the United States, and Ross' obser','a- tion may have been substantially correct. The Snake tobacco plant grows low, is of a brown. i~h eolour and thrives in most parts of the country, but is a favourRe of sandy or barren soil .... it i~ weaker than our tobacco, but the di~erence in strength may be owing to the mode of manufac. truing it for use. For this purpose their only proc- ess is to dig it and then rub it free with the hands o~ pound it with stones until it is tolerably fine. In tl~state it almost resembles green tea. In smoking it lemves a green taste or favour in the mouth. Our people however seemed to like it very well • . . yet with all their fondness for the Snake tobacco, I observed that the moment they reached the fort the Snake importation was either bartered away or laid aside; one and all applied to me for gvod old twist~ Tim Snakes would often bring it to our people f¢~ sale; but generally in small parcels, sometimes tobacco. Yet the!~ all prized the leaf, using it to goodorderinKansasandColorado, was sketchedas signify agreement, to comfort the living and quiet he"passed the pipe" with Arapahoes. All was well. 126 MNAT 00017325
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~estward march o~ civilization displaced Indians from their lands. In 1870s and 1880s they became government wards, "cheaper to feed than to fight." an ounce or two, sometimes a quart, and some- times as much as a gallon. In their bartering propensities, however, they would oft~ make our frienc~s smile to see them with a beaver skin in one hand and a small bag containing perhaps a pint of the native tobacco in the other: the former they wou d o er or, paper two pence; while for the latter they would often demand an axe worth four or five shillings! In such classic accounts of the early plains traf]]c as Parkman's 1846 journey on the Oregon Trail, tobacco punctuates almost every camping halt, and "passing the pipe" figures in almost every conversa- tion that fo]]ows a meeting with a roaming Indian. For example: They were the Pawnees whom Kearsley had en- countered the day before, and belonged to a hrge Agencies on U.S. reservations handed out regular rations to the subdued tribes. These consisted of tobacco, co~ee, ?~our, sugar and beef on the hoof. hunting party, known to be ranging the prairie in the vicinity. They s~de rapidly by, within a furlong of our tents, not pausing or looking to- wards m, after the manner of Indians when medi- tating ~d, or conscious of ill desert. I went .out to meet them, and had an am/cable confer- eace with the chief, presenting him with half a pound of tobacco, at which unmerited bounty he expressed much graSgcation. These fellows, or some of their companions, had committed a das- tardly outrage [murder] upon an emigrant party in advance of us... And again: On the pra/rie the custom of smoking with friends is seldom omitted, whether among Indians or whites. The pipe, therefore, was taken from the wail and its red bowl crammed with the tobacco and shongmsha [red willow bark] mixed in suit- able proportions. Then it passed round the circle, each man inhaling a few whiffs ... MNAT 00017326 127
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When Parkman and his party arrived at Fort Lar- amie, then a trading post of the American Fur Company, he relates that the Indians of the vicinity pushed into their quarters and sat silently in a semi-circle. "I'he pipe was now to be I/ghted and passed from one to another; and th/s was ~e only entertainment that at present they expected from ~:~." The use of a pipe by Indians and whites doe.~ Tobacco continued to play a part on the great plains even after the free trade with roaming Indi- am had given way to a death hunt by the U. S. Cavalry. When the surviving tribes were rounded up and herded onto reservations, tobacco became an instrument of government policy, aptly ex- pressed in the phrase "cheaper to feed than to fight." Its v:due as a packer w~.s ,,'=.flec:--.,t by its not imply that smoking tobacco was carried.Pressed inclusion in the government ration distributed by plug was easier to carry and iceep and almost as convenient when the smoking-time came, since the red willow bark was usually sliced on a flat board and the tobacco at the same time. There was nothing about this haphazard Indian trading to push up the price of tobacco, or to move it across the plains in any volume. But when fifty thousand men trekked west during the Colorado Gold Rush of 1859 ('Pike's Peak or Bust"), tobacco, coffee and sugar were sold for their weight in gold dust. Indian agents; tobacco was one of the Eve staples regularly issued, the others being coffee, flour, sugar and beef on the hoof. Unnoticed and largely unchronicled in the pene- tration from the Appalachians to the Fiocki.es was the much older penetration of white settlement from the South, up to the headwaters of the Rio Grande. Smoking was not brought to the Santa Fe area by the Spanish whites; the ancient peoples of The old city of Santa Fe, reached during the 1820s by American wagon traders, had a tobacco tradition of its own. Early settlers, defying the rigid laws of Spain, rolled cigars from homegrown leaf. Pueblo people o[ ancient times used pipes and cigarettes, permitted only proven male hunters to smoke pipes. MNAT 00017327
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the pueblos had long before smoked red willow bark and coarse Nicotiana rust/ca in clay pipes, the custom l~eing permitted only to men who had shown their prowess as hunters. But among the precious stores dragged up the hundreds of m/les of hot desert from Mexico during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was tobacco: it was against the law for any province of Spain to manu- facture cigars with homegrown leaf. Nevertheless, the rigid law of Spain was not enforceable in so remote an outpost as old Santa Fe. A Spanish Padre, reporting on the ways of the settlers around 1650, wrote: They are content if they have a good crop of tobacco to smoke, caring for no more riches, apparentJy under a vow of poverty, which is uty- ing much for men who in their thirst for gold would enter hell itself to get it. During the 1820s, when American wagoners broke open the Santa Fe trail, they described the sefioras and sefior/tas w/th their black lace, lavender face powder, and "fearsome v/ce of employing the ~eegarito to wh/ch all females of the Capital, re- gard]ess of age or condition in society, are subject." The Americans' response to cigarette smoking did not indicate anti-tobacco sentiments, for almost every trader and trapper carried tobacco in his sack of "possibles" strapped to his horse. And American trade goods exchanged in Santa Fe often included Around 1820 American traders "dis- covered" Santa Fe, were surprised to sefioras and sehoritas using "seegaritos, to w h ic h all f e males o~ the Capital, regardless o~ age or condition in society, are subiect." wagonloads of tobacco-contraband under Spanish rule. More likely, the frontiersman-like the mid- western farmer of 1900--could not understand why anyone would take to cigarette smoking when quid and pipe were to be had. General Stephen Kearny, who used Santa Fe as a staging area for his 1846 expedit/on to California, also observed that all the local women smoked "seegaritos," and that at night the fandangos were danced through clouds of cigarette smoke. Many of these cigarettes were wrapped, not in scarce paper, but like those of the Aztecs, in cornhusks. At the public dances, cigarettes were lighted from flints; in the Governor's palace, the women ate from silver and held their cigarettes in pincers of gold. On July 4, 1876 Santa Fe., now part of the Terri- tory of New Mexico, U. S. A., celebrated the hun- dredth anniversary of independence with a grand parade. One of the most popular floats carried workers from the cigar factory, who rolled cigars as they rolled and presented them to the crowd. In addition to commemorating freedom from Britain, the town was also marking a freedom long denied under Spa/n-freedom to "roll their own." Cali Jornla When Americans began arriving in California ~arly in the nineteenth century they found, as Sir MNAT 00017328 I'29
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Francis Drake had found in 1578, that the tobacco in Northern California in 18~39, was trained in tan- tradition had preceded them. In the later instance, ning, brickmaking, shoemaking and cigarmaking. however, it was civilized Mexican settlers rather American arrivals a few years afterward found than savage Indians who were consuming the leaf. an unnamed monk in Monterey printing religious Valle|o of Sonoma, commander of Mexican troops tracts on cigar wrappers. And in 1847, a year before When this sk f Sa rancisco was made on the to live off those who found it. Among the thirty spot in 1848, the town was booming and Americans or forty professional men who set up in business were pouring in, some seeking gold, others seeking were three doctors of medicine, one cigar-roller. PlNAT 00017329
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California was annexed, the mushrooming city of San Francisco contained only three doctors but at least one cigar maker. As might be expected, the Mexican.Spanish tradition governed California manufacture, even while the Forty-Niners introduced the Eastern mode of consumption. Its cigar establishments grew quickly as Americans poured in: bv 1880 it was fourth in value of cigars produced, after New gork, Pennsylvania and Ohio. With this background, and in view of California's importance as a growing market, San Frandsco soon boasted a sizable cig- arette output as wall Until World War II and its squeeze on overland freight transport, the city was a manufacturing center for one of the top three companies. Attempts were made, in view of the long leaf haul from the East, to grow tobacco in the Colden State shortly after the Civil War. But in 1880 the poundage was negligibh-scarcely more than a thousandth of the national crop, and well under that of stony litth Vermont. Except for mod- est production in Missouri and Wisconsin, tobacco cultivation did not cross the Mississippi. Irrigation, so successful in converting sandy barrens into hx- uriant fruit groves, does not suffice for tobacco. Sub- tropical in origin, tobacco needs natural rainfall humid summers to attain richness d flavor. So the story of Americans and their tobacco was to unfold in terms of the arch-rivalry between the Ohio Val- ley and the Virginia-Carolina piedmont. Although Vfrgin/a accounted for half the nation's non-cigar tolmcco manufactures during most of the antebellum years, there wa~ ~l, en~, of market to go around. Thnaewer Western cities followed the lead of Virginia and the second largest producer, New York. Ches~g factories went up in Louisville, Clarksvil]e, Tenn., and St. Louis. A pioneer plug- maker of th~ last.named town, the Foulks factory, took on a s~m-in-hw named John Liggett and later evolved in~ liggett & Myers. Just as ImP-growing west of the Appalachians was an o~damt d the tidewater colonies and event- ually overlaok their production, so the western states first fmitated and later (after the War Between the.States) outstripped the Virginia Dis- trict in phgmaldng. The reason for this success lay in the natu~ of Burley leaf itself. Unlike the East- ern plant, lk~rley has little or no content of sugar. As phgmaldag grew more elaborate, flavoring was added to the cured leaf-licorice, rum, sugar, honey, or some oth~ sweetener. The low-sugared Burley leaf could absorb a considerable amount of this HighZy~bsorbent western BuHe'g u.~ used in plug by some eastern manufacturers even before the War Between the States. Luckg Strike plug was made in Brand name re~h~cts Go~ Rush excitement, as does the scenic la~l ]or Pike's Peak chewing tobacco. HNAT 00017330 181
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Licorice was first used in Virginia as a preservative, came to be appreciated as a sweetener. But Bright leaf, with natural sugar co,trent, could absorb only a little. "casing," and thus Burley permitted many more variations of flavor than Virginia tobacco, which has an ample sugar component to start with. It required time and seasoning-as it does for most tobacco products-for Burley plug to acquire its reputation, and meanwhile the power of the name "Virginia" was a strong sales in~uence. The'lack of repute was so much of a handicap for western man- ufacturers that some used the n~es of Virginia and North Carolina towns as box stamps, or even appro- priated the names of well-known eastern brands. Nevertheless,. special merit in a particular form of tobacco does not remain unknown very long. One of the first to capitalize on the particular vir- tues of Burley plug was an alert young manufac- turer in, of all places, Richmond, Virginia. In 1850 Dr. R. A. Patterson dropped his medical satchel to learn the tobacco business in his uncle's factory. Six years later he and a fellow-employee struck out on their own with conspicuous success, using the brand name Luck!t Strike to describe their principal product, a Burley plug. Like Pike's Peak, a chew made by Winfree and Loyd of Lynchburg, the name capitalized on the gold fever that was sweep- ing the East. Bluegras~ boom The upswing of planting and manufacture in the Middle West was scarcely disturbed by the four 132 years of civil war. "I:he closing of the Mississippi, which had dealt the Kentucky pioneers a severe blow Hty yems earlier, merely shifted the export route of Bm!ey tobacco-from the New Orleans river trip teaNew York train shipment via the new Louisville ~ Nashville line. Although Tennessee threw in as let with the Confederacy, Kentucky sided with ~, and thus the Ohio River valley was a protected area in the Union's Zone of the Interior. Keatucky superseded Virginia as the top tobacco statedming the war, although this "would probably ~ lmppened sooner or later in any event. Betwe~ I860 and 1870, the hurley crop in the Bluegrass State held its volume of more than I00,000,0~ lmUmtS. The Virginia-North Carolina total drOl~~ [~m 156,000,0000 to 48,000,000 pounds. Teayears later the so-called western crop of Kentu~,. Tennessee, Ohio and Missouri was nearly ~000 pounds, up about 25~ from the prewar fig~e, while the Virginia-Maryland-North Carolina tetal was 133,000,000, about P.5~ less than before the ~mlg. Of gretter significance than the rise in Burley quantity was a sudden improvement in quality that began in ~ along the fortunately-protected Ohio valley. T~hi~ was the accidental cultivation of so- called White Burley in Ohio, presumably the result 00017331
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of a botanica] mutation. "~nite" in this usage was a synonym for "Br/ght"-a word that could hardly find willing acceptance along the Ohio! Within l~f. teen years the lighter leaf (which was not white but soft brown ) had completely replaced the dark, gummy Red Burley formerly grown. The startling change, plus the shi.h of wartime leaf tra~c toward the east, made Cincinnati a thriving market town. Averaging receipts of about 6,000 hogsheads a year through 1860, the Queen City received 50,000 hogs- head in each of the last two war .......... years, a figure that went to I00,000 by the ~ter se~g season of 1880-81. Louisville, eighty miles farther west, handled 63,000 hogsheads in 1864 but averaged no more than that number through 1881. "Cincinnati," wrote the Uni.ted States censustaker of 1880, "is foremost in the dLstribution of this new and popular product, and in this trade knows no competitor except Louisville." B~de o/~he ~ wo~ The "new and popular" Burley, having bested the Atlantic states in crop volume, was now cha]- leng~g the older eastern centers in plug manu~ac- ture, st/]] the ]~ig item of the tobacco business ~/th 60~ of the toll] processed poundage. By 1880, the Middle West had gotten within striking distance of the Bright states, with ~,400,000 pounds of plug aga~t 45,800,000 poundsfor Virginia-North Carolina. (~ New York area produced virtually all the rest, 16,400,000 pound~. ) Taking full advan- tage of the porous, absorbent quality of the new strain of White Bur]ey, the midwesterners pressed the "battle c~ the sweet tooth." Plug made in St. Louis a~d Louisvi||e was ~,5~ licorice and sugar by we~t. The Br/gh.t leaf of the east could not absorb ~ quantities; the "fiat plug" of North Carolina averaged only 4% of sweetening, some die- hard manufae~trers holding the line with an abso- lute]7 unsweetened product. The Bright "purists~ denied to themselves the possibil/ty of such mouth-watering copy as the fol- lowing, canied in an 1885 advertisement to the trade by Harry Weissinger, a Louisville p]ugrnan: PRUNE NUGGET is madeofthe h/ghest grade of ~Vh/te Burley Leaf and Fruit The fruit, by a process known only to Absorbent qualities o~ Burley tobacco, which has little natural sugar, led to wholesale flatx~,ing o[ chewing tobacco. Mass output o~ ua~eet Burleg plug re~: Heart o~ each plug tobacco factory was its "kitchen," where top-secret flauoring was mixed. On~ ~'ted employees were allowed inside. MNAT 00017332 233
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(dotted line) was reached in 1897, which was also the climactic year of the "plug war" in the West. Market for chew remained static for twenty years. us, becomes a component part of the manufac- tured article, and thus a delicately delicious flavor is imparted never heretofore obtained outside of a French Confection. Tobacco is of itself a positive quantity and a pronounced flavor, and hence the difficulty of imparting a taste to it which is more delicate in its character than the tobacco itself. This from the very obvious reason that sufficient quantities of that which was more delicate could not be used to overcome that which was more strong. Hence manufacturers, in order to flavor tobacco, have had to use that which was more potent than the tobacco itself, and consequently the "drug store" taste and smell which pervades all flavored navy to.coo. To impart ~t delicate flavor to tobacco and yet not destroy the identity of the tobacco itself has been the dream of our manufacturing life. That we have been awakened to a realization of this dream in the production of "Prune Nugget" no one who chews the tobacco will doubt. In the chew of "Prune Nugget" the acme of our hopes has been realized; we have taken an advance step in the manufacturing art. and have left all competition behind. This great success is not without cost. and the • process is expensive; hence "Prune Nugget" can not be sold at a low price. It runs 9 to the pound and is packed in twelve-pound boxes. The lumps are of a novel and attractive shape. We have fixed the price at sixty-two cent~ per pound, which is as low as the quality will admit. The battle of the sweet tooth was thus a war of words as well as flavorings. But not all the words were as sugary as Weissinger°s. Early in the game Bright manufacturers had labeled Burley plug as "navy goods," a term of opprobrium, since the NaxT was alleged to buy cheap, common tobacco for its ration. One Virginia manufacturer went so far as 134 HNAT 00017333
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to label his brand Anti-Navy. But on this point the South was by no means solid. Richmond, still the largest plug town, averaged a sugar-and-licorice content of 17~, indicating that a goodly number of manufacturers had followed the lead of R. A. Pat- tenon and gone over to a Burley filler. Great pains were taken in that city to burn the slats and staves of tobacco hogsheads bearing ev/dence of mid- western origin. Despite the best, ff belated, efforts of the Pdch- monders, the West came into the manufacturing business just as it had come into farming-w/th a rush. Huge factories went up in Louisv/lle and St. Louis. There was no tradit/on of gende handcraft ha sleepy country establish/nents to overcome, no fussing over golden wrappers. Missouri produced about one-third as much manufactured tobacco as Virginia in 1880, Kentucky about a fifth. Ten years later the "show me" state was even with Virginia in pounds produced, even though the Old Dominion had stepped up its total by 2,5~. (Ohio iust about matched the smaller Kentucky output of plug and smoking, but was turning out cheap cigars in the hundreds of millions and in 1880 ranked third in brown-rolling behind New York and Pennsylvania.) By 1890 the Midwest had a corner on manufac- tured tobacco, with St. Louis and Louisville plac,- ing one-two. Even before that year, however, the old rivalry of East vs. Midwest, Bright vs. Burley, flat plug vs. navy, was superseded by fierce com- petition within each class of product. Around 1875, manufacturers of plug began to concentrate on dif- ferentiating their brands from those of the competi- tion. This brand identification was achieved in two ways: first, by the art of flavoring-exact formulas, almost impossible to duplicate and guarded like HNAT 00017334 135
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Bright tobacco or one with a Bright lea[ wrapper. Burle!/ chewing tobacco o~ came shape was called "navy." BurIe~/ twist (right), popularly known as "pigtail," evolued ~rom the old Spanish tobacco rope, was first woven or spun, then compressed. crown jewels, made the taste of each productmore or less distinctive; second, by brand name packag- ing. In the plug field this took the form of fin tags -usually an inch or less in width- having two sharp prongs that bent into the plug and pro- claimed its trademark and/or origin in bright yel- low, red, blue and green enamel. Before the genius of the Machine Age evolved tagging devices, small boys were hired to at~ the tin tags. It is interesting and p~obably significant that the tin tag, an important merchandising advance, was originated not in the West but by the Lorillard company of New York and Jersey City, about 1870. Appropriately enough, the first Lorillard plug to wear the novel disc was a brand named _Tin Tag (see page 1~3). The company attempted to patent the device for its exclusive use but the courts ruled that tir~ tags were not patentable and in short order tags were used by p]ugmakers generally. The gaudy identification of tobacco goods was not in itself new: fifty years before, rival cigar brands had begun to sport fancy names and em- bossed, grit bands and boxes of a regal splendor no tin tag could match. But the tin tag served a purpose beyond mere identification; as plug volume worked upward toward its 1897 peak of 900,000,000 the pre-irdlated dollar. Some tags were worth as much as half a cent apiece in trade-in value, although one-eighth of a cent was closer to the average. Fighting brand~ In the flush of the rush to "big business,* the entire plug industry dedicated itself to volume, let- ring the profit margins fall where they may. Each ambitious manufacturer turned loose at least one "fighting brand," sold to the trade~ for as low as 18c or 14e per pound (of which 6c represented federal tax). At the height of the plug war, in 1897, it was scarcely possible to make the product, even in volume, for less than glc per pound includ- ing tax. During 1896, 1897 and 1898 more than a fifth of the nation's plug was sold at a loss! The sole mission of the fighting brands was to cut into the other fellow's volume, and they were aptly branded: Batt/e /ix, the most famous, made by Louisville's National Tobacco Works; Scalping Knife, made by Liggett and Myers in St. Louis; Crossbow, made by the Drummond Company in the same city; Quality and Quantity, made by Sorg in Middletown, Ohio. These fighting brands were not, at first, popular favorites or profit.makers. Nor, in spite of their economy appeal and subsequent volume, did they become so. After the plug war, an attempt was pounds (which it was to approximate for the better made to restore Battle A.x to the 40c per pound part of 20 years), the manufacturers offered pre- needed to Show-a profit, but in three short years miums for the tin labels. Resembling coins in size ending in 1900 its volume dropped from 29,000.000 and sometimes in shape, the tin tags were the equiva- lent of currency. Not only prizes but cash could be had; in 1902, one manufacturer spent $1,567,000 in redeeming plug tags, no small sum in the day of to 12,000,000 pounds. The big brands of the day were Star, put out by Liggett, and Netcsboy, turned out by the National Tobacco Works. Another brand, Brown's Standard Navy, was famous for excep- 136 HNAT 00017335
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tiona] keeping qualities and gained success on a In imitation or outright theh of names there was a kind of piratical logic; there was none in some of smaller scale. Verbal .mrr[m.e The brand names used for plug ranged, in retro- spect, from the whimsical to the incredible. The National Works had a LIC Qu/d and a Monkey Wrcnch P!~;. X~.v.,.~ of Richmond offered L/ttle Swan Rough and Ready and Darling Fanny Pan Cake, either name enough to curdle the lustiest masculine appetite. For every action there was an equal and opposite reaction. When Pfingst, Doer- hoefer & Company of Louisville registered Piper Heidsieck, the "gentleman's quid," it was only a matter of time before a rival-in ~ ~e McN~ara: Sealts & Mullen of Covington, Kentucky-registered Champagne and Mumm's Extra Dry. Chewers whose salivary conditioning resembled that of Pavlov's dogs were not intended to take the latter brand name literally. As late as 1885 trade marks could not be regis- tered in the patent o~ce unless they were used in commerce with foreign nations or with the Indian tribes. Redress could be had at common law, but this was no great deterrent to imitation. There were at least nine manufacturers with~ a Legal Tender plug, three with Honey Suckle, six with Strawberry, "four with Pine Apple, eleven with Honey Dew (and one slyly branded Mountain Dew). There was, inevitably, a plug tobacco named Durham in an effort to borrow some of the sales appeal built up by Durham smoking tobacco. This Durham plug was made in Richmond. the plug designations used even by the largest com- panies. Thousands of potmds of palatable tobacco were sold under such names as Hard Pan, Plank Road, Grit, Old Slug, law Bone, Old BricL A//iga- tot, Ring Coil Hot Cake, Leatherwood, Sailor Knot, Ironsides, Sam Ione~ Vest Chew, Red Hot, and Marline Sp/ke. Lacking even this grisly imagina- tive character was a brand put out by Wilson & MeCallay of Middletown called That. So desperate for a name was Thomas C. Williams of Richmond that he titled one of hb plu~ L/ttle Worth. A small plugger of Ckillicothe, Missouri, bucked the trend by calling his brand No Tag. Weird nomenclature was by no means confined to the cheapest form of tobacoo. Fine-cut chewing mixtures, a comparatively expensive specialty, bore names as repulsive as Mule Ear, Lime Kiln Club and Susin's Excelsior. Tarred Chewing. Nor was humor of a sort lacking: one fine-cut brand name was Its Naughty, But Oh How Nice. The term "chewing tobacco" covered several kinds of product. "Flat p]u~" meant compressed rectangular ca~es of Bright tobacco, sweetened ]/ght]y or not at all "Navy" also referred to fiat, rectangular cakes but was reserved for Burley leaf, highly flavored. "Twist" accounted for about one- twentieth of plug volume and was a tobacco rope braided by hand like the ancient West Indian roll and then compressed. "Fine-cut chewing" resem- Tin tags served two purposes: pronged into plug, some assurance o~ consistent quality; they were they constituted a trademark tdenti~.ation and also premium tokens redeemable for prizes, cash. MNAT 00017336 137
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Like the Virgir~ tobacco towns, Lou~ille was a natural leaf market and manufacturing center owing to its ri~er location, near the confluence o~ Ohio bled long cut smoking tobacco in that it comprised shredded stripped leaf (not sliced plug) and was not compressed; it was made specifically for masti- cating, however, using dark Green River leaf in addition to Burley. Fine-cut was just as expensive as long-cut pipe tobacco (about 1900 smoking and chewing tobaccos alike averaged aboOt ~Se per pound to the trade, with granulated Bright priced 5e or so higher). The volume of fine-cut chewing generally ran close to that of twist. Navy was not usually wholesaled in bite-size squares but in rectangles averaging a pound in weight and three inches by sixteen in size. These were indented for the retailer's convenience into five or six "cuts" which sold ordinarily for a dime per cut. Some brands were "two-spaced" or "two- faced'-divided on one side into five cuts, on the other into six. Armed with his fearsome plug cho~- and Mississippi. Da6ag and after the War o[ 1861, Louisville handled:time. 60,000 hogsheads per year and was rioaled mla~ market only by Cincinnati. per-one widely nmt slicer was designed to resem- ble a battle axe t~l~mmote the brand of that name -the retailer had l~ option as to how big a cut to sell for a dime. During the 80~ ~ 90s the small quidmaker faded from the ~ m large volume with micro- scopie unit profi~ lteeame the order of the day. As the century ~ to a close there were only ten sizable plug mra~acturers: Liggett & Myers, Drummond, andll~ler in St. Louis; Finzer and the National Tobaeeot~otks in Louisville; Sorg in Mid- dletow~; Scotte~, ~ Detroit; Lorillard in Jersey City; and in Win~m, so-called "Storm Center of the Plug Industrlr,~ Beynolds and Hanes. These ten companies ~ did 60~ of the nation's plug manufacture. The~ants among them were Liggett 138 MNAT 00017337
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& Myers and National Tobacco Works, each with a cool one-seventh of total production. This listing alone tells the story of the battle of the sweet tooth: it was a "naval" victory for the Midwest, whose seven leading pluggeries accounted for 52~ of national poundage. There were fine old fn-ms of some consequence outside the big ten: Brown in St. Louis, Mayo, Patterson, J. Wright in Richmond; $. W. Venable in Petersburg, and others. But their annual Output ran to one, two or three million pounds each. They did not rank with the ~,000,000 or ~,000,000 pounds turned out by Liggett and National, or the 10,000,000 figure approached by Drummond, But- ler, Lorillard and Sorg. Actually, the victory of the West was not so overwhelming as the plug situation alone would indicate. During the last quarter of the nineteenth HNAT 00017338 139
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sharp decline that ¢m~inues to the present day. Not that the mightyphg towns of the Mississippi did not make an e~ort in the field of smokings. Almost every sizable pl~ plant added pipe mix- tures to its line. B~ d,e leaf requirements, the flavoring touch, thec~t~g, the packaging were all different from those d chew processing. Missouri never exceeded a 7~0.(100-pound annual output of pipe tobaccos; ~-meaning Louisville- achieved twice as ma¢~ volume as Missouri by Plug tobacco was made in rectangular slabs about an inch thick, three by sixteen inches or so, and a pound in weight, scored for cutting into small chews. Star brand tgpifted"M issouri manufactured." century, while theWest concentrated almost wholly on quid, North Carolina and Virginia were riding upward on a new, fast-selling product-bagged smoking tobacco for pipes. This product was soon to replace plug as the common man's 'baeey, and ultimately to spawn an even greater growth item, the cigarette. Thus, even within the manufactured tobacco field, Virginia and North Carolina were able to maintain their position and weather the assault sweet Burley plug. In 1890 the two Atlantic states accounted for 88g of the nation's smoking and chew- ing output. During the 90s the western plug tories dented this to P, Sg, but by 1904 the Virginia- North Carolina volume was back to its customary third, where it remained until World War I. After that conflict, the ~ increased to 4(7/, although total manufactured tobacco production had begun a National market was "tied" together in railroad- building rush of 1862-1883. Work train of Union Paci]ic inched across the plains of Nebraska and Wyoming guarded by soldier and Indian scouts, was called "Hell on Wheels." National brands, uniform quality developed concurrently with railroad net. 140 HNAT 00017339
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1~)~, but even this was less than 10~ of the national total, and no threat to the Virginia-North Carolina poundage (40,000,000 pounds in 1004, ,KS,000,O00 in 1909, 68,000,000 in 1914). While cigar brands were still regional favorites rather than national brands (to a considerable extent, they are still); and while cigarettes were incubating as an exotic novehy in the big cities; bags of smohun and boxes of plug were achieving national distribution and national reputation. This The frenzied pursuit of volume by the mid- changeover from local factories spewing forth thou- western plugmakers,.and themore profitable growth sands of brands to.the nationally advertised, widely of smoking tobaccos centered in the Emt, marked known trademarked product was not peculiar to the emergence of tobacco as a national industry, the tobacco business. The factor which brought it MNAT 00017340
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Mississippi packet, operating on a responsible pilot, replaced the brawling boatmen on whom leaf transport once depended. But rise of meant mater routes no longer fixed the looat~ono/ t~ceo mar~s ~ fact~y towns. New Orleans, for one, mw tobacco output dwindle. about had nothing to do with the tobacco evolution: .railroad-building. The breakdown of sectionalism and the uniting of the country with steel ribbons was attempted as in other consumer goods, could not be launched until the steel ways were laid down to receive them. T~ qu/U/~ o! the q~d early as 18,~, with Stephen A. Douglas, the great But the very proc~s by which the big plug sellers • debater and political opponent of Lincoln, devoting were made available to every American made most his forensic talent in Congress to the matter of a Americans lessinterestod in ,eatin" tobacco." Radi- ating outward from the city factories, the railroads transcontinental railroad. Legislation was not passed until 1862. For seven years afterward the track gangs sweated; Chinese by the thousands carved the Central Pacific right of way out of the Sierra Nevadas and spurted eastward across the Nevada-Utah desert. Meanwhile, rolling westward from Council Bluffs, the "Hell on Wheels" work train under mili- tary escort fought monotony, supply shortages and rampaging Indians across the Nebraska and Wyoming plains. Parallel and connecting lines came thick and fast after the Central Pacific and Union Pacific met in 1869 at Ogden, Utah; by 1883 there were four transcontinental railroads. The old reliance on canals and rivers was ended; railroads made the U. S. a single whole, not only by making all corners of the nation accessible to settlers but by providing rapid and regular communications and deliveries to virtually the whole population. National brands, in tobacco and carried such intangibles as good manners, good dress, and cosmopolitan taste along with the st~zcked commodities in their rattling freight cars. The imagi- nary line with townfolk on one side and half-wild pioneers or prospectors or rivermen on the other disappeared. Pride in isolation and self-sufflciency, symbolized by the ruminant clenching of teeth on wad, remained only among the old-timers-and they were losing their teeth. The tendrils of the city, with its refined tastes and broad outlook, reached out to all but the most remote hillfolk. In part, chewing tobacco-whether on Margarita Island or on the scattered homesteads of nineteenth- century U. $.-was a function of space and solitude. Space, because of chaw's juice-generating charac- ter; solitude, because chomping was a substitute for chatter. In va~'ing degrees the cigarette, the pipe and even the cigar were less otTensive to non- smokers (although the last-named form sometimes 142 MNAT 00017341
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resembled chewing tobacco in the mouths of par- ticular consumers). They were, certainly, more con- ducive to conversation. If the philosopher Hobbes was correct in describing li~e in ",.he natural state as "solitary, nasty, brutish and short," then the passing of chew signalized the arrival of civilization. In other words, the ascendancy of chawin' terbaeker could not be assigned solely to the physical eireum. stances of the chewer; plenty of it was molared in crowded cities. Chew was supreme when the city Lf li~e on the land became an e~ension of city existence, so did ~e on the water. The rive:men on whom the movement of leaf tobacco once depended-and who sometimes stole as much as they delivered-were supplanted by the Mississippi steamboat pilot. He was no thief, nor was he "half horse'~ alligator," but the responsible operator of a city-sponsored transportation factory. It was altogether proper that Mark Twain, who learned l£fe on the Mississippi as a river pilot, was not a was dominated by the frontier and when Ameri~ ... cmsin', spittin" gloried in being common men, in the ancient Latin sense of the vu/g~. Toward the e:~d of the nine- teenth century, as the industrial revolution set in and the city came to dominate U.S. culture, Ameri- cans no longer played the prideful bumpkin but acted like urbane men of affairs. The quitting of the quid meant simply that men were no longer proud of their resemblance to animals. savage but a cerebrator careful in his choice of words and careful in his choice of pipe tobacco and cigar. As a thoughtful man, it was inevitable that he should consider giving up smoking; and as a e0nnoisseur oflife, it was natural that he should do so not once and for all but "hundreds of times." For the tobacco historian, the significant thing about Mark Twain was that he-perhaps the most | d cigar ~,~oker, mid he could give up smoking with ease ¢md had in fact done ,o "hundreds of tirr, es.~ MNAT 00017342
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cosmopolitan citizen of the postbellum West-was a smoker and not a chewer, a thinker and not a "nateheral man." The pendulum of tobacco fashion was swinging back to the East. l'lu~ war The abrupt tax increase of June 1898, from 6c to 12c per pound, followed a year of tremendous vol- ume in plug sales. Much of be volume of 1897 may have been art~ally inspired by the "bm'gains" than preference was shown in the first year of the higher tax: plug consumption dropped by 10~. Although the 12c tax was halved early in 1902. chewiq.g tobacco never signi~eantly exceeded its t897 peak in later years. In terms of per capita con- sumption or percentage of haf used in manufacture, quid rode steadily downward after 1897. The great plug years of 1890-1910 were to rep- resent the high-water mark of tobacco manufactur- ing west of the Appalachians. During these years offered in the course of price competition. No doubt Missouri, Kentucky and Ohio kept 60~ or more of many customers found it more convenient t~ buy the plug market. Toward the end of that period a pound of plugfor~n'd~i~' i(~t~~i~s ..... Only one eastern plug town-Winston-held an than to pay 65c for a pound of plug-cut or granu- important concentration of volume. In 190~ the lated mixture. Whatever the reason, chewing tobacco in 1897 accounted ~or exactly hal~ of all leaf used in manufaetm..'~in..' g-an amount equal to the weight of smoking, muff, cigars and cigarettes combined. That this was attributable more to price Reynolds Company and its subsidiaries turned out well over 20,000°000 pounds of flat Bright chew- about a seventh of the nation's plug total-and boosted their share to a fourth by 1912. But because of the close rehtioushlp between smoking tobacco production. Louisville s National Tobacco Wor~, mbasuring ~ x16 inches, were sliced b!l retailer above, was one of the largest and accounted loT. a into five or six "cuts" each selling for a dime. 144 MNAT 00017343
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and cigarette blends, Louisville, St. Louis and the other midwestern states never seriously challenged the East in white-roll output. Today 80g of cigarette volume originates in Richmond, Durham, Winston, Reidsville and Greensboro. Only Louisv£lle remains as a midwestern making center with substantial volume, accounting for nearly a ~th of cigarette production. The exuberant growth of Burley and the thickly- sweetened navy plug processed from it had been more or less natural phenomena. When Virginia soil was worked-out and weak, the virgin acres of Kentucky, Tennessee and Ohio luxuriated in sheer productivity. When the burned-out manufacturers of Richmond were groping to revive the past in the bitter smoke of Reconstruction, the lusty phgmen of Louisville and St. Louis, unharmed by war, were reveling in a frenzy of mass production. In their processing as in their planting, the westerner quid- men were oriented toward quantity. Possibly for that very reason their sway was brief. The new era, the era of national brands, the era of new developments and higher living standards for all, was not to rest on volume alone. Competition in quality, as distinguished from crude price com- bat, was to play a part; invention-agricultural and mechanical-was to play a part; alertness to the subtle ground swell of changing consumer prefer- ence was to play a part. Actually, Kentucky and Tennessee and Missouri and Ohio had learned their leaf cultivation from the experienced East. They had also learned prizing and preserving and flavor- ing from the handcraftsmen of antebellum Virginia. While they were occupied in applying these lessons with characteristic western vim, the older tobacco centers were acquiring new knowledge and new techniques faster than the transmontane tobacco- men could absorb them. Quantity was the word among Burley planters a~ it wa~ among plugmakers. This warehouse, built in Oweasboro, Kentucky in 1890, was among wm'Id's largest wood frame structures of its type. Wooden superstructure has been removed; same foundation now supports two-story cigar manufacturing plant. MNAT 00017344 145
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Flue.curing of Virginia and North Carolina leaf, developed iust before the War Between the States, gave the tobacco industry a new impetus. Southern tobacco was swapped for Northern coffee. Soldiers of both armies, mustered out in 1865, stimulated a national demand for the sweeter Bright tobacco. BLUE, GRAY AND BRIGHT nz difference between a colony and a self- T su~icient nation shows vividly in the story tobacco. For the better part of two centuries, Vir- ginians and their neighbors to the north and south had been, in effect, field hands to His Majesty. The dark "shipping leaF" they sent abroad improved but little during the export years - it only increased in quantity as the tobacco fields climbed beyond the tidewater and over the fall line. As chance would have it, part of the tidewater soft produced a naturally Bright ]ea~ - the sweetscented. But as a slavish supplier of raw stu~, Virginia had no opportunity to develop its potentiality, to experi- menL to specia]L~e. Early in the nineteenth century, the second War of Independence was followed by a transformation of the tobacco trade and other economic pursuits. For this, the term "Industrial Revolution~ has been coined, but it is perhaps just as accurate to describe it as a spiritual revolution. The widespread rejec- tion of pipe and snui~-box in favor of chewing was a surface manifestation of the new spirit. But the essence of the change lay deeper. In a mere genera- tion or two, without losing their export trade, the liberated Americans developed a wholly original mode of mantdacture (plug) and at the same time pedeeted a new, superior kind of leaf tobacco (Bright) which in turn completely changed the world's tobacco tastes. All this oceurred in the threescore and ten years following the War of 1812. And it was accomplished by people whose fathers and grandfathers and great'grandhthers had worked the very same soft year after year after year without let, plunging deeper into debt as they re- peated the seasonal round. The Tobacco Sack These people were the Virginians and North Caro "lmians living in what was called the "Virginia District" or the "Tobacco Sack'-the central belt of piedmont Virginia with a tier of half a dozen North Carolina counties forming the sack's fiat bottom and the Fredericksburg-Madison line con- stituting the narrow neck. They began making "homespun" twist for chewing in much the same way as the New England farmers evolved the homemade cigar. Tobacco growers did not find it difficult to form dry leaf into a coarse, sometimes MNAT 00017345
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L sweetened .twist for their own use. Storekeepers who took tobacco in payment for trade goods proc- essed it for sale at a pro~t without much trouble. As the population increased and the demand for worked tobacco grew, tbe rush to manufacture was on. Lea~ dealers naturally turned to fabrication; a negro slave set up a small shop and bought I~s freedom with the pro~ts; even gentlemen of the cloth entered the trade. Twi, t ~o lump During the eighteenth century, a wheel was used to fashion tobacco leaves into a rope or twist, some- times yards long. After a little aging, the twist could be sliced into shavings for a pipe, ground up for snuff, or chopped into bite-size chunks for chewing. The first step in this procedure was to strip the entire midrib or stem from each leaf, and for this reason the factories of Virginia were ohen called "stemmeries." The wheel was abandoned, and the delicate strip tobacco was fashioned into a twist by ]mnd labor. T~e twist then went into a press for a few days, and was "prized" or compresse¢] as tight- ly as wooden or iron screws would permit. T~e purpose of "prizing'- which was very ~ to hogshead prizing on the plantation by lever or screw-was to distribute the moisture evenly throughout the final product. As pressuring devices were refined, the basic twist gave way to a lump, still shaped by hand and then eompres...--,d rae- chanically into a calve or plug. As chewing became a national pastime, the de- mands of the market added infinite variations to the simple choice between twist and ~at plug. Some liked their "e.haw" natural, others ,a-..ated it sweetened. The number of possible sweetening recipes was in~ite, and each manuhet~er took inl~te pains to keep his formula secret. The most important'casing" or flavoring ingredient was lico- rice, which was in use around 1880 by some of the 119 hctories in the Virginia District. ('Caven- dish" entered the tobacco lex/con as the term for licorice-cured led, from the name of a l~orfolk exporter who used it as a preservative.) But rum, sugar, tonka beans, cinnamon, nutmeg an~ a host of other spices and condiments were meas~ed into the dipping vats as the number of chewers, brands and factories increased. HNAT 00017346 147
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Principle o~ plugmaking derived ~ the ~izing ~ c~e~ng a~rat~ ~ed to ~ck ~gs~a~ ~ t~ [a~. Pur~se ~ ~e~u~zing c~w ~ t~ e~n d~ributi~ ~ ~ure thr~gh ~n~d ~ua to ~ent sponge in ~rm wearer. Mo~ure c~trol ~ ~ill key to q~lity tobacco ~ki~. As is still the c.a.se in tobacco making, the most important single factor in quality control was reg- ulation of moisture. Dried-out tobacco is brittle and harsh; overly moist tobacco is subject to mould and decay. Many a box of plug and twist manu. factured during the damp Virginiz winter held enough moisture- impossible to detect in cold weather-to spoil in the warmth of Summer. Some selling agents refused to buy "first quarter plug" or "winter work" and it was frequently proposed that the plug factories should shut down from De- cember through March in order to preserve the good repute of Virginia tobacco. This was not done to any great extent, for the simple reason that the concept of brand names and its corollary, uniformity of product, had not yet taken hold. Here and there a mamffacturer's name or that of a particular town stood for outstanding quality, but the bulk of factory output was un- branded, anonymous merchandise and the brands that did exist were small and local. Most tobacco was grown for export; in the early years of the nineteenth century rotten and waterlogged tobacco that could not pass inspection for export was plowed into domestic manufacture. If a consignee complained that last winter's production had turned mouldy, the obvious recourse was to ch~ge the consignee, or the brand name, or both. This approach to the market was inherent in an indus- try comprised of many small businesses; it still characterizes the hinge of the cigar industry. "Where the advertising investraent is negligible, as in the one-man shop or family enterprise, it is simpler to change trademarks than to maintain set standards of leaf quality or precision of manufac- ture. Conversely, where a well-advertised trade- mark has won a sizable portion of the r/aarket, ordi- nary prudence and self-defense dictate a special effort to preserve consistent quality. C, ra7 land Joe Bright The connoisseur of "eatin" tobacco" soon came to demand that his quid be not only delectable to the tongue but also pleasing to the eye. Manufacturers began to search out hogsheads of smooth, light- colored leaf for use as wrappers; the more golden the leaf, the more it brought on the leaf markets. This was the circumstance that led to the develop- ment of true Bright leaf, rendered lemon yellow by a combination of sandy soil and forced curirig of the fresh tobacco in barns heated by flues. Oddly enough, the clamor for bright-wrapped Southern thaw arose at about the same time dark-wrappered cigars in the Spanish mode were finding favor in the North. While Virginia manufacturers were steeping plug filler in licorice as a sweetening, MNAT 00017347
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Yankee leaf growers were using it to darken their broadleaf! There had always been a demand, more or less sporadic, for "colory" tobacco, that is, a light, mild leaf of a yellow or golden hue and sweet aroma. Edward Digges satisfied it as early as 1650 from his gray land on the York, and some of the other tidewater planters, similarly favored, commanded premium prices for sweetscented leaf in colonial times. The belt of sandy soil extending through the center of Virginia came late to cultivation, as it was part of the less accessible piedmont. For two centuries the European market showed no great interest in Bright tobacco, for the v~.ry reason that it commanded premium prices. In France, for instance, the Farmers-C, eneral maxi- mized the profit from its tobacco monopoly by feeding strong scrap to its captive market. Most smokers, Frenchmen included, would rather smoke shag than nothing. Napoleon's campaigns through Europe, however, brought considerable numbers of Manu[acture oI chewing tobacco developed in four Virginia towns-Danville, Lynchburg, Petersburg, and Richmond. Choice Iemon yellow lea] was sought French soldiers into contact with Russian ("Turk- ish") tobacco, and generated a demand for milder, more aromatic leaf. As this overseas demand for color)" leaf strength- ened following the War of 1812, the naturally light color of Maryland leaf attracted attention. As a result, Maryhnd tobacco in genera.1 brought a higher-flaan-average price right through to the Civil War, and "MaD'land" became a term used abroad to des'cribe light-colored leaf. Around 1825 the best "Maryland" was grown in the vicinity of Zanesville, Ohio. Some years later a sandy stretch along the Kentucky shore of the Ohio River, ealled Yellowbanks, turned out color), tobacco sweet enough for the English buyers. Revived interest in yellow leaf provided extra incentive for the movement of tobacco out of the tidewater and up onto the piedmont. The tobacco wharves of the Chesapeake were no longer the ex- clusive support of merchant fleets, for in 1803 cot- ton passed tobacco as the nation's leading export. for wrappers, which enhanced the sales appeal of "Virgin" chew. Search for colory led to flue-cure of Bright leaf and rebirth of Virginia-Carolina. NNAT 00017348
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,I 0 C & II @ "Tobacco Sack" comprised central belt of Virginia and north.central belt of North Carolina, bounded on east by the fail line and on wcst by the Blue Ridge (dotted lines). Antebellum Virginia tobacco towns were all on rivers; postbeZlum centers of North CaroIi~a-Durham and Winston-were not. This was the combination of circumstances that shaped the Tobacco Sack in central Virginia. But it was the poor, sand)" soft of North Caro- lina-known during the tidewater's gold.en years as "the land of tar, pitch and pork"-that contributed Bright leaf. Lightness and mildness in tobacco is achieved, literally, by starving the leaf as it grows; and the siliceous ridges of the Carolina piedmont, too thin for almost any other crop, were exactly suited to this purpose. The choice qualities of to- bacco grown on these ridges was to transform the "Rip Van Winkle State" into a world center of tobaccomaking. This, however, was not to tran- spire until after the War Between the States. Dur- ing the years when Virginia man~acturers were spreading the use of Virginia leaf in plug form, North Carolina was being deserted, man)" of its ex- hausted farmers leaving its exhausted soil to join the trek to the West. $1ade'. cure In 1889 an eighteen-year-old Negro on the Slade Farm in Caswell Count)', lust south of Danville, Virginia, was curing leaf in a barn heated by wood fires. When the fires were almost burned out, he fed them with charcoal ordinarily reserved for the blacksmithing forge, since the woodpile was soaked by rain. Under the renewed blast of heat supplied by the charcoal, Stephen's leaf "kep' on .vallogan and kep" on yallowin" and kep' on yalloxs'in'." It also sold for forty cents a pound, as against the average ten cents. Such curings, achieved not en- HNAT 00017349 150
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Wely by accident, had cropped up on the Tobacco Sack markets before. As early as 1828 in Louisa County, Virginia, one planter was heating his barn from an outside firebox which delivered heat in- side via a stoue-]~ed tunnel. In 1832 Dr. Davis G. Tuck of Halifax County (also Virginia) patented a curing method which used a stove in a tight barn. Charles E. Gage, director of the first comprehen- sive compilation of tobacco statistics for the U. S. Department of Agriculture and an authority on the history of tobacco cultivation, ]ms noted that Tuck's schedule of daily temperatures, as published in an 1832 booklet, closely approximates modern prac- tise. So the $1ade cure, though accidental in itself, was the continuation of a long effort rather than a sudden change of direction. The essential feature of the cure was not neces- sarily charcoal but a thorough drying out of the leaves ("sapping") before the final intense heat was applied. Tb.is was accomp~hed, as yellow ]ea~ production evolved, in two ways: (1) using ventilated barns, permitting the escape of moisture driven out of the leaves by the first gradual appli- cation of heat; (2) using flues to introduce heat without smoke. Danville', ~ Although this method- "fine-curing"-was not standardized until after the Civil War, the farmers in the Tobacco Sack region turned out fair mounts of colory leaf during the 1850s. James Thomas, Jr., Twisted tobacco rope gave way to lumps, also made by hand. "Lumpers" o[ Danville became famous for their accuracy, shaped lumps without using scales. Richmond's leading mantffaeturer, set up a second factory in Danville so that he could get first crack at such fine gold leaf as was brought to that mar- ket. (Caswell County, just south of Danville and Pit*sylvania County, formed the first incubator for the new, true Bright leaf.) If Jamestown was the Early manufactured tobacco center was Danville. The town was close to sandy piedmont ~arms which ~;ielded naturally bright lea[ even before advent o[ flue-curlng. Small manufacturers moved to the place in order to get ~rst crack at the limited supply o[ light-colored wrapper lea[ grown nearby. MNAT 00017350
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A small town in the Blue Ridge foothills, Lynchburg became a tobacco center of first rank after 1840, when it was linked by the ]ames RiverCanalto Richmond. Buyerswere summoned by trumpet to the leaf markets or "breaks," so called because the first item of business was breaking open hogsheads to get samples on which purchasers based bids. cradle of America's leaf export tradition, Danville was the cradle of leaf marketing and manufactur- ing. Pittsylvania County was, in number of fac- tories, the nation's tobacco capitol early in the nineteenth century (although Richmond was prob- ably the leader in weight d output from the first). The reason for Danville's prominence was nearby White Oak Mountain, which guarded a pocket of land especially suitable for growing Bright leaf. As the planters moved inland across the fall line, the Danville region was one of the first piedmont places to support tobacco culture. This in turn led the small manufacturers of the day to set up their fac- tories in to~n or in Pittsylvania CountT, where they could be within shouting distance of the choicest wrappers for their plug products. And this, of course, made Danville a capital leaf market, hun- drecls of ~arrn wagons trundling in long lines across the covered wooden bridge over the Dan River during the season. Richmond', reign As the century wore on, tobacco manufacturing mushroomed. Factories in Virginia and North Caro- lina multiplied from 119 in 1840 to 348 in 1860. In the latter year tobacco products made in the United States weighed more than I00,000,000 pounds (about one sixth of the total being ex- ported). Almost all of it was plug or twist, shipped in l'25-pound wooden boxes with the maker's name MNAT 00017351
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and city stamped on the bare wood. The manufac- equip a battery of Cordederate artillery at his own taring capital soon came to be Richmond, which expense, and became an unot~icial financial ad- had all the requisites-leaf markets, transportation, viser to Jefferson Davis" government. and banks. It also had s~ewd busine~me~ like ~ Another g, ell-known Richmonder, Robert A. James Thomas, Jr., the "uncle" who taught young May0~~pp~~d~ i/ivy with plug under the logi- Dr. B. A. Patterson the tobacco trade. Patterson's daring use of Kentucky Burley in Richmond-made plug was about the only trick his Uncle Jim missed. Thomas was among the first to recognize the im- portance d "bright yellow lumps." He was among the fast to ship quality chewing tobacco (i.e., mould-proof quid) to California during the Gold Bush years, thereby achieving a virtual strangle- hold on that state's business. On hearing about the firing at Fort Sumter, cal brand name-much-imitated later on--of Navy Tobacco. Because of his contractual relationship with the Federal Government, the local Whig newspaper objected to his candidacy for public o~ce in 1850. The reply of the Democratic news- paper is a classic of tobacco lore: "Mr. Mayo sim- ply sells his tobacco to the United States Govern- ment and I~ves a quid pro quo." Lone lack o! Ly~chbur~ Thomas shipped all the tobacco he could hy his Lynehburg, where James Thomas, Jr., started hands on to his agents abroad and at the ~e~.~ ......... ~ ~. ~.~.~ ~ ]~.~obuyer, was comparable to laid in as large a leaf inventory as his facilities Richmond and Danville in antebellum importance could hold. In the years of blockade and shortage and was known as "The Tobacco City." In addition that. followed he profited handsomely enough to to its fort)' plug and twist factories-almost as man)' THE CELEBRATED was l.,one ]ack. Before the Civil War, pipe tobacco was a byproduct of chew; outside Lynchburg there were [ew l~rms devoted purely to smoking mixtures. 153 MNAT 00017352
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as in Ricl'unond-Lynchburg witnessed the remark- able growth of Maurice Moore as a manufacturer, stm'ting from scratch. Moore concentrated on what was then a specialty- granulated tohacco for pipe smoking - and captured ~ of the market in that torsi This consignment system played a part-by no means a minor one-in turning the Era of Good Feeling into the Era of Civil War. The diflqculty with the system was mainly the long credit-up, to twelve months-extended by the factor (present- category by the outbreak of War Between the day practice is, on the average, thirty days with a States, his big brand being gillickinick: Another discount for payment in ten ). This long recover), colorftd Lyachburg £gttre was John W. Carroll, time often forced manufacturers to turn over their rapposed to have staked his all on a lone jack in a card game and to have repaid the kindly fates'by naming his principal tobacco brand Lone lack. Others advanced a simpler explanation, lack Car- roll hying wandered into Lynchburg alone and hmdless, prospering as a lone Jack. But ff Richmond, Danville, Pete~b~g ~d L~chb~g had l~, New York (w~ch got ~ ~ ~e~g) had money ~d ~le~. ~g to i~ ~t h~r ~1, ~e Big Ci~ w~ ak~dy ~g • e phy away ~om New ~g~d ~ ~g~ ~u- fac~g. It a~o develo~d a ~n~n~fion of plug tacto~ se~nd o~y to V~a$. More ~r- ~t, New York wm ~e ~al ~ter for a~ ~. dm~ ~d ~e m~ke~g ~nter for m~y-~clud- ~g toba~ proud. Mo~ of ~e V~h ou~ut went on ~nsi~m~t to New York factors, who ~ ~ sold it to wholesale job~n ~ughout ~e no,on. To ~e antebellum V~ia man,ocher, • e ~n~pt of sal~m~p w~ quite remote; he e~ected his quaH~ pr~u~ to ~e~ itse~," ~, ~. deed, tobacco always had. ~nsequently his se~ng was ~n~n~ to ~sional horse-~d-wagon ~ps to nearby togas; ~y southe~ retail houses ac- ~al])- got V~nia phg hom New York dis~ibu- §actors' acceptances to Richmond banks, at a dis- count, for needed cash. During the panic of 1857, New York factors failed to meet their acceptances and the burden of meeting or guaranteeing them fell on the southern manufacturers. Seven out of eight in Richmond were reported to have sus- pended operations in 185"7 as a direct result of the ddaults of their Northern agents..4, convention of Virginia and North Carolina tobacco proeessers re- solved to "require" their agents to limit credit henceforth to four months. But the differences be- tween South and North were too great to be solved by resolutions. Spla tea/had It was significant that the Cxnffederate States of America chose as its capitol Montgomery, Ala- bama. F-,oonoraic determinists would call the strug- gle between North and South a cotton war, not a tobacco one. Despite the di~eulties of long-range marketing on consignment-reminiscent, to a de- gree, of the ill feeling between the tidewater plant- ers and their London agents-the custodians of the pivotal tobacco-making industry sag. no solution in war. Nevertheless, it was time to choose up sides, and the tobacco states split: Maryhnd' Kentucky and Missouri to the Stars and" Stripes, Virginia, BILLIONS OF DOLLARS (TOBACCO TAX REVENUE. U. S,) 1.O Although manu/actured snuff was taxed as earhj as 1794, the first non-sumptuary tobacco excise was levied by the U.S. Government in I862 in order to raise /unds /or military operations. The earliest rates were 5c per pound on ma,u/actured tobacco- now lOc-and 40c per thousand cigarettes-n ow [o~r MNAT 00017353
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North Carolina and Tennessee to the Stars ~ Bars. Exports dropped, but not enough to jeopardize the European market. Kentucky, finding the New Orleans gateway dosed again aher fth), years of Mississippi riverboating, sent its hogsheads to the New York docks by rail. Lotdsville and Cincirmati became the big tobacco markets, and Kentucky the No. I source of leaL Ta~e, Jor the troops The War Between the States may not have been a tobacco war, but it developed something which has in~uenced tobacco and+ Rs,, ~.maT. ke~ .e~,er S~ce: the U. S. excise tax. Enacted on July 1, 1862, it was originally intended to raise ~nds for the govern- ment's mi~tary operations. The tobacco tax was ot~cial recognition of the fact that manufactured, tobacco had "arrived." Alexander Hamilton's investigation 0f+ 1~94 had generated only a "luxury tax" on snu~: common to- bacco was untouched. The ostensible reason was a reluctance to place a burden "upon the poor, upon sailors, day-laborers, and other people of these classes." At the same time it was true that snu~ could not be ground conveniently at home but had to be manufactured, while qu/d and pipe tobacco was homegrown leaf ~aore often than otherv,-ise. So the decision to tax snu~ was at least partly based on the pract/cal consideration of enforceability. $/m£lady, when Union Army support was needed, the very existence of factories invited a manufactures tax. A leaf tax was first proposed, but "the machinery ~or collecting a tax of the grower would be too extended to be practicable." Policing factory output, on the other hand, was easy. So "manufactured tobacco'-the term for smoking and ury during the war, an amount raised to :35 and 40 cents as the war ended and lowered to 16 cents fifteen years hter. The wartime levy was eight- tenths of a cent on a penny cheroot and four cents on a n/eke] cigar {then a high.priced item), but these were reduced in 1867 to ball a cent per cigar regardless of value. Cigarette taxes were 40 cents per thousand at f~st, went to $2.00 per thousand in ~0 ........ ~eSO ................ ~e~O O.B dollars. Before the income tax was levied in 1913, tobacco taxes were the chief source o[ government revenue; they accounted ]or ~1~ o/ total receipts as early as 1880. In 1958 the total of Federal and state taxes on tobacco products was more than ~ of their value at retail-over two billion dollars. HNAT 00017354
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The Confederate States discouraged tobacco grow- ing very early in the war. Food and most manufac- tured articles were in short supply from the first. So were transportation facilities. Troop movements on 1865, $5.00 in 1867, and $1.75 in 1875. (The 1960 rates are 10 cents a pound for smoking and chew- ing; one cent for a ten-cent cigar, two cents for a "fine cigar" retailing at 9.0 cents or more; and $4.00 per thousand on cigarettes, or eight cents per pack of twenty.) By 1880, when tobacco taxes were more or less stabilized, smoking and chewing accounted for 50~ of collections, cigars and cberoots'for 409, and cigarettes for less than 2~. At that time to- bacco revenue to the U. S. amounted to $38.9 mil- lion, or some 315t of total tax receipts. It can be said that manufactured tobacco "took over" in the early 1880s, for in 1883 Congress put strict limits on the traffic in home-cured leaf. Farmers could sell no more than I00 pounds of their own growing di- rect])" to consumers in a year. Also, a tax was not required of a farmer or lumberman '%,vho furnishes rations of tobacco to his laborers, not to exceed 100 156 the ]ames River Canal virtually halted the traffic in tobacco. This alone was a severe blow, ~or in a normal year between a fifth and a fourth of the eastern crop floated into Richmond via the canal. pounds during each tax year, provided he is not engaged in the business of a merchant, selling to others beside his own laborers." Such a regulation would scarcely have been passed had not home con- sumption dg'indled to practically nothing. Although the excises on the severa! forms of to- bacco were varied from time to time, total tax re- ceipts from tobacco manufactures rose steadily- from $1.8 million in the first full year, fiscal 1864, to $58.1 million in 1910, $462 million in 1930, 8705 million in 1940, and more than 8.9 billion in 1957. Before income taxes were constitutionaIized, to- bacco was the chief support of the federal govern- ment, accounting for more than a fifth of total U. S. revenue in the years leading up to World War I. In 1980 another kind of army-the army of the unemployed- posed financial problems which led individual states to add their own excises to the federal tax. In the next "25 )'ears fort)" ~'o states MNAT 00017355
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imposed tobacco taxes (Virginia, North Carolina and Maryland being conspicuous exceptions), the aggregate receipts reaching close to half a billion dollars a year. In 1958 Maryland levied a tax. In recent years cigars and manufactured tobacco ha,'e turned in less than 4,% of all federal tobacco collections; their current taxes are about the same as the first lev/es enacted in 188"2. Cigarettes ac- count for more than 95~ of federal tobacco rev- enue, about $1.7 b/11/on, the present federal tax of eight cents per pack being ten times the or/ginal levy. The Confederate Government decided early in the war to discourage tobacco growing. Leaf pro- duction in the Old Dominion, 128,000,000 pounds in 18~, dropped so sharply that by 1870, after five years of reconstruction, R was only up to 37,000,000. Blockaded by sea, the South needed food even more than foreign exchange. Further- more, its chief tobacco regions were border states, dizectly under the Union guns. Richmond plants and warehouses became hospitals--one became the famous or infamous Libby Prison. Towns which did not figure directly in the fighting, l~ke Danville and Lyachburg, su~ered from dislocation of people and transportation facilities. Although the tobacco trade had come a long way since the days of l~olfe, Bacon and Cnlpeper, it was still dependent in large measm-e on water transport. Roads were rudimentary, and railroads limited. The era of the Virginia Tobacco Sack-1800 to 1880 --coincided with the age of canal-building, and the James River canal was a vital link between the piedmont farms and the markets at Richmond, located just at the Fall Line. This waterway, begun in Richmond in 1795, was gradually extended west- In Riehmond itsel[, the largest and best buildings were tobacco plants and warehouses. Many o~ these were converted into hospitals or to other wartime use. One brick tobacco plant, occupted at the war s outbreak by Libby and Sons, ship chandlers, was to be known and hated by thousands as Libby Prison. 157 MNAT 00017356
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ward, reaching Lynchhurg by 1840. Since ~t con- veyed up to 90,000,000 pounds of lea/each year to Richmond, between a fifth and a fourth of the east- ern crop, the James exnal coatfibutod much to the opening of the piedmont for planting mad to the growth of Richmond into the top tobacco town. In 18~ it was renamed the James River and Kanawha Canal, the new title implying an intention to ex- tend navigation to the Ohio via West Virginia's Kanawha River. This oould have brought the Ken- tuelcy crop within the Richmond-Lynchburg manu- factufing orbit, but despite the ambitious name the Jxtnes ~ never got farther west than the Blue Ridge Mountains. amply demonstrated by the requirements of war. Troop movements to the Richmond bastion vir. tually ended hogshead tra~c and this, together with .... the conversion of Richmond's warehouses into hospitals, dumps and prisons, dLrectly a~'ected Vir- ginia tobacco manu~aclxtre. Production began to shift southward to the smaI~ out-of-the-way towns in the leaf areas of North Ca.rolina. It is dear nat tobacco manufacturing in the four big fiver towns of Virginia was seriously crippled, where it was not paralyzed, for the duration. It is not so clear exactly what happened in the rural lexf areas, but there is no doubt that quite a few planters were left with eonsld.erable tobacco on their hands at ~e outbreak of war. There was no ready market in which to sell it, and in fact not much could be purchased with the currency the tobaoco might bring. AparentIy what took place was a farmers' holdhaek of tobacco similar to the farmers' holdback of milk and eggs in Britain dur- ing the blitz years of the 1940s. Manufacturing tech- The burning of Richmond a week before Appomat- tox was accidental. Confederate troops intended only to burn valuable leaf tobacco before withdraw- 158 ing from the City, but the fires got out of control. This Currier and Ires lithograph of the holocaust somehow fails to convey any real se~se of tragedy. NNAT 00017357
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nique was not at that time a mystery outside the city hctories, and doubtless many farmers were able to make acceptable flat plug at home from the bright yellow leaf they had started to grow and One result of th~ was a "temporary~ wartime shift of production from the established centers to out-of-the-way country towns, particularly in the Old Belt of North Carolina. Like many such meas- ures, they ended up by being anything but tem- porary. Aside from the farmers who took temporarily to man~acturing, there were those who seized on the wartime shortage as an opportunity to set up a rural business, perhaps raising the leaf themselves. Gray ra~on~ lot B/ue It was possible to commandeer a factory and divert freight cars, but it was not possible to destroy the taste ~or tobacco. Real/zlng tlds, farmers in the beleaguered Southern states continued to plant and cure tobacco against the recommendat./on of the Confederate Congress. As in earlier centuries, sheafs of tobacco served as currency, being used by country folk to purchase what suppl/es were to be found in the retail stores. Mora]e among the troops made toLacco essential, a~d the Cord'ederate States recognized this in 1864, when it authorized a tobacco rat/on to enlisted men. This was an act more symbo]/c than substantial, for the army ration by a]] accounts was of miserable quality. But Gray troops, deploying and fighting through the Bright tobacco country, were often well supplied with good tobacco by those who grew it, and a consider- able =export" trade in tobacco sprang up t~ough the front lines. Coffee was the usua] =import" from Blue troops anxious for the scarce Southern leaf. The new science o~ photography provided realistic evidence o~ what had happened, There was hardly a downtown building that escaped total ruin. These structures had constituted the capitol o~ tobacco manu]acture. To the le[t of the charred lamppost at right a sign remnant reads "---ctured .--acco." HNAT 00017358 I59
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After Appomattox, CeneraIWilliam 7".Sherman with ~0,000 Union troops entered Raleigh, halted there to negotiate surrender o/Gray army near Durham. While General 1oseph E. lohnston parleyed, 30,000 of his men had nowhere to go but Durham's Station. There they met and mingled with Sherman's sold iers. Some manufacturers were still operating in be- leaguered Richmond. As in all wars the demand for tobacco was strong, and a few tobaccomen were fortunate enough to possess inventor/es w/thin the city. In spite of the astronomical price of leaf to- bacoo, it may have been poss/ble to turn a profit from manufacturing even w/thout a large inven- tory cushion. Before l~ichmond was reborn, it had to die. On the night of Sunday, April 2, 1865, the end came for the proud center of tobacco manufacture. In a sense the final holocaust which cremated the city was a suicide; Confederate troops put the torch to the city'~ downtown tobacco warehouses to deny valuable leaf stores to Grant's advancing Army of the Potomac. Out of eentroI, the blaze raged for days. It was still burning on April 9, when the sttr- rounded Bobert E. Lee sent lds fiag of truce to Ulysses S. Grant at Appomattox. Surrender to Carolina Bright The soldier demand for tobacco, a notable fact of military life in every war, combined with the southward shift of manufacturing to produce an- other surrender- a surrender by both Blue and Gray to the new Bright leaf grown, granulated and bagged in North Carolina. Lee surrendered the Army of Virginia to Grant on April 19~ at Appomat- tox, but he did not take it upon himself to negotiate for Confederate troops elsewhere. General Joseph E. Johnston and his army of ~3,000-a force larger than Lee's- were taking a position a few miles northwest of Durham's Station, North Carolina, while General William T. Sherman had come up through South Carolina with 50,000 Union troops and entered Raleigh. It was not until April ~6 that a military surrender was concluded in North Caro- lina. Meanwhile 80,000 men had nothing to do but forage, an activity in which both Blue and Gray were well practised. Durham's Station lay squarely between the two armies who m'.mgled freely in a mutual effort to dissipate boredom and find what creature comforts the), could. The tobacco factor). of J. It. Green could hardly be missed, being only a hundred yards from the railroad depot. Green made his product of the new Bright tobacco (Dur- ham's Station was only 40 miles from the Slade farm where the famous accidental cure was el- leered). Unlike the average manufacturer Green HNAT 00017359
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"Sherman's bummers"had foraged theirwaythrough Georgia and South Carolir.a (above). lohnston's men were also used to living off the land. When these drmies milled through Durham, they "samplear' the did not press his leaf into twi~t or plug but shredded it, believing that a trend toward smoking ~nd away from chewing was in the making. As luck would have it, Green's factory was chock full of his Best Flavored Spanish Smoking Tobacco, mad the entire stork, with or without his consent, was con- sumed by soldiers of both sides. The result was that Green's litde factory experienced the mest amazing "run" in the l~tory of tobacco man~ac- turing. In a few weeks letters came into Durham's Station from mustered-out soldiers throughout the nation, all desirous of getting more of the Best Flavored Spanish. In order to protect himself against the numerous Durham Tobaccos mad Best Flavored Spanishes which immediately appeared, Green adopted a picture of a Durham bu]] as ~ trademark. The o~cial name of the product was Genuine Durham Smoking Tobacco, but it has al- ways been known as Bull Durham. For the next tobacco in I. R. Green's [actonj near the rail depot. Weeks later, mustered out, they were writing back for more Durham smokum. So a national demand arose for granulated Bright, called Bull Durham. fifty years it was the world's best-known tobacco brand; Green and la~ partner W. T. Blacl~,ell were smart enough to nourish the wide demand with ad- vertising, not only qn billboards mad posters, but ~so via new~apers, comic books, and with the /hey/table premium docks. Green's advertising campaign was almost as significant for the indus- try's hature as the ovem/ght renown Bull Durham brought to Bright leaf; the emergence of a national and international brand (it was trutldully adver. tised as "l'he Standard of the World') marked an abrupt departure from the hundreds of brands that preceded it, all depending mainly on local renown and word-of-mouth recommendation for sales growth. Bull run A great many competitors -- some of them Vir- ginians- rode the broad back of the spirited MNAT 00017360 161
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Bull. There were Old Bull, Black Bull, ]ersey Bull, Bull's Head, Brindle, Bison, BuIl~, Buffalo, Wild Buffalo and Buffalo Bill; Durham Gold Leaf, Magic Durham, Rosebud Durham, Pride of Durham, Billy Bo~ Durham, Ram Durham, Nickel-Plated Dur- ham, and Ten Cent Durham. Some rival brands combined the idea of the Bull with his Spanish predecessor, as El Burro, Eureka Spanish Flavored Durham, and Los Toros Tobaco de Fumar. Perhaps the most far,fetched ~t was Sitting Bull Dur- ham. But the Genuine Bull reigned supreme, and by 1884 the four-story white stone Bull Durham factory alongside the D~trham railroad t~acks was the world's largest tobacco plant. In the Bright Belt of which Durham's Station immediately became the manufacturing center, the big plantation pattern of the tidewater culture was not repeated. There were several reasons. First, and probably most important, slave labor was no longer to be had. Second, not all the soil is the gray type suited to Bright leaf: a given field might produce the finest lemon tobacco, and the next one full- bodied "greasy green" tobacco fit only for scrap chewing. Third, the new method of flue-curing and the handling of the delicate leaves after the cure required constant, careful attention; raising the better grades began to require intensive effort (and still does). Yet, small farms or no-the average size was not much over 100 acres-the, cumulative re- sult of the Bright surge was, as the Census of 1880 put it, "one of the most remarkable transitions in the annals of agriculture." The town of Winston, in the ten years ended 1880, added a leaf market and fourteen plug factories and grew from 443 to 2,854 inhabitants: most important of these was to be the B. J. Reynolds plant, started up in 1875 by the former tobacco pedlar of that name. Reids- rifle, which did not exist in 1870, had a popula- tion of 1,316 in 1880 who ran nine plug and two smoking-tobacco factories. Durham's Station, a whistle-stop of 256 souls in 1870, grew to 2,041 by 1880 and 5,500 by 1885; its growth in factories- from one to a dozen-occurred earliest, between 1865 and 1872. The manufacturing transition in North Carolina was quite as remarkable as that of its agrieuhure. By 1880, the Virginia manufactur- ing industry had recovered from hostilities, show- 1 T£&CHtNG "riM[. The rage for Bull Durham was unprecedented. Also unprecedented was the national advertising placed by the Bull's makers to maintain national demand. Promotion included newspaper ads, premiums, bill- boards and even comic books like the above. Also pictured (top right) but hardly big enough to be visible was a package of Golden Belt Cigarettes. ing an increase of 8/% in value of product over 1860. In the same span, the increase for North Carolina was 100%. Duke o] Durham Among the small farmers who participated in the explosion of Bright was a mustered-out ~'idower of 45 named Washington Duke. Returning in 1865, he found his 300-acre farm near Durham's Station fairly well foraged. However, before being conscripted in 1863, he had become convinced that Bright leaf had a bright future, and had stockpiled as much of it as he could. Some of the tobacco re- mained; with his children he flailed it in a small cabin, packed it into bags, and made a mule-and- wagon selling trip toward Raleigh. For a while 162 HNAT 00017361
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Duke was a planter-manufacturer on his farm, and in 1874 Duke and Sons moved their i:actory into Durham near the railroad. This simple adjustment, logical as it now sounds, was not at all typical of Southern tobacco-making up to that time. Most country manufacturers regarded their plants as sheltered extensions of the farms and expected them to flourish wherever they grew. It was this rural impracticality that left many to wither and die as costs and competition rose and the margin for error grew smaller. To their Duke of Durham granulated tobacco the Dukes added, in 1881, Duke of Durham cigarettes. The growth of their business was steady but not spectacular until 188:3, when they leased and improved a cigarette ma- chine devised by James Bonsack of Virginia. This was the last link in the chain of developments which was to make possible the American blended cigarette (though that product was still thirty years off): flue-cured Bright tobacco; Burley leaf of cigarette grades; and precisi~m machinery. Chaw to smokum Although the Blackwell Bull Durham company responded to Duke's challenge by putting out a line of cigarettes, the big growth item of the day was smoking tobacco. Prior to the war, smoking tobacco had consisted simply ~ scraps left over from plugmaking, plus leaf that would not chew too well. A plug establishment was a different proposition altogether from a smoking product plant, and its smoking tobacco by-product not at all comparable to the sacked Bright leaf that was sweeping the nation- Bull Dudam~ and its stam- pede of imitators. The transition from chew t6 smoking tobacco The 18~ flue-cure [or Bright leaJ was adopted by many Old Belt farmers before the war. Washington Duke had aockpiled Bright before he was drafted, found some left on his 1885 return. In this little cabin he flailed and bagged the lea[, a beginning typical o] many a country tobacco busbwss. A few years later Duke made the uncommon transition to a factory proprietor in the bustling town of Durham. ~NAT 00017362
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Smoking tobacco lent itself more easil~t than chew • to mechanized production and packaging, thus held out a higher hope o[ big volume and high profits. Bull Durham with its head start led all the rest. was, in simple terms, a mass refinement of tobacco taste. Chewing leaf was, and is, a dark, coarse, product that required virile taste buds. Originally, licorice water was added to transoceanic leaf ear- goes as a freshener or preservative; early in the nineteenth century licorice and other sweeteners literally hbeled "cut plug." The art of blending originated, in a sense, with plug and was ehborated in the more easily mixed smoking tobaccos; dark Burley filler held in a Bright wrapper leaf was probably the first non-cigar "blend." The sweeten- ing or casing, if not overdone, was found to add to the pleasure of tobacco long before the age of Bur- Icy chew. Cuban cigarettes were wrapped in cinnamon-flavored paper or cased with molasses before the white roll was accepted on the main- land; cheap cigars used rum, wine or mohsses more or less as a eamouflage. There were four basic types of smoking tobacco. Plug cut was the original "ddeline'~ form, more or less accidental inits beginnings. Sliced from a com- pressed, flavored cake of tobacco-usually, in hter years, the porous Burley-it lent itself to a wide range of textures: cube cut, curve cut, straight cut, wavy cut, Cavendish cut, granulated plug cut. Granulated or "flake cut" was worked through toothed curets and sieved for uniform fineness; almost always this was straight, naturally sweet Bright leaf, cased lightly or not at all, Long cut, or ribbon cut, was shredded strip leaf. More often than not it was dipped Burley or a Bur- Icy blend, and could be made in a variety of strand widths. Cigarette tobacco is a variety of long cut. The last and least category, scrap, was a byprod- uct of cigar manufacture; these cigar cuttings (leaf ends) and clippings (cigar ends) were both chewed and smoked. There were numerous advantages to the smok- ing tobacco business. It lent itself more easily to mae~ery, and thereby held out a higher promise of big volume to the successful entrepreneur. Cred- it for the first ~echanization of tobacco production were added to improve the taste of quid. As the midwestem plug factories capitalized on the ab sorbency of Burley leaf, loading it with sugars and spices, the "improvement" came to be almost self- defeating. In warm atmospheres, the heavily con- fectioned na~' product would not keep; in colder climes, the sugary surfeit may have contributed to the popularity of cigars and pipe mixtures offering a more honest tobacco flavor. From the manufacturing viewpoint, the change from chew to rumblings was not entirely a radial one. Prior to the Civil War, pipe tobacco was sim- ply shaved plug; many smoking tobaccos are still is given to the Richmond makers, who "began "thrashing" leaf almost immediately after Appo- mattox (a method now used by some cigarette manufacturers in lieu of hand or machine stem- ruing). The thrasher took the place of hand-flailing with a sassafras stick. Packaging, too, was mecha- nized in a way impossible with plug or tv,-ist; vari- ous packing presses and bag fillers were used in Richmond and Durham with greater or less success until the "bag jack" was invented by lqufus Patter- son in 1895. This contrivance weighed the tobacco into its muslin sack, applied the label, and stamped it so et~eiently that some 1900 models are still MNAT 00017363
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.running (more acourateIy, shuddering) today. All this gave the smoking tobacco maker a wider .profit margin than the plug maker: specialized hand-work like that done by the hmous "Jumpers" of Dan,dlle-who could gauge the weight of a phg lump as accurately as a scale - was not needed. Also, the winter season did not carry the same risks of spoihge in making pipe mixtures as it did in the pressurizing of plug. For these reasons there was an early tendency for smoking factories to be urban, few and big, as against the tendency of the early country phggeries of Virginia to be many and, relatively, small. While it required a hardy palate to chaw raw leaf, pipe tobacco can yield a good smoke with little flavoring or none at all. This recommended it to the 'hard-pressed ILichmond trade during the War Between the States when sugar was in short supply. The idea of converting from chew to smokum was half-realized years before in the recapture of damaged or half-rotted plug; as a side. line, many factories took to thking the bruised quid and selling it as pipe mix. These practical considerations were not lost on the resourceful tobaccomen of 1885, anxious to rise like Phoenixes out of the rubble of/lichmond. By 1880 the city was turning out nearly a million pounds of smok- ing tobacco a year - far less than the four million pound rate of Durham and Baltimore, but at least comparable to the million-plus of New York and Jersey City. Interest in the exciting new item was particularly strong because the plug trade, antebellum main- stay of the Bright region, was being invaded by the Burley "pigtailers." Virginians were prone to blame the damn Yankees for not being able to appreciate tlne (i.e., Bright) tobacco and thereby falling prey to the highly sweetened Midwestern twist. Nor were they as quick as manufacturers of New York, Kentucky or North Carolina to hitch their produc- tion wagon to the rising stars of salesmanship and national promotion. In retrospect, it appears that Richmond's tradi- tion of successful manufacturing prevented or de- layed its adoption of new, vigorous selling methods. The following letter, g~'itten in 1888 by one of that town's "fine old name" firms, suggests an inability Tgpical smoking tobacco was ffanulated to ~our" ~reelg, sold in drawaringed ua~ tor easy pipe load. ing. Plug cuts like Woodcock were also bagged. Bag iack, perfected in 1895, weighed tobacco into muslin sack, applied and stamped the label; 1900 bag iacks are ~tiIl operating e[[iciently today. MNAT 00017364
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Reopening of ]ames River Canal to freight traffic a~ter Appomattox was hailed as a great event. But resumption of leaf tobacco supply was not enough to insure revival of Richmond as top tobacco town. Mass production of navy plug was threat from West, vogue for Carolina smokum a threat from the South. to cope with the tidal wave of premiums on which cigars, cigarettes, smoking tobacco and plug were riding upwards: staging a rexqval rather than a revolution. They aimed for a return to the status quo a,te bellum, selling on consignment to factors; the North Caro- linians sent their own men to canvas not only the Dear Sir wholesale trade but the retail. At first, it appeared Your attention is called to certain imitations of that Richmond was tak'h)g its old place as kingpilh tobacco which are being pushed by travelling salesmen under the stimu- lus of a large gift offered them by the manufac- turer. Will you allow goods to be forced upon you by these salesmen whose only obiect is to ~ecure the costly presents ot~ered them as a reward for imposing upon you? Bear in mind that these expensive premiums have to be paid for out of the pockets of the retailer and consumer, by having their full value taken out of the qual- itY" of the tobacco. An)' article that will not sell upon its own hones't merits should be entirely avoided for they are only deceptions. If your wholesale dealer will not furnish you with the genuine tobacco, order direct ~'rOm US. Between the lines of this letter one can sense a nostalgia for the days when reputation meant everything, combined with a certain bewilderment about salesmen's inducements in a free-for-all mar- ket. In many respects, the Richmond men erred in of the eastern region; four years after Appomattox, it turned out more than half of Virginia-North Carolina tobacco products, a sixth of the national manufactured tobacco total. In ten years more the sixth had been whittled to 10..'3, while North Caro- lina had come up ~rom 2~ to more than 7";. Before the RevolutionaryWar, tobacco prominence meant planting: before the Civil War, planting and processing; after the Civil War, a third element was required: salesmanship. It was b.v selling, in- spired by the accidental sampling at Durlmm's Station, that North Carolina was to take the play away from proud Richmond. At the same time the smoking tobacco "Bull fight," focused in little Dur- ham, made the Old North State not only the manu- facturing center but the center of Bright leaf growing as well. ~otlon to rtttters Although tobacco was always a staple in .Mary- land and Virginia, the art of leaf cultivation was 166 MNAT 00017365
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Makeshift tobacco exchange was set up in Richmond, the former market building having been destroyed in the 1865 fire. Hands o/tobacco from hogsheads in the warehouse nearby (below) were taken to the exchange by leaf dealers. While buyers sniffed and ]elt ~amples the auctioneer (seated, right above) conducted the bidding. Dispatch which accompa- nied sketch above reported that"the growth and saIe o~ this staple in Virginia is just now but a movker~ o~ what it was at the outbreak o~ the war," though "still o~ sufficient importance to be one of the leading items in the commerce o~ the State, if not its most important one~" The observation proved a prophetic one. Although Virginia tobacco planting and manufacturing regained an impoaant place, the center ot Bright leaf cultivation shifted to Noah Carolina. Eventually, the Old Noah State becam'e a leading manufacturer o~ tobacco products as well. HNAT 00017366
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...THE ORIGINAL ONLY Success o[ Bull Durham led to a stampede of bull tobacco was one o~ the most ~r-fe~ched o[ these, imitations. The "original and only" Sitting Bull airily disparaged all other bulls as "humbugs." hrgely confined to the James, York, Rappahannock and Roanoke (Dan) valleys. Diversified crops became the watchword following the Revolution, and ~ter cotton became king in 180.3, tobacco planting moved upriver, found its niche in the "Tobacco Sack" area and stayed there. Granulated tobacco in Durham and gritty adherence to Bright fiat plug in Winston changed this completely. It took some doing: in 1885, for instance, the citizens of Winston organized their own company to com. plete a rail line cotmecting with the Roanoke and Southern. North Carolina became a rich agricul. rural state; roads and railroads laced the once. deserted piedmont, and fingered their way into South Carolina and Georgia as well. The excitement of the 15S0s i~ the North Caro- lina piedmont could hardl.v !~o manoticed in the coastal plain. Cotton was still lang. below the fail line, but his subjects were res~,e as prices dropped to eight cents a pound. Brigla tobacco a~eraged over thirteen cents a pound dining four crop years in the 80s, and in the other yea~ did not dip much below ten cents. The farmea's of eastern North Carolina, however, were not tldnking in terms .of averages. During the heyday ~ the Virginia plug- makers, wide publicity attended the sale of fanc.v yellow wrappers for 40c, 50c a~d even more. The smoking tobacco trade gener~ed a demand for yellow cutters-so-called became the leaf was thin enough to be shredded - and it was found that 168 I~AT 00017367
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cutters good enough to bring 25c a pound could be grown almost within sight of the Atlantic Ocean. Tobacco, which a hundred years before .had climbed hboriously up and over the fall line, now spread downward to the North Carolina "tide- water." The whole story can be told in two jingles, both circulated during the 90s: Fi-cent cotton and ten-cent meat- .~|c',:" ~n the world can a po' man eat.: And, from the poetic pen of a promotion-minded warehouseman d the new Eastern Belt: Cotton was once king And produced Carolina's crack~; But now we have a better thing - The glorious Brigl~t Tobacco. It would be inaccurate to describe the spread ~f Bright tobacco culture as an overnight revolu- tion. Human perception, in agriculture or mam~ac- ture or even consumption, is not that quick. During the entire thirty-t~ve years from Appomattox to the turn of the century North Carolina Bright avera ged about 10c per pound on the leaf markets; during the same period the old-fashioned dark, fire-cured Virginia- smoked like that state's re- nowned ham- never reached the 10c level, aver- aging somewhere near 6c. The handv,'riting was on the wall a long time before it v-as read by the farmers en masse, for t.h~- main sweep of tobacco into the coastal plain did not take place until the Once started, it overreached itselir, as most mass social and economic movements seem to do. In an attempt to build up in western Carolina lucrative warehouse businesses such as those in Durham and Winston, entrepreneurs of the 60s and 70s distrib- uted a pamphlet of instruction and panegyric to farmers in the Blue Ridge counties. With the unerring instinct of promoters, they secured the Market growth of granulated flue-cured Bright led cotton farmers of coastal North Carolina to raise tobacco. Large warehouses like this at Greenville in the Carolina "tidewater" owed their existence partly to Bull Durham, partly to five-cent cotton. Common tobacco averaged overten cents during 80s. HNAT 00017368
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! ! authorship (or signature.) of a former member of the state legislature. "Conjecture is lost," wrote one Asheville prophet, "in the contemplation of what the tobacco industry will do for this county in a few years, at the present rate of increase." But the tobacco produced in Buncombe county proved strong and rank, and after a few wild years the tobacco fever passed, leaving only bitter memories and bald hillsides. Social regiater o] Iobaeeo The positions occupied by plug, cigarette and smoking tobacco during the postwar revival of the Bright region are best suggested by their brand names. The pLacename "Durham," with or without a variant of "bull," dominated the pipe brands and told its own story; it was not necessary to consult the census of 1880 to realize that Durham. led all the rest in smoking tobacco (although Maryhnd, which originated many of the rival "bully" brands, was second). In the wide-open smoking sweep- stakes, consciousness of brand name - inspired, no doubt, by the commercial magic of the word "Dur- ham" - became quite as painful as it was in plug competition. All the obvious names were used and blithely re-used: in 1886 the Bulls were too numer- ous to count; there were thirteen Spanish Mixed made in as many different plants between Detroit and Durham; and there were at least ten Old Ken- tucky mixtures and sixteen variations on the old Indian word kinnikinnick, somehow transmogrified into Killickinick (B. & O. KiIlickinick, Tip Top Killickinick, Capita? Killickinick, Virginia Killicki- nick, St. 1acob's Killickinick, and so on). Daniel Scotten of Detroit, one of the few big plugmakers- to achieve big volume in srnokings as well, boasted an especially piquant array of labels, designed to I DID Tobacco manufacturing started up in almost every /arge city a~ter the Civil War. Brand names were and Beats the Dickens. In cryptic mood were Mother-in-Lau:, Shoo Fly, Come and Fan Me. Put It There and Ish Dot So. Scotten was not unique in this verbal competi- tion. Gaff & Ax of Baltimore offered Toodles; Kim. ball of Rochester, Rock Bottom; Catlin of St. Louis. 170 might respond. One brand was named What are Ye Givin" Us, another Who Says We Haven't Got It Now, and a third, simply, We Got. There was Get Tl~ere Eli and Eli Got There A]ter i~ While; Dats de Stuff, Live and Let Live, I've Caught You. In a self-deprecatory spirit Scotten marketed Same Old Thing, Old Hat, Good Common Smoking, Glass Blowers" Choice, Cheap 1ohn, Buncombe, Stunner, Buzz Saw, Gold Brick and Barbed Wire. In prouder vein he offered lust a Little the Best, Its a Daisy, I Cry For It, Give Us Some More, Kerect, MNAT 00017369 vel of Cincinnati, Little Bone; Tolman of Chicago. Eye Opener; Beck of Chicago, To Please Tl~e Boys: and Allen, also of the stockyard city, Dinah's Big Quarters. In their infattmtion with the power of words. manufacturers of the 80s labeled their factories as well as their products. The Daniel Scotten factory in Detroit v-as the "Hiawatha Tobacco Works": August Beck & Co. of Chicago named their four- story plant on Dearborn Street "Eureka Tobacco Works"; and the huge gabled establishment of play on every chord to which the fickle cuSt0~er • Solid S~lot; Schwartz of Louisville, Paralyzer; Dur-
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no more whimsical than advertising, as the above display on behalf o~ Clobe of Detroit indicates. William $. Kimball in Rochester was "Peerless Tobacco Works." It was not pure coincidence that the three firms made, respectively, Hiawatha plug and fine-cut, Eureka fine cut, and Peerless chewing and smoking tobacco. Daniel Scetten was not one to let his rivals steal a march in the name game, however, and his Hiawatha Works produced a Eureka fine cut and a Peerless chewing tobacco. Not that this gave him a decisive advantage: there were thirteen plugs and smokums traveling under the Eureka trademark, nine Peerless brands beside the two made at the Peerless Tobacco Works, and some Hiawathas which did not originate in Detroit. Fancy versus Cigarettes had fancy names, being intended for fancy city folk: Union Club, Opera Puffs, Vanity Fair, Entre Nous, Town Talk, Cara~o. The majestic sophistication of these names suggests the narrow- ness of the cigarette market. In 1880, Richmond and Baltimore were the only cigarette-making cities .of any consequence outside New York State. Each accounted for about a tenth of the nation's output. Cigarette-making was a newfangled novelty out- side New York; fewer than 500 persons were em- ployed in the Virginia cigarette establishments, compared with 14,000 hands in the chewing and rmoldng factories. The restraining factor was not any reluctance on the part of Richmond business- men to enter the new market, but rather the di~- culty of training and keeping handrollers. A year later, one Durham mantffacturer ]had tO import 125 experienced rollers from New York - most of them Polish and l~ussian" .tram. igrants-in order to achieve a beginning in cigarette production. As befitted common cud, most chewing tobaccos carried folksy appellations: O/d Country Twist, Honest Ben, Big Chunk, Black Bass, Mountain Dew, Dixie Queen, Poor Man's Com[ort. The aver- age p]ugrnaker offered anywhere from 40 to 140 brands, and in the search for new names was easily carried away with himself, as with Otto of Roses, Ring Coil Hot Cake, and the like. The mad proliferation of names was to continue beyond 1900, but a narrowing influence was already at work. Unlike the early plugmakers who de- pended on consignees and commission merchants to do their selling - often to their sorrow - the postbellum toba~, me~n, more and more, sold their own. As t/me went on this tended to cut down on the number of pipe brands offered. This brand paring was no reflection of comp]a- ceney: on the contrary, the exuberant competition that/nflamed North Carolina was tml/ke anything the South had ever known. Itwas as ff the ruthless spirit of Yankee enterprise had been wafted south of the Mason-Dixon llne by the clouds of war. The word of the day, as proclaimed by the proprietors of Bull Durham, was "Let buffalo gore buffalo, and the pasture go to the strongest!" Enthusiasm for Bright tobacco was boundless. In its flush the Dur- ham mantdachn'ers subsidized a company for the production of tobacco ointments, a three-century flashback to the prescriptive pretensions of Jean Nieot. A great horn, tuned to resemble the bellow- ing of a supernatural bull, was mounted atop the Bull Durham factory and cried a deep-throated HNAT 00017370 171
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:t Virginia ]ought hard to keep her chewing tobacco volume against the Burley onslaught. Depending on the point o] cietc, this trade card ]or lackson's Best chew is describable as ingenious or asinine. challenge to the countryside at intervals during the day. Storm center o] plug The excitement infused new llfe int(~, the .old flat plug business, especially in the to~'n of Win- ston at the western edge of the original Bright Belt (now called the Old Belt). Undaunted by the challenge of Burley, the Re~'noldses and the Browns and the Haneses stuck strictly to Bright leaf. While Danville and L)'nchburg wasted away for lack of enterprise, thd Winston companies sent indefatig- able salesmen through the back countt3, where proud Richmond plugmakers disdained to tr~ad. In 1880, ten years after Winston became a tobacco town, it ranked eleventh in plug production and eighteenth in leaf converted to manufacture. Sev- enteen ye~rs later, the =Storm Centre of the Plug Industry," as Winston proudly described itself, was the third ranking city in manufactured tobacco (the "navy towns" of St. Louis and Louisville were first and second). Yet the success that came to Winston had its offsets elsewh~e in the. Bright tobacco region. The onslaught o~ Burley and the decline of Richmond, Petersburg, Lynehburg and Danville as chewing tobacco centers of the first rank led to this classic lament, published in a Richmond trade paper of 1898: Fifteen and twenty years ago every factory in Virginia and North Carolina, every one in Rich- mond, worked bright £11er brands twist and plug, cabh coil and lady finger, and other styhs. The South was not the only great field of sale, but the demand came from California and Canada, from Maine to Texas. But smoking twist gave way to fine cut and plug-cut and fancy cuts, and soon business was cut to pieces as literally as the tobacco was. The burley |uggernaut |ourneyed hither and crushed the life out of our fine fillers. We capitulated with little effort at defense, burley captured crew and craft, and went on crashing and cruising untilit owned the country, and with this the transfer and transformation of business on tobacco has moved West until it centered there .... That it might have been held by stra- tegy and effort is proven by the progress of Win- ston, N. C., manufacturing, which in face of the fact of lost prestige in older larger markets, that market has created and held business, bucking against burley on all sides, and Winston wins the day that way: and is a winner still, holding her ground not only but gaining... The "strategy" Winston used to buck Burley was the use of a little saccharin to sweeten its fiat plug. In this way the absorptive advantage of Burley leaf was completely overcome, saccharin being several hundred times as sweet assugar. This inno- vation, begun in 1895, enabled Winston to increase its flat goods business in a period when eastern plug sales generally were failing off and the na- tional use of quid leveling out. Stage set Jar the cigarette Actually, the desolate outlook portrayed by the Richmond trade journal did not turn out to be MNAT 00017371
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valid for the Bright region as a whole. In 1880, War, a~ter which plug-taking fell off abruptly). But Virginia and North Carolina made a third of the ~ ~e. swelling sales of pipe tobacco easily compen- nation's chewing and smoking tobacco; during the sated for the loss of plug business, even before not-so-gay 1890s - a decade of depression - this share dropped to ~,8%. But early in the twentieth eentm7 the Bright country regained its third of manufactured tobacco ou~ut and held it consist- ently through the ~st World War. True, the re- gion's share of chewing tobacco alone declined fi-om 4~% in 1880 to g5% in 1899 (it recovered and maintained a ~0~ level until the fast World growing cigarette volume.was taken into account. In the minds of the Southernplugmakers, though, this was beside the point. Along with the tobacco- man's cherished traditions goes a kind of stubborn pride. This pr~de manifested itself in many ways; the names Stonewa/2 and Stonewall lack.son, for ex- ample, became quite popular for Southern quid during the time of the Burley challenge. Brands i Winston, North Carolina, was "storm center of the plug industry," stubbornly s'tuck to flat plug made of Bright leaf in the face of spectacular increase in Burley plug sales. Winston became third-ranking city in manufactured tobacco output, reiected old consignment system to develop its own sales force. 00017372 173
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g-ith this name were made dm-ing the 80s and in North Carolina, in Tennessee and ha. Virginia - but not in Kentucky or Maryland. (One l~lontreal mamifacturer tried to give his brand a bit of South- ern flavor by using the Stonewall name and a hand- some label of the dashing general on a black charg- The same streak of pride, sometimes described as "cussedness," typified many of the small manu- facturers. One such was WilLiam Taylor, raised dur- ing the war years in the Richmond area. After a teen-age start as a horse and mule trader, Taylor went to work for Cameron, then the largest Rich- mond tobacco firm. By 1879 he had eleven years of factor)" experience to his credit and was plant manager. After a ~ourney to Australia, where he set Up a tobacoo factory in Sidney, Taylor set up in business with a partner in Bedford. Three years 1,,~.~ he moved again, this time to Lynchburg. As senior partner of Taylor and Gish, Taylor made IIP.,,~,O00 his ~ year, invested all of it in leaf tobac- co, and lost all of it when his factory burned. In 188~, at ~, Bii1 Taylor followed the drift to North Carolina, choosing Winston for a fresh start. At that time there were more than thirty tobacco firms in the town; but helped by his brother Jack, who came down from Richmond to join him, Bill Taylor hung on. Despite recurring offers to merge with larger firms, he kept Taylor Brothers Tobacco Com- pany independent and ream/ned "boss in my own little puddle." Bill Taylor expanded his plant, acquired brand names Rke Ripe Peaches, Red Coon and Foot Prints. Like most of the independents, he was represented in the great "l:mll fight," with an entry named Bull of the Woods. Although Taylor was a seasoned hand .at plugraaking, his biggest asset in the fight for sur- vival was promotional ability. In a time of plug price wars, he went after the goodwill of jobbers and retailers. In 1907, when Confederate veterans passed through Durham on the way to a reunion in Richmond, Taylor was on the spot to hand out samples of his Stars and Bars tobacco. He even "sold" his own employees, by cutting the workday from tweIve hours to ten and then to eight: this enraged not only his competitors but also the newly organized unions who were trying to cut the work- day from ten hours do~ to nine. In his social life as well, Taylor became kno,~m for his "cussedness." When the local preacher ser- monized that "Money is the root of all evil," Bill rose in his pew to shout "I challenge that, sir! Love of money is the root of al] evil, Doctor." Such inter- nlptions of Sunday harmony were more the ru]e than the exception; at one time the entre Tay]or dan was dropped from the congregation. However detrimental to his re]igious standing, Taylor's stubborn streak lent strength to his Little company. Taylor Brothers continued as an inde- MNAT 00017373
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Richmond, still striving to regain its former top =~w, for the best cigarette girls rolled only 4-5 position in tobacco, followed New Yorl~ into hand- per minute. To start cigarette production one Dur- rolling of cigarettes. Production was primitively ham firm brought foreign rollers from New York. pendent plug firm until 1952. In that year, nineteen years after Bill's death, his son Arch came to the end of the family line. With Arch's only son a mis- sionary in Japan and with no other Taylor man to take over, the "last of the independents" sold out to one of the large muff corporations. Although Taylor and others like him were bold enough to move into new locations, they were not bold enough to move very far ~rom the traditional Bright chew wh/ch was the pr/de of the Southeast. The future would belong to men willing to venture into new markets -Fn'~t, ~nokings and later, ciga- rettes- in a whdehearted way. In the big cities capital was drawn to the mass-produced items (it took as much Labor to make $I,000 worth of plug as it did to make $9~0,000 worth of cigarettes ). In Durham, in Winston, in Bait/more, in New York and even in proud Richmond there were tobacco- Main dil~culty was in training and keeping girls skilled in cigarette rolling. Virginia population in 1880 included 14,000 workers in smoking tobacco and chew, ,500 workers in cigarette factories. But "Virginia cigarettes" made exclusively [rom Bright tobaccoenioyed growing demand in U.S.and abroad. MNAT 00017374 175
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JACKSON BEST ~or Richmond, chewing tobacco w~s still the chief product. Trade cards tried ingenious sales appeals: Jackson's Best was advertised as "Bright navy"-a contradictio-n in terms. Mail Pouch Chew mixed i'iw history o~ the trolley car with a slogan sounding rather modern: "Chewing serves to steady nerves." men who were not too proud to drop quid for smok- ings. Smokum. to cigarette In point of taste and in point of manufacture, the cigarette developed not from the cigar but from smoking tobacco. Cigarette grades of leaf~ though lighter, are intrinsical|y akin to the pipe grades. The cigarette blend evolved directly fi-om blended smoking tobaccos - and, by and large, in the same factories. Prince Albert pipe tobacco was the antecedent of Camel; Lucky Strike sliced plug was the advertised forerunner of Lucky Strike cig- arettes. The factory-blended cigarette may well have been inspired by the common practise of using blended pipe tobaccos in roll-your-o~a'n hand- mades. Even the mighty Bull Durham, always a straight granulated Bright, had to take cognizance of this preference; by 1917 it was to be advertised not as "the makin's" but as an ingredient of the 176 do-it-yourself blend - "like sugar in your coffee." Cigarette recipes are direct derivatives of flavoring formulas used for pipe tobaccos. Where the plug and the plug cut were lami- nated "cakes" in their finished form, the cigarette mixture consisted Of single'thickness shreds. This difference posed the biggest problem in making a blended cigarette, for shredded Burley quickly loses its flavor. Separate dipping and overnight bulking of the Burley component - a cumbersome and expensive interruption of the production stream - solved this. Oddly, the cigarette making machine was "'per- fected" for commercial purposes ten )'ears before the bag jack for smoking sacks. But the cigarette machine was born 30 ),ears too soon -- in I$83, while the first big-volume national .cigarette, the blended cigarette, did not debut until 1913. It too can be considered an offshoot of the smoking tobacco business, a precocious by-product of the HNAT 00017375
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long and intensive search that finally led to the bag jack. Although this search was focused in Ricl~mond, it went on in other places which would now be called "cities" rather than "towns" - Detroit, Chi- eago, Jersey City, St. Louis, Cincinnati, Milwaukee, Rochester. All had one or more avid enterprisers who were trying to attain big volume in rumblings by intensively applying the new formula for big business - mechanization, direct selling, advertis- ing- along with many different formulas for pipe blends and casings. Baltimore transition Although the surge of smoking tobacco was a free-for-all, only one tobacco town kept pace with Durham's pipe poundage in the fifteen years fol]ow- ing J. R. Green's soldier-sampLing of granulated Bright, This was Baltimore. The robust rise of its smokam business had nothing to do with the g~ography of yellow leaf, as was the ease with Dur- ham. It was, rather, a reflection of enterprising spirit. Baltimore society would never so describe it, but the phce was changing from a southern town into a northern city. Several aspects of Baltimore's tobacco tradition set it apart ~rom that of Virg/nia-North CaroLina. Maryland leaf had always differed from the Vir- ginia; in Europe, it had the reputation of Bright leaf before true Bright lea~ was flue-em'ed in quan- tity. The term "Maryland" had long symbolized better-than-average lea~, and this was no hindrance Richmond made valiant efforts to gain a foothold in newer tobacco products, and with some success. In 1886 the Kinney Company ot New York built this sizable Richmond factory to make smoking tobacco and cigarettes. Renovated in 19~0, same building now stems leaf for an ad/oining cigarette plant. MNAT 00017376 177
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Every large city had tobacco factories #oon after Cirri War. August Beck o~ Chicago ~l~ecialized in Eureka fine cut chewing, made in four.story plant. in Baltimore's entry into pipe tobacco making. There was also an independence of action in Balti- more's past that dated back to the palatinate days; while Virginia leaf was restricted to London sale, Maryland for a time shipped direct to Holland, France, and Sweden. As the massive Barley trade grew up beyond the Alleghenies, Maryland's status as a leaf producer was drastically changed. The state raised 30~ of the U. S. crop in 1830, 11% in 1840, 9~ in 1850, and 5% in 1880. In fifty years the second-largest tobacco state became the sixth; Maryland leaf in 1880 was not a. major crop but a specialty, out- ranked in poundage by Pennsylvania cigar filler. Maryland tobacco, as such, was no more suited to pipe mixtures than any other. It had a good rate of bum, was at~aetive ", the eve and could absorb flavoring sauces, but it was rather neutral in flavor. Thus no "Maryland cigarette" or "Maryland mix- ture" ever gained great fame; instead the leaf was commonly used as a leavening ingredient in smok- ing mixtures (and later in cigarette blends). To a greater extent than Richmond, Baltimore adapted to the hectic postbellum years. The city on the Chesapeake was matching Richmond's cig- arette output in 1880; it was the nation's sixth largest cigar-making center, while Richmond could not get a foothold in the lucrative brown roll busi- ness. Baltimore firms, in fact, were among the "northern factors" selling Richmond plug and twist even before the War Between the States. It was a Baltimore man, George Watts, who risked $14,000 for a 20~ interest in the Duke firm of Durham in 1878, while that company was struggling in the shadow of Black-well's mighty Bull. So it is not surprising that Baltimore should have captured MILLIONS OF POUNDS (SMOKINg, CI-I~NIN~ TOBACCO CONSUMED. U. S.) Despite all the promotion given smoking tobacco the 1920s. In terms o~ product poundage consumed, (red line), it did not match chew (black line) in smokings did not achieve the 1897 plug peak until poundage until 1911 and did not exceed chew until 1940, although it reached its peak of co~sumption 178 MNAT 00017377
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about 159 d the new smokum market - almost identical with Durham's share - whih Richmond, rich in plug, turned out less than 3% of the coun- try's smoking mixture. During most of the 1890s Maryland was the lead/ng state in smoking tobacco output, with Baltimore's Gaff 8t Ax, Marburg and Feigner companies as the beIlwether producers. Ba]t/more's smohng output ran the gamut from plug cuts to long cuts to granulateds and"German smoking," a coarse, laea~ product. It included a goodly number of "high-grade" blends, a term which generally meant finer leaf grades, often in. dueling such expensive ingredients as the smoke- cured Latakia from the Middle East and the strong- sweet Louisiana Perique, cured bhck by stewing in its own juice under pressure. As a natural to- bacco market, the port of Baltimore received leaf from every part of the country and offered a com- plete selection of smokum, from Red Indian and Miners Extra Long Cut to Fashion Plug, Old Eng- lish Curve Cut, Continental Cubes and the inap- propriately-named Seal o[ North Carolina. Between 1895 and 1910 Maryland-mixed smok- ings went from O,000,000 to 9-0,000,000 pounds. Even so, the state yielded first place to North Caro- lina, whose output went from 6,000,000 pounds to 43,000,000 pounds in the same fifteen years. on a per capita basis in 1918. Depression ~tears o~ the ~Os gave pipes and roll-your-own cigarettes a last push. The trend o] the market to tailor-made Kimball ]actory in Rochester, N. Y., the "Peerless Works," made smokings and plug. During 1880s this was also one o] the top five U. $. cigarette plants. tuall.v, Maryland dropped to third place in the lat- ter year, Ohio ranking second by virtue of its yearly spew of 80,000,000 pounds of scrap, then classified as smoking tobacco.) The ouetlon~ It took the better part of a century - the nine- teenth - for the tobacco trade to work up to such versatile blending and manufacturing centers as ~'..-... , . ..- . . cigarettes during and immediatel~ a~Cer World War 1I is reflected in the disappearance o[ hell the demand[or smoking tobacco between 1940an d1946. HNAT 00017378 179
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Baltimore and New York. Differentiation of prod- uct, not only into c/gar, smoking, chew and e/ga- rette but also into the many types within each category, requ/red precise differentiation between many grades of le~. Thus, very soon a~ter the War Between the States, "Baltimore agents" and "New York agents" were on duty more or less continu- ously in Danville,/n Lynchburg and in Richmond watching for spec/~c types of tobacoo. Dur/ng the export centuries, one hogshead was pretty much like another. "Ducked" (waterlogged) tobacco was burned or thrown out; a rough dis- tinction was made between Oronoko and sweet- scented, between Virginia and Maryland, but that was all. Leaf was leaf, and all the "tobacco note" represented was a spec/fied weight of it. By the very nature of the system, picking and choosing grades was the exception rather than the rule. As small factories began to sprout/n the "To- bacco Sack" after the War of 1812, this system no longer suited. Indigidua] manufacturers began to buy not just hogsheads but particular hogsheads. Hence the picturesque trumpeter of Lynehburg, announcing that the hogsheads had been broken open for inspection. The of~eial inspector gradually became the auctioneer-in many eases he was one and the same gentleman. Sometimes he was also a leaf merchant. But like the stock exchange broker who is not supposed to mix his customer's interests with buying and selling on his own account, the last function seemed unethical in an objective ar- biter of sales, and after a while the role of auction- eer was separated from that of commission dealer. The original purpose of prizing leaf into tight hogsheads on the farm was for protection in ship- ping tol3aeco over long distances (a mile over a "roiling road" was, to all intents, a long ride) and to economize on shipping space. Markets like l~ieh- mond, on the edge of the piedmont growing area, continued to do business on a hogshead basis. Mar- kets like Danvine and Lynehburg, smack dab in the middle of the tobacco fields, experimented with a loose-leaf type of selling. This was a convenience to the plugmaker who wanted to dress up his quid in choice light wrapper leaf; and it was bread and butter to the planter, who might realize four times as much money for colory tobacco undamaged by prizing and suitable for wrapper as he could ~rom common tobacco bought for filler. The particular 180 In the Bright lea/country, warehousemen tried to increase their share of the "wagon trade" by paid advertising (above), prizes and barn signs (right). town where small manufacturer and Bright leaf planter could meet face to face to deal in tobacco was Danville, the only important loose-leaf market before the Civil War. In Richmond, where manufacturing require- ments and leaf sales both mounted into big-volume totals, the custom of "breaks" became cumber- some: it took too long to break open each and ever), hogshead in its turn. So in that city an Ex- change took the place of the auction warehouse. Leaf samples instead of whole hogsheads were inspected to save time and space. This method of selling was an expedient practised mainly in l~ich- mond and New Orleans. The reason for auction sales as against state inspection to a single stand- ard was to permit each manufacturer to do his own inspecting, and the exchange system did not serve this purpose too well. MNAT 00017379
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Today's curing barn resembles the type u~ed since Civil War emergence ot ~ue.cured Bright tobacco. Basic requirements include a suppl[t o~ ~ueI, 1~ues In the country towns space was not so much of impatient growers and resold it in the warehouses. a problem, and huge sales sheds (which retained These pinhookers were not above scouting the leaf the export name of "warehouse") could be erected in central locations. Time was saved by the devel- opmevt of fast-talking auctioneers on the one hand and quick, keen-eyed buyers--'men who know tobacco best"--on the other. The latter were, at first, the small manufacturers themselves who fre- quented the warehouses throughout most of the year. Their ranks were swelled in the heavy season by speculators skillful enough to turn a slim but fast profit by gauging the ebb and flow of supply and demand. Aware of the dislike of manufacturers for mixed lots, these small dealers could make money by buying up such lots and reclassifying country and frightening farmers into distress sell- ing w/th rumors of overproduction, disappearance of important buyers from local leaf centers, and the like. The amount of this "barn door buying" was not very great, however. For most farmers it was a matter of pride (plus the fun of a trip to town) to take their chances on the auction floor. Warehousing in volume was not an unprofitable occupation, since fern were fixed by the hundred- weight. Accordingly each proprietor did his best to attract as much of the "wagon trade" as possible to his own establishment. There were three major inducements: a short distance for the farmer to them for more lucrative sale-all done in a few travel; a quick cash payoff; and promotion of the minutes on the warehouse floor. Some of them, auction house via poster, painted barn messages, called "pinhookers," bought leaf in the street from and even paid advertisements in periodicals. Of • HNAT 00017380
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Turn-o].the-century auction was messy by current standards. Tobacco was piled on l~oor, picked up on the tobacco ~be requested to sit elsewhere. these the first turned 0~tt0 ~ .~.e :~,o?~.important, modern blending m~l manufacture. This greatly especiall~" after the hogshead yielded to the care- increased the speed d transactions; from a pile-a- fully-arranged basket of loose leaves. Mahomet minute pace in 187tithe chant of the tobacco auc- went to the mountain, and leaf markets gravitated tioneer accelerated to a dizzy rate of a pile every to small or medium-sized tov,,ns in the tobacco six or ten seconds. country (where they still remain). The big city More ~spe~ia~than the auctioneer himself leaf markets- Richmond, Petersburg, Louisville and Cincinnati-lost their big volume. After the turn of the century, refinements Were added. Loose-leaf sales made literally "on the fioor" proved somewhat messy in the day of the horse; baskets were introduced, and these not only got the pries up ot/ the floor but could be quickly whisked out of the way as they were sold, making room for fresh ones wheeled out for sale. The tra- ditional tin bugle gave place to a bell. Sales which were originally spaced somewhat unevenly was the highly Ixa~d buyer of "cutters" for use in smoking mix~u~e~d, later, cigarette blends. tn a few seconds, ~sit.rt a glance and perhaps a quick brush of his Im~cl, he had to make an esti- mate of leaf qualitiesdeseribed as "body," "flavor," "finish," "strenll~-"slickness," "burn," and "aroma," relate t~ne to the needs of his own corn- pan)', and translatelli~e two into a bid. Instilling the necessary" skill and i~dgment into a leaf-bu.ver now requires in the ~borhood of five years. Nor is the language d ln~ an esoteric mumbo-jumbo throughout the twelve months were compressed ~qthout precise meming: as chemical analysis of into a few weeks, buyers making the "circuit" from tobacco prior to m~l~et openings became general, one market to another and procuring the varie- the laboratories eml~rmed in scientific terms what gated assortment of types and grades needed in the buyers had la~. for decades. MNAT 00017381
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Begianing in 1929 the ~partment oi" Agricul- ture was to,recognize up to 60 or more grades in each of seven, cigarette leaf types: Burley, Mary- land, Georgia Belt, South Carol~ua Belt, and the Eastern, Middle and Old Belts of NO ~rth.,, CarolLna, Even th~ wide range of distinctions, though useful o~ci~ became an auctioneer as the manufacturer did his o~,~ "weeding." The hogshead, built to compress the leaf for stowage and to protect it in transit, gave way to the basket where the manufac- turer and planter were not separated by distance, as in antebdJum Danville. in fixing support prices, did not embrace all the. M~~g itself grew out of day-to-day shades of difference used by company leaf men. mores. The twisting of leaf into rope' for convenient Mores o! wbacco The complex routine of the auction sale, now an established.~io~O~,big business, was built up year by year as part of the everyday'cake of cus. tom." The tidewater I~ .~'mspector, weeding out carrying by Indian, Spanish slave or plains traveler led into the pressed pigtail Licorice as a preserva- tive evolved into the art of tlavoring. Hogshead prizing was duplicated in miniature b), the screw press used in plugmaking. Both warehouse and ~actory are end-results of accumulated experience rotten leaves, became a rote o~cia].. The. state -/n the soc/ological sense, traditions. The slow Baskets were introduced to ~ep the leaf in clean, ~uctior~. Pace ~ increased from a pil~'minute neat piles. Lea! is now wheeled quickly up to the in 1870 to a pile every six to ten seconds today. selling rows, whisked out o~ the way to speed the ludging leaf quality in that time takes training. MNAT 00017382
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Trar~ition ~rom the age o~ chew to the .pre~e~t tolmcco industry wo~ led by three mant~acturers. ]. R. Green's graiaulated smoking tobacco spread the fame of Bright leaf; 1. B. Duke mechanized cigarette production and organized his company along "big business" lines; R. J. Reynolds made and marketed the first of the "American blends." Their #,ate, North Carolina, became industry hub. process that made them what they are was a universal one, repeated in many tobacco regions. Interwoven with this slow growth of tobacco custom was an occasional "invention," accehrating the onward crawl of the leaf industry with a sudden leap. Such inventions seem to have occurred only where there was a great need for them coupled with a conscious awareness of that need. Perhaps Rolfe's experiment with Trinidad or Orinoko seed was the first important one, shifting the tobacco balance from the Antilles to the Atlantic coast. An- other came out of the dogged ingenuity of New Englanders forcing their valley land to yield a cigar of the age of rubbery cud and into the apprecia- tion of light smoking and cigarette grades. The Old Belt inventions filled three basic needs, the want of which reduced Richmond to second rank in tobacco: better leaf, mechanized produc- tion, and et~icient distribution. In a narrow sense, the famous "yaller cure" on the Slade farm in 1839 might be regarded as a mere accident thathappened to a dozing dave. Yet the result would have passed unnoticed (as it had during tidewater times) ff Caswell and Pittsyh'ania counties had not been straining hard to produce Bright leaf in every rustic way they knew. Flue- leaf roughly competitive with that of the favored cured Bright was the first American leaf that could tropics. But the most impressive series of innova-, be .smoked ,directly-that is, in pipe or cigarette tions, the sequence which turned tobacco into big form- by the maiority of Americans. Before the business, took place in the most barren area of all- the Old Bright Belt of Virginia and North Carolina. In colonial days, this sandy ridge of stunted pine scrub was scornfully dubbed "the hnd of tar, pitch and pork" by clergymen who preferred their pay in leaf tobacco grown in more fertile parishes. It was nearly abandoned by weary farmers during the westering years; stripped of its thin manpower during the Civil War; disrupted afterward by the emancipation of slave labor and the consequent migration to cities. Still, it was this unpromising pocket among the foothills that led the nation out spread of flue-curing there was straight chaw for the cast-iron jaw, with syruped quid for queasier palates; and there was harsh northeastern cigar leaf, doused in molasses or rum even for teamsters' tastes but ameliorated with, or replaced by, ina- ported Havana for city connoisseurs. The cigarette machine was developed in the stress of dog-eat-dog or rather, bull-gore-bull, com- petition in tiny Durham-not, as might have been expected, in cosmopolitan New York or in proud Richmond. In its train came the mechanical pack- ers, stampers, sealers and baggers which made pos- 184 MNAT 00017383
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sible mass consumption of tobacco products and, in broader perspective, led all industry into the age of automation. And it was the half-desertod la~d of tar, pitch and pork that seized the golden opportunity to While the quid-conscious Richmond ruminator of 1898 was bewailing the loss of plug prowess in his city, the cigarette business had begun to gather momentum.This momentum had just been checked rather severely by a tripling of the Federal excise capitalize on golden leaf and new. contriyanceS by from lc per pack of 20 before August of 1897 to 3c creating the image of the national brand. Even the ~fter Jtme of 1898. Half of cigarette production knowledgeable cigar mad cigarette farms of New originated in North Carolina and Virginia, a pro- York City, with their alluring premiums and flam- boyant drummers, did not achieve this until Bull Durham set the example. The tactics and execu- tion of national selling and distribution were per- fected, to be sure, in New York; but the strategy was fn-st conceived in Durham. The resu]ts tell their own story. The three largest tobacco makers (Re)molds, AmeriFan and Liggett) make the bulk of their product in Durham, Reidsville and Winston- Salem, and in 1956 another of the large companies (Lorillard) concentrated almost all its manufac- turing in nearby Greensboro. portion that was to rise to 80% by 1930 and remain at that level through 1960. Although cigarette making had increased sixfold in s/xteen years of machine production, he could not have foreseen that the little white roll would increase a hundredfold in the fifty years to follow. The impetus of that growth had already been gen- erated right under his nose, in the Bright tobacco country. But the cigarette surge was to require, in addition to flue-cured leaf and White Burley from the Ohio Valley, a generous flavoring of New York City enterprise. Center o[ bright lea[ revolution a~er the Civil War was Blackwell Bull Durham plant (four.story portion o~ building abot~e). Granulated straight truly national tobacco brand. The building now is Durham headquarters for American Tobacco Co. MNAT 00017384 I85
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New York has been a prime consumer ~ tobacco ever since the pipe.smoking Dutch dei~ed a no- smoking edict by Governor WiIIem Kieft. Alert to [oreign fashions, the city rivaled Philadelphia dur- ing the smuff and cigar periods and led Americans into the age of the cigarette. It was the nation's sell- ing center and, for a time, top tobacco manufacturer. THE FLAVOR OF OLD NEW YORK N EW AMSTEI~D,~M was settled in 16"25 by a com- . pany of Netherlanders looking for new busi- ness. And ever since then, its citizens have contin- ued to look for new consumption goods, both for their own sake and for their business potential. Dutch unclez ©~. Indianz Like the English under James I, the settlers of New Amsterdam had to oontend with a ruler who thought tobacco a waste of time. He was Willem Kieft, director-general of New Amsterdam After three centuries, New York is still a giant mar- between 1687 and 1647. Kieft, a soldier of fortune ketplace whose biggest customer is itself: it is the on the order of Captain John Smith, felt belliger- nation's industrial connoisseur, ancy was the best policy in dealing with the native It was fitting, therefore, that the first New Yorkers ~pdians and~.eam~ the., sob~iquet of William the should have been smoking tobacco on their arrival; Testy. In 1689 he issued an arbitrary ban on smok- they did not have to take instruction about it from the Indians, like the settlers who came to the Con- neeticut Valley a dozen years later. The bustling, business-like Hollanders of the sixteenth and seven- teenth centuries who were to give MaJahattan its "personality" were quite as enthusiastic as the Span- iards about tobacco, and iust as quick to make it a national custom. In 1590, just as the Soverane Herb was penetrating England, Holland was not only puffing the clay pipe but was growing the plant on a large scale. And Dutch merchantmen were cross- ing the Atlantic to load cargoes of tabak for sale in Europe, well before the end of the sixteenth century. ing, whereupon the citT's smokers - virtually the entire male population - camped outside Willem's official doorway and produced a massive smoke screen by way of silent protest. As might be expected, pipe smoking was conspic- uous all during the New Amsterdam phase. "The women.. • entertain each other with a pipe and a brazier; young and old, the)' all smoke." The Dutch lived almost wholly on trade, in which tobacco played its part. Leaf stores came from Connecticut, Massachusetts, Long Island and, of course, Virginia. Kieft's successor, Peter Stuyvesant, also treated the Indians like a Dutch uncle and, partly because MNAT 00017385
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of the trouble this caused, was forced to yield the city to the English in 18~4. Under its new name of New York the city added snufMaking to its original custom of pipe-smoking. For the next hundred years or so, New York rivaled Philadelphia in such tobacco manufacture as there was. This was a business of little consequence compared with the mammoth exports of the tidewater planters. From the first, however, hogsheads of tobacco were coast- ered along the seaboard from the Chesapeake estuary and the Carolina inlets. Most .of it was re- shipped, but enough was put ashore at Philadd- phia, New York and Boston - legally and otherwise - to suppIy the smallshops and snuff-mills of those Minimlsed manufacture The Crown's imperial policy did not favor col- onial manufacturing activity, however, and most of the snuff inhaled by its American subiects in Lorillard, a French Huguenot emigre, established a tobacco business in New York City on the high road to Boston at Chatham Sta'eet, near Tryon Bow, and the present P. Lorillard. Company traces to this beginning. At that time New York's small tobacco shops were not entirely dependent on their own manufactures, since they were retail houses primar- ily. Possibly for this reason, this type of business was still thriving after the Bevolution, and some added substantial factories to their retail establish- merits. During the early 1800s their principal man- ufactured product became chewing tobacco. Later ~mphasis was shifted to cigars, to pipe tobacco, and, after 1880, to cigarettes. As in Virginia and New England, the rise of manufacturing establishments in New York and Phihdelphia began with the departure of the King's men. Ten years after the Treaty of Paris, when Congress was weighing the question of excise taxes on tobacco, one Samuel l~ussel of New York City New York and elsewhere was made in Scotland. submitted this information on behalf of the city's In 1760, about the time Gilbert Stuart's P, hode manufacturers: Island snuff mill was forced to shut down, Pierre The price of tobacco by the hogshead, in New • MNAT 00017386 287
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York, is four-pence one farth/ng per pound .... This is cash; no ered/t ever being given on leaf- tobacco, in any part of America. The expence of work/s two-pence three farthings per pound, on what is called spun or plug tobacco; only two- th£rds of the le~, on an average, can be made into this kind of tobacco. The loss in stems and cl/rt will amount to one penny per pound. Every pound of good plug tobacco, therefore, costs the manufacturer eight-pence per pound; and the general seRing price is nine-pence .... Th/s leaves a proi~t to the manufacturer of twelve and an half per cent out of which he must pay shop- rent and be supported. The rema/ning one third is made into the coarser kinds .... The profits on this part, are not far from thirteen per cent. It b significant that Russel, while speaking for both snu{[ and tobacco manufacturers, emphasizes the "spun or plug tobacco," which was the all-pur- pose ropel/ke twist made on a tobacco wheel. Snuff Philadelphia preceded Ne~c York City as political, cultural, commercial capital of America. In "Old Lo~don CoSec House,"mcn like Beniamin Franklin was obv/ous|y ground from the scrap residue, in- e|ud/ng the stem, and the tenor of Russe]'s report ind/cates that it was deel/ning in importance as early as 1794. These were the years of great rivalry between New York and Ph/ladelphia, in tobacco-making and in almost every other form of enterprise. Through- out the eaure colonial period, New Yo:k a distinct second to the City of Brotherly Love. Now, however, New York was overtaking its fiva! as Amer/ca's No. 1 commercial city. A v/siting French pol/t/cian named Charles Maurice de Tal- leyrand-Per/gord, who was to achieve considerable fame as Napoleon's foreign minbter, cast his objec- t/re eye on the reasons: "Its good and convenient harbor, which is never closed by ice, its central position to which large flyers bring the products of the whole country, appear to me to be decisive advantages. Philadelph/a is too buried in the land and Thomas ]e#erso~ discussed state t>olicg. Lafcv the place housed o~e of the mm~cro~s tobacco ~rms ~h ich made Philadelph 188 HNAT 00017387
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Erie Canal, brainchild o[ Governor DeWitt Clinton, spurred development of New York as leading commercial city. Opened in 1826, "Clinton's Ditch" linked New York with Buffalo and the rich Great Lakes area. Fi~y years a~er- ward, picture of Clinton appeared on the federal cigarette excise tax stamp. and especially too inaccessible to wood of all sorts, to become Mayor of New York City and then Gov- Boston is too much at the extremity of the country, ernor of New York State. He was an avid follower does not have enough flour, and has not a large of Jefferson and Jackson, although he died in 1828 enough outlet for the commodities of the West before he could share in the fruits of Old Hickory's Indies, except molasses." victory. More important, he had a vigorous faith in Clinton', Ditch The one factor - if one can be isolated -.which insured New York's rise to pre-eminence was the Erie Canal, opened in 1826. At once, the city on America's future, rejoiced in the passing of the powdered hair and cocked hat, and devoted his personal funds to the drive for a canal, ~>3 miles long, from Bu~alo to Albany. Like his fellow Amer- icans of that rude but patriotic period, he was full the Hudson became the natural outlet for the of enthusiasm, encouraged 1~obert Fulton and his produce of uffper New York State and all the states steamboat, John Jacob Astor and hisfur trade, was bordering on the Great La~es. It was to the Canal active in founding the College of Physicians and that New York owed its victory over Philadelphia; Surgeons. He took the inevitable jeers about "Clin- and it was tO the indefatigable DeWitt Clinton that ton's Ditch" while the canal was under construction the Canal owed its existence. The national Con. and died, $6,000 in debt, only two years after the gress was indi~erent to the waterway, which be- "wedding of the waters" of Atlantic and Lake Erie. came a state project. Clinton never emerged as a His great project benefited not only the tobacco national political figure, having left the U. S. Senate trade but commercial tra~c of all kinds; and his HNAT 00017388 189
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At the JVganuf~tory,b/o.4, Chatham ftr~et,near tbe Gaol By Peter and George ~orillard~ W~re may ~ had as foflow, ~ C~u~ toba¢co~ Common ki~t'oot do. Common fmoaking do. Sega~s do. Ladies twi~ Plgttll do. in fm~l ~olls, ~iug ~ogtt~l Prig or carrot do. Maccuba fnuff, gappee do. St rafburgh do. Common rappce do. Scented rappee do. ofdif- ~eren c kindh Scotch do. The above Tobacco and ;hUff will be fold reafo~able, and warranted as good as an)' on the continent. Zf not found to prove good, anF part of it may b¢ returned~ it" not damage. N.B. Pro~r allowance will ~ made to thole purch~fe a Nuan~ty. D~ed May 27,1789, th~ ~ the ~ ~e~ ~ t~ P. ~rd C~pany, wh~h began ~ ~ New Y~k h~e. The ~ o] prod~ts re~e~s t~ eighteenth centu~ emp~ ~ pipe ~king n~ muff. T~re ~ a~o a re]ere~e to t~ ~ar. Trade card of same company in early 1800s dropped re[erences to snuff and pipe tobacco, concentrated on its new line leader, fine cut chewing tobacco. During the nineteenth century Americans-includ. ing New Yorkers-took to sweet chew in a big way. Clurwing became a distinctly American custom. memorial was struck off" in ~Paskington fifty years after Clinton's Ditch was Ol~m~t In 1876 his image was selected for the new Fedlm~tobaceo tax stamp, and was part of every pacl~d cigarettes during the next eighty-two years. Along with its dominancedYttlantic trade came New York's leadership as a~aral entrepbt; even in the early 1800s, eountr~-~ourneyed to the ~ag Town for a o~ce.in-a-~ ~Ang. Re~tauraz~ts, theaters, good hotels were Ingical by-products of the gwelling commercial staam. In their tobacco habits, Gothamites were "adma" fi'om the first: cigars are almost as prominmtia accounts of New York life during the Era of tired Feeling as chew, although the eom'tant salhaa~ induced by the latter did not escape eomua~i~, foreign visitors to the city, Even in the thealtng.uoted Mrs. Frances Trollope - first of a long lira d English critics of American mamaers - men la~dieir hats on during the pedormaaee mad ex~d fi'equently. In lg~9 a London writ~ dmeribed Americans and tobacco as follows, pulfag the cigar on a par with chewing tobaccos: The Americans, who pfi~ themselves on being the ~astest-going people ~at the "versa1 globe"- wao build steamers that tan out-paddle the sea- serpent and breed horseslllat, can trot faster than an ostrich can run - are.mdoubtedly, entitled to take precedence of all harms as consumers of the weed. The sedentary Tank., who smokes from morn to night, does not, man average, get through so much tobacco per annu~as a right slick, active, go-ahead Yankee, who ~ nothing. "upon his own relation," of felling~gon-load of timber before breakfast, or of ~ down a couple of acres corn before dinner_'lhe Americans, it is to be observed, generally sm~ cigars: and tobacco in this form burns very ta~i~ the open air, more especially when the eota~aer is rapidly locomo- tive, whether upon his ¢t~ra legs, the back of a horse, the top of a eoack,~-deck of a steamboat. or in an open railway ~'ghe habit of chew- ing tobacco is also pr~. in "the States." nor is it, as in Great Britahaaud Ireland. almost en- tirely confined to the Imamt©lasses. Members of the House of Represen~ and of the Senate. doctors, judges, barristng and attorne,vs chew tobacco almost as general., asthe laboring classes in the old countr)'. Even~m~rt of ~ustice. more especially in the Westem~tates. it is no unusual thing to see |udge, iury.a~d the gentlemen of the bar. all chewing and slm~ttag as liberally as the crew of a homeward-hound West Indiaman. It 190 MNAT 00017389
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was a corn rn on oust om among all classes o~ New York residents. Philadelphia still produced more cigars. must indeed be confessed that Brother Jonathan loves tobacco "not wisely but too well," and that the habits which are induced by his manner of using it are far from "elegant." The u'uth is, he neither smokes nor chews like a gentleman; he lives in a land of liberty, and takes his tobacco when and where he pleases . . . Manu/a~ture mazimi~l Cosmopolitan in its tobacco manufacture as in eve .rything else, New York was quick to take its cue from General Israel Putnam after his return to Connect/cut with Havana cigars ha 1769~. Three years a§terward cigars (but not Havana cigars) were made for sale in the c/ty. Early /n the nineteenth century, a brisk import tra~c in cigars made of Dutch and German leaf sprang up; the market for these were seamen and the European immigrants who were beginning to trickle into the port. The obvious inadequacy of these rank tobacco sticks no doubt stimulated New Yorkers to get into Gentlemen who smoke or chew, (~d all geu/~ t~.te-.and some t-dies too--do both,) will find, at my store~ the most extensive as~or&mcnt IN T~S CI~Y. ll~'0onst~nt/y receiving, the last im~ons o£ the ~ b~nds o~ Mee~eha~, Y~kish ~nd ~rier Root ~ipes, Also, the Ju~tl~ cd,b,'~tted ~rk~h and ~ynchbur~ Smo~n~ Tobacco. The public will do well ~ c~l and c~mlne the weed. et JOHN ~ABE~S, No. ~ South 8~th ~t. ~hilsdel~hia. Phi~Iph~ ~ ~re~ gents a~ ~s ~ t~e, emp~d Ha~ segars, L~hburg smoking tobacco a~ Turk~h, ~~d ~ bm~ ~mes. cigar-rolling, using the conveniently-situated and better leaf from Connecticut Valley farms. The early rivalry with Philadelphia in snuff was replaced by a more frenzied competition in cigars, both cities using from/grant labor to advantage as the rolling- rooms multiplied. Skilled German cigar-makers were prominent among the new arrivals during the "Era of Good Feeling." By the outbreak of Civil War, Philadelphia was still the leading cigar city with a slight advantage over New York in value of output, $1,~.A0,000 as against $1,100,000. New York's cigar output alone in 1860 was almost exactly equal in dollar value to all the manufactured tobacco made in North Carolina. And the extent of the cigar craze is shown by the dispersal of manufacture into any town with capital to support an establishment holding three or four rollers and their workbenches. In 1860 $9 million worth of cigars were made throughout the nat/on, as against $21 million worth of chewing and smoking tobacco. Forty years later, MNAT 00017390 191
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C. H. LILIENTHAL, Nos. ~IT, ~19 & ~I Washington, and T~, ~0 & ~ Barclay ~t~., II Lilienthal factory in lower ManI~attan was typical tobacco pIant of the pre-Civil War era. Trademarks were conspicuously absent [rom both the plant and its trade card, although the firm turned out many types of tobacco product. Under "Tobacco" at left, the main emphasis was placed on chewing mixtures. cigars were grossing more than $160 million a year and manufactured tobacco about $90 million. Al- though these amounts included over $50 million in federal excise taxes, which were not in e~eet in 1860, the increase even without taxes was stagger- ing. Despite its prominence in all types of tobacco- making, New York's principal contribution to the industry was its selling enterprise. Its factors re- ceived half of the tobacco goods made in Virginia and North Carolina, re-distribut£ng them to whole- salers throughout the nation. Southern dependence on these factors, with their "fancy stocks, fine houses and fast teams," was keenly resented in Richmond and other Bright manufacturing cities, but the fact remained that New York was the coun- try's distribution headquarters for tobacco and most everything else. Port o! expor~ The War Between the States gave New York an extra impetus as a tobacco to,~'n by closing the port of New Orleans to western growers. European buyers shifted their locus of operations from that city to New York, which for a while became the principal port of exit for western tobacco shipped by rail from Louisville and Cincinnati. In the years following the war, more than 80,000 hogsheads of the western crop alone were annually shipped to New York. MNAT 00017391 19.9
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P. The biggest single factor in the metropolitan area's massive tobacco output-and the oldest as well- was the Lorilhrd £zrm. Begun in Manhat~ tan in 1760, Lorillard was one of the only two pre- revolutionary muff mills in the colonies to survive British opposition to colonial manufacture. During the release of manufacturing activity which fol- lowed the Treaty of Paris, Pierre Lorilhrd built a new snu~ mill on the banks of the Bronx River. Over the years this installation was expanded to include workmen's cottages, a warehouse, facil- ities for packing smoking tobacco, and the Loft]- lard family mansion. The latter was surrounded by riding trails and set in an "Acz'e of Roses," some of which were used to perfume the family's snu~ brands. The original wooden mill was repheed in I840 by a granite structure, still standing in the Bronx Botanical Gardens. Changes in the national taste were mirrored by Lorillard's changing product mix. As snu~ was superseded by the national stampede to "eatin' tobacco," Lorillard's emphasis shifted from the Bronx River mill to a new giant factory across the Hudson, and from snuff-and-smokum to sweet plug. In this respect, Lorillard's evolution paral- hhd that of the four Virginia phg towns of the antebellum years-from all-purpose tobacco or bulk chew to molded lumps and thence to flat plug. With its ideal Jersey City location, Lorilhrd had a head start into the era of mass-produced national brands, which got under way after the Civil War. During the late 1870s the huge Jersey City plant accounted for nearly 10'Z of all manufactured to- bacco made in the U. S.- nearly as much plug as Richmond's total, three times as much as New York's. Lorillard's plug grades were identified as the Climax, Bullion, Sailors" De//ght, Mechanic/ Delight, Catawba, fled Cross, Green Turtle, Army 6, Navy brands, each plug "branded" with a colored and printed tin tag pronged into R. In 1885 "Leslie's Weekly" told its readers that the Lorillard Jersey City hctories covered 6re acres and included a 15,000-volome library and 850-child schoolrooom "for the free use of the army of about four thousand persons employed in their immense tobacco establishment." The payroll was a large one: the census of 1880 had counted the total number of tobacco "hands" in the U. S.-men, q AG A~er Civil War, brand names counted. LorilZard, whose lersey City plant made lOf~ of manufac. tured tobacco in U.S., branded its plug with tin tags. women and children- at 80,000 (32,700 in manu- factured tobacco, 5~,~)0 in cigars and cigarettes). During the postbellum years, Lorillard's line re- fleeted the trend to smoking tobaccos as well as the headlong increase in tin tag plug. By 1890 only the enormous Liggett & Myers plug factory in St. Louis outproduced Lorillard in total poundage. But Lorillard even then was turning out more smokings than plug, and was one of the five U. S. companies to exceed a million pounds ayear in snuff. In addi- tion the company was participating in the upsurge of cigar production under such brand names as Sweet Moments, Old Virginia Cheroots, Lillian Russell and, later, Muriel and Van Bibber. By 1906 Lorillard production was in the 2,5,000,. HNAT 00017392 193
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Peter LoHP, ard, ~on o~ Pierre, built this ~tone erected in the 1780s. Still standing, the mill got ~nuff-mill in 1840 to replace a wooden ~tructure waterpower~rom the BronxRivertoturn its wheels. 000-pounds-a-year class- about equal to the total output of Winston or Durham, but still outpaced by the massive plug poundage of St. Louis or Louis- ville. The total included about 8,000,000 pounds of navy plug, 14,000,000 pounds of smoking tobaccos, Union Leader and Sensation being its principal brands, and nearly 8,000,000 pounds of fine-cut chewing, including the Tiger and Century brands. Between 1898 and 1911, Lorillard was part of the tobae~ combination. When this was dissolved, the eompany would emerge without its snuff brands, but with about the same volume of navy plug and fine-cut chewing, an increased smoking tobacco business of 40,000,000 pounds a year • Around the century's turn, product mix ran to more smoking than chewing tobacco - a national trend. (~,5~ of national output ), plus the cigarette brands of the Anargyros plant in New York City. These brands, including Egyptian Deities, Mogul, Murad, Helmar, and Turkish Trophies, represented about 20~ of U. S. production in 1913. With later ciga- rette brands, they would enable LoriIlard to reflect, in every era, the 200-year evolution of American tobacco manufacturing. Top tobacco town If the postbellum revival of manufacturing was satisfactory in Virginia, rapid in North Carolina, and steady in the western states, it was phenomenal in New York. By 1880 the big tox~aa was producing four times as many cigars as its erstwhile rival, Phil- adelphia; one out of every three brown rolls were made in New York, a huge proportion for a hand- labor industry. In terms of total poundage, more • than a fifth of all American tobacco products were processed in the metropolitan area, including the plug tobacco factories across the Hudson in Jersey City. (Richmond's manufacturing share was one tenth, virtually all of it plug.) If there was any single reason for New York's unlikely emergence as the nation's top tobacco town, it was the place's pre-eminence in selling. Here the arts of persuasion and communication (perhaps two words for the same thing) were de- veloped as nowhere else. With thousands of hogs- heads of leaf entering the city, it was inevitable MNAT 00017393 194
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that those with capital to invest should put two and two together to get a return of five. Lea~ tobacco and manufacturing capital were both available in quantity; joined with energetic salesmen and will ing pieceworkers, also available, four dollars' outlay would bring in five. Although Southern factory towns were nearer the source of s~pply, they were s},ort ft. ~wo of the £o~.: :er: .. it. .he big bt,sLr.ess equation - able salesmen and cash. Furthermore tobacco eomumptioa, whih still on the rise, was in a state of flux: cigars were on the gallop, smoking was resuming its old primacy (aided by the inven- tion d the friction match) while the Southern main- Ray, plug, was fighting a losing battle-beset by the cigar surge on the one hand, and by the growth d western plug towns on the other. ( In 1880 St. Louis ranked behind Richmond but ahead of Lynchburg, Petersburg and Danville in the production of quid; Louisville ranked behind Lynchburg and Peters- burg but ahead of Danville; Alton, Illinois and Mid- dletown, Ohio were dose behind.) For N~,~ York, the n~v Perhaps the most revealing statistics among the postbellum figures were not in total pound- age otr New York production but in its breakdown. Always interested in the new, in growth potential, the New York manufacturers of 1880 were almost onmpletely uninterested in plug - virtually all their production was in straight smoking tobacco or "fine- cut chewing" suitable for either mouth or pipe. (Most of the metropolitan area's eoasiderable chew- ing tobacco output was made in Jersey City.) Cig- arettes were not yet important onough to rate a separate classification as to leaf poundage used; yet New York City alone was turning out 60% of the little white rolls. The term "mantffacturer" could hardly be applied in connection with cigars, which were made in hundreds of small shops rather than in a few hrge factories. One of the most important New York manufac- turers was D. H. McAlpin, founded well before the Civil War. Like most early tobaeeomen in the city, Selling rather than manufacturing was New York's forte. The arts o~ communication were quickly ptd to commercial use, as exempli~ed by the Currier and Ives trade card lithographed in the "classic" manner for Champion cigars. New York sold not only its own products but also tobacco made in Richmond. HNAT 00017394 195
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D. H. McAdpin of New York capitalized on new taste for "long cut" both tor chewing and pipe smoking. Two time 4ested words made successful brand name of big seller: "Virginia," an old ~jnonym for the best tobacco, and "Kalickiniclg" from the generic Indian teem kirmikirmick, ~ii~ng tobacco blend. McAlpin started out as a retailer.manufacturer and had a shop, complete with cigar store Indian, on Catherine Street. In the flowering of manufactured tobacco brands that followed Appomattox, McAlpin did not join the plug stampede but concentrated on two specialties -- a free-cut chewing tobacco trademarked Virgin Leaf, and a line of smoking to- baccos including a Virginia Killickinick brand. These names were not particularly original but they were shrewdly selected. "Virginia" was a standard s3.nonym for fine tobacco (in Europe it remains so although the word "Bright" has more or less re- placed it in this country). Killickinick had found wide acceptance as the romantic Indian word for a pipe mixture and as the brand name of Maurice Moore's Lynchburg smokum. On a modest scale 196 McAlpin's choice of products and choice of words was quite successful, the firm attaining a volume of more than g,O00,O00 pounds a year by the Gay Nineties - this poundage being comparable to that of important Riclmaond firms like Mayo and Pat- terson. Cigarmaking was more specific to New York than manufactured tobacco production: the census of 1880 credited the dty with 14,320,972 worth of manufactured tobacco produced, a modest 8% of the national total. In "cigars and cigarettes" - the htter, then hand.rolled, being a negligible number -New York turned out $18,M7,108 worth of prod- act, nearly 80~ of the national output. Further- more, New York City listed only 17 manufactured tobacco establishments as against 761 cigarmakers. Nevertheless, dgarmaking was still distinctly small business whih tobacco manufacture was big enterprise. In value of product the smoking and chewing factories averaged $2,700 per employee in 1880; the average cigar worker turned out only $1,200 worth of goods during the same year. It is worth noting, from the standpoint of pure business efficiency, that New York City produced 8~ of the total U. S. dollar value of manufactured tobacco even though it boasted only 3% of the na- tion's smoking, chewing and snuff factories and only 5~ of the nation's employees in those cate- gories. No such efficiency was reflected in the sta- tistics for cigars: New York's dollar output was no greater as a percentage of the U. S. total than either its share of persons employed in cigarmaking or its share of cigar shops-a little less than ~ in each case° One of the reason's for the higher quality of the Big Town's operations in the manufactured to- bacco field was the fact, akeady mentioned, that its turnout of higher-priced fine-cut chews and smok- ings was relatively heavy and its production of cheap plug relatively light. By the same token, the statistics indicate that New York's cigar products did not command higher-than-average prices• The average cigar made in New York in 1880 was worth about 8e-ab0ut the same as the general U.S. average. In making a new product go, part of the motive power is consumer pull - demand - and part of it is manufacturer's push - selling. That New York somehow attracted the best selling talent, the South- HNAT 00017395
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ern manufacturers had conceded long before Sum. ter. This became even more evident in the upward rash of production mad consumption during the Gilded Age. As a shipping and manufacturing cen- ter, New York was well placed to supply the sales- man -- particularly the cigar and cigarette salesman - with quantities of the cheap brummagems which were u~ ef-~', no' -.rely a~. 3rem~,~m ~ ut a]-~ ~.~ ~o~.. versation pieces: pictures, running to s'ports f~gures and "leg art"; wail lighters; cigar cutters; razors; flags; and matches (which are still used). It should be noted that the most valuable of these premium~ did not go to the consumer but to the wholesale and retail trade as rewards for stocking the manufac- turer's brand. The consumer's usual reward for buy. ing the brand was a lithographed picture card (which did double duty as a stitcher for the fl/msy sl/de-and-she]] box). This was supplemented by silk flags, and by picture albums and catalogued premiums exchanged for box-fronts or enclosed coupons. The role of the flor/d-faced, extroverted backslapper - the city slicker - in breaking down preferences for local brands within the trade was indispensable in building national brands. This in turn was the indispensable prelude to mass produc- tion which, with its attendant improvement in qual- ity and reduction of price, is the classic American formula for improvement in living standards. New York's ch/ef contribution to the tobacco in- dustry was in wholesaling, now called distribution. It was, to be sure, a key manufacturing town be- tween 1780 and 1930, during the successive eras of snuff, cigars, mass-produced plug, smoking tobacco and cigarettes. But except in size, it did not differ as a making center from any of the hundred-odd cities which jumped on the cigar bandwagon, or from quid and smokum centers like Detroit and Chicago, or early cigarette towm like Rochester and San Francisco. Like other sizable cities, New York represented a compact market as we]] as a labor pool and its retail tobacco trade was a highly visible indication of this. The urban environment itself has always been accompanied by a heightened demand for tobacco. Cities are characterized by a fast pace of living, by tensions, arti~ciality and a lack of the earthy, the natural, the prim/tire. Tobacco seems to supply part of this missing element, and the trade sensed this. The London apothecaries did their part in the The cigar had a prominent place in New York City's "stream o~ consciousness." Above, one o/the many humorous allusions to President Grant's customary preoccupation, captioned: "The General's resource at any emergency-smoke." Below, a prophetic sign from the Presidential campaign of 1880. As poster predicted, Americans did indeed see Gar/ield win. YOU W! LL FIELD ELECTEO early 1600s to romanticize the mysterious "qaeathen wound plant." So did the wholesalers and retailers of New York; in the 1870s and 1880s many of them adorned their invoice forms with the "Great Spirit" woodcut reproduced on page 26. By that time the Indian was being hunted down in the West and a nostalgic image of him and his ways (assumed to be vanishing forever) grew up in the eastern cities. Tobacco, of course, had long been associated w/th the noble savage and it was merely good sales psy- chology to keep the association alive. Sidewalks o] New York The most prominent manifestations of this com- mercialized mystique were the wooden Indians sta- tioned outside the tobacco shops. At one time the HNAT 00017396 197
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a ~at paunch and leer to match. Most show figures were carved in white pine; of'tea they were made from lengths of discarded ship spars and masts by ship carvers who turned from £gureheads to trade signs as steam replaced sail. As might be imagined, they were highly prized not only by the shop- keepers who owned them but by passing lovers of folk art who sometimes swept the silent wooden figures o~ their feet in an irresistible frenzy of ldep- tomania. Those not kidnapped outright usually ]ost to passing admirers their noses or the tomahawks doweled into their wooden ~ts. Tobacconists in large cities took to chaining :their cigar-bearing sea- tinels to the outside wall, or mounting them on rollers to be wheeled indoors at nightfall. After the Civil War cigar store Indians began to Sidewalks of New York were populated with wooden cavaliers and turbaned Turks, though nine o/ ten l~gures wereIndians. Metal brave (right) was ~ in New York; a heavier ~igure was harder to 'steal, but arrow was m~sing from ~qght hand hole. This model was said to have been Longfellow's favorite. MNAT 00017398 199
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be cast in metal. There were three reasons for this. First, a metal Indian was harder to carry of[ - heavier than wood, and more readily anchored in the concrete sidewa~ outs/de the shop. Second, cast iron was a characteristic mater/a] of the early Industrial Era, not only for u~litarian machinery but also for decorations of many kinds, from lawn urns to omamenta] fretwork. And third, the up- surge in manufactured tobacco products and in retail shops to sell them increased the demand for figures beyond the capacity of the limited supply of woodcarvers. The Demuth ~mn d New York City specialized in "show figures," both wooden and cast metal, and tried by means of advertising to extend their use from tobacconists to druggists, notion stores, theaters and even banks. Operating on the new principles of mass production, Demuth espe- cially pushed his recta] figures, many of which could be formed with the same mold. His most famous product was the so-called "Longfellow Indian," a noble brave with bear-chw necklace, strap-iron bow in one hand and a separate metal arrow serted into.a hole in the other. One of these stood guard before a cigar establishment on the Boston- Cambridge road and was said to be greatly admired by Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, who had written "Hiawatha" in 185,5. But even Longfellow's iron redman was not vandal-proof, for most surviving specimens have been relieved of bow, arrow, or The same urbanization which created a mass market for cast metal Indians tidckened street traL £c and thereby halted the increase in the metal- Indian tribe almost as soon as it bega~. City ordinances made him an outlaw, a sidewalk obstruc- tion. Like Iris living prototype, the cigar store Indian was crowded out by the white men. Between 1840 and 1910 or so, the stolid cigar store Indian did not signify retailing exclusively. Many a small shop retailed well-known brands of chew, smoking tobacoo and cigarettes up front and rolled its own brand of cigar in the backroom. These shops (see cut, page 198) were a transitional stage between the era of farm manufacture and the era of national brands. Cigar-making made possib]e the existence of these retail outlets in vast num- bers, not only in New York but in other cities, for the cigar was the last form to be mass-produced by machine and thus the last to enter the national brand phase. The boys in Ihe backroom Not that the exuberant release of free enterprise was a pure picnic: before the happy plateau of brand land was achieved, many a vale of tears had to be crossed. One of these was the crowding of the underpaid backroom bunchers in the cigar shops- "sweatshops" as the), (and other piecework estab- lishments) were called. The cigar workers who plied their trade at home- most were not skilled rollers but turned out "molded" cigars-were in an even worse plight. Often the landlord who rented them tenement quarters, and the factor'-owner who paid them barely enough for rent and subsist- ence, were one and the same person. In fact, by dis- tributing the work to the cigar rollers in their own MNAT 00017399 2OO
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establishment was this dingy New ~ork loft. There were 20,000 such workrooms throughout the nation. Worse off than backroom blanchers were home c/gar workers. Families like this one worked each da~¢ as long as light permitted. Bolt atright uses curved blade to slice wrapper from tobacco leaf; worker at leg does not literally roll cigars but shapes them in mold, a cheap, relatively unsealed method. MNAT 00017400 201
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"homes," the shrewd operator was able to avoid much of the heat, light, floor space and other costs of a legitimate manufacturing business. The New York cigar-makers went on strike for higher wages in 1884; howeyer, it was not the employees of siz. able factories but the piece-workers at home who needed help. Their workweek extended during all ~)urs ..... ... ... ::)r wh:c~ week many rollers ea~ed $8.00 or even less. Into this unfortu- nate situation in 1868 came a young immigrant cigar-maker named Samuel Gompers; stung to tion by what he found, Gompers managed to inter- est a New York assemblyman, Theodore Roosevelt, in remedial legishtion. Laws were passed, and hter thrown out by the oourts; but Gompers, who went on to found the American Federation of Labor, is credited with making a progressive out of the well- bon~ Theodore Roosevelt. Even this dingy phase in the history of cigar- making contributed in its way to the history of human freedom. From 1880 through 1895, New York was the headquarters of Jos(~ Martl, guiding genius of the Cuban revolution against Spain. Like an:" ~elf-resge~:ting Cuban, Martl w~s in love "o, ith cigars; to him a tobacco plant was a "delicate hdy" to be protected and cared for, the cigar a com- panion of loneliness. But the cigar rollers played a more practical part in his-revolutionary planning. The reading-tables of workrooms not only in Ha- vana but also in Tampa, Key West and New York, were "pulpits of liberty." From refugee cigar work- ers in these American cities Martl received not only Samuel Gompers, an immigrant cigar ro~er, headed drive for better working conditions in the trade, finally founded the American Federation o/Labor. Theodore Roosevelt,a New York state usembtyman, was s!/mpathetic to Gompers" movement, introduced legislation to eliminate sweated tenement labor. MNAT 00017401
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moral support but ten percent of their weeldy earn- ings. When the plans for revohtion were completed in 1S95, the order to rebel was sent from Key West to Havana rolled in a cigar. Ci~m'~Ue ei~y All this had a foreign Jlavor to it; ~d w~tev~ ~ght ~ ~d on ~e Fo~ d J~y a~ut melt~g ~t," ~ch su~ssive wave d t~ded to ~ de~ ~d i~or~ by ~e pre~om one. Yet it ~ ~ v~ f~ei~ ~vor ~t ~de New York ~t ~e t~t m~ket, ~ ~e m~ac- ~g ~nter, ~d ~a~y ~e ~] ~pito] of ~e ~d~ ~ on ~e m~t ~1 to~ d ~: ~e ~~ ~g~e~e. A ~ve ~~ dg~ emerge until 1913, but the groundwork was laid by New Yorkers who, more than most Americans, were sensitive to foreign izLfluences. Originally a Central American custom, cigarette smoking was observed in New Mexico by the rugged trappers and traders who opened the Santa Fe trail, early in the nine- teenth century. But the cigarette was to arrive in New York by a more devious route. The starting point can be placed in Seville, the world's ~st tobacco manufacturing capitol In that ancient "dear Havana" town, cigarettes were a poor man's by-product of the lordly cigar- scraps of discarded cigar butt wrapped in a scrap of paper. So it appears that the first use of paper to wrap a cigarette (in- stead of cornhusk or hollow reed in the Aztec mode) was a pure expedient: paper was at that time a city Cuban rollers were "~¢igartLvts," di~ered from the unskilled molders of New York City. They hired a workroom reader (center, elevated) to keep them up on politics. Dedicated to freedom, many emigrated to the factories of New York and Tampa, used their wages to ]inance Cuba's revolution against Spain. MNAT 00017402 203
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British soldiers'discovered" Turkish cigarettes dur. ing Crimean War o[ 1854-~, ,et up a demand for them in London. Leaf was (and still is) lightered in small boats to ~ anchored o~ Turkish coast. item, and the cigarette also remained a city item un- til the twentieth century. During most of the seven- teenth and eighteenth centuries the Sevil]ian papa- ]ere was a beggar's smoke, ascending the social lad- der sometime before 1800 and moving to Portugal, Italy and South Russia. In Brazil it was called pape- lito; in Spain, papalete or cigarillo; in Italy, where the product was larger than we know it, a paper cigar. The French monopoly, or Regie, began its manufacture in 1843 and the word "cigarette" is of French origin. Drawings of French cigarette girls and French "ordering" or conditioning cylinders for tobacco were published in New York weeklies be- fore the American cigarette industry itself became the subiect of the engraver's art. It may have been knog~a in England shortly thereafter, for in an 1/~54 letter to a British friend Charles Dickens asked for cigarettes (although he might have meant small cigars ). It was certainly know~ in New York aroux~d that year, for in 1854 one Dr. 1~. T. Trall observed that some of the/ad/es of this refined and fashion- forming metropolis are aping the silly ways of some pseudo-aeeompl~hed foreigners, in smok- ing Tobacco tl~ough a weaker and more feminine article, which luts been most delicately denomi- hated cigarette. The ~mte lot Turkiah The new mode di~ not catch on as quick])' as the alarmed Dr. Trail appeared to fear: America was sti1| in the throes of its fascination g-ith the cigar, still had its mouth full of quid. But it made some headway in England after the Crimean War of 1854-56. There the French and Turkish used them, MNAT 00017403
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Tiny leaves oJ Turkish tobacco-grown in Balkans, Greece and Turkey-are cured in the sun, threaded or =manipulated" tediously onto strings by hand. probably rolling their own, while the Russian enemy smoked cigarettes made in a St. Petersburg factory. There seem to be two reasons why British ot~cers took up the cigarette: (I) pipes did not stand up under the rigors of the campaign and -cigars were not to be had; and (~-) the tobacco available to beth sides was the Turkish leaf, mild, small.leaved and extremely aromatic. At Erst it was the pungent flavor of this unique tobacco, redolent of the mysterious Orient, that gave the cigarette or papalete its appeal. In 1854, a veteran of Crimea named Robert Gloag experimented with a cigar- ette mixture poked into pre-formed paper tubes in the French manner. He/s credited with opening the ~st fidl-fledged British cigarette factory in 1856, his early product bearing the cryptic name Sweet Threes. In the late 1850s a London tobacco merchant named Philip Morris- whos~ business had been established in the early part of the decade- went into the mantffacturing of hand. made cigarettes to order. Later, when production techniques permitted, the Philip Morris firm intro- duced a cork tip. Both Gloag's and Morris" cigar- ettes were distingt~hed by the use of Latakia, a smoke-cured variety of Turkish tobacco. Intrigued by this exotic incense of the Middle East, both Bond Street and Fifth Avenue took up the cigar- ette a~ a novelty. Even with the fashionable example set by the British, and even with the exotic aplrea] of the words"Turkisb"and =Egyptian", the cigarette prob. ably would not have registered with the New York market except for the unusual ~ragrance of the Tttrkis]~ |e~. New York had been exposed to cigar- ettes before the French or British took them up, in the course of its heavy c/gar trade with Cuba. On that is]mad, cigari//os wrapped with cotton paper had been in use for near|y two hundred years. But the strong cigar ]ea~ used in =Spanish whiffs" did not yield the light smoke that the form seems to require (in Cuba today, as in many countries, dark cigar lea~ is still used in cigarettes out of necessity: light American cigarette grades will not grow in Cuban soil and imported American brands, though preferred, are too expensive for the average man alter duty is ~ided), demand [or cigarettes like the straight Turkish Mogul and for cigars like El Principe de Gales, a producer of snuff, plug and smoking tobacco, its big speclaIty was cigar and cigarette production. MNAT 00017404 205
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Revenue statistics show comCnslng variations in cigarette manufacture during the years immedi- ately meter the Civil War. The rather high tigure for 18&5 -nearly 20,000,000- which was the first re- ported may indicate that substantial production began du~mg the war years. At any rate, the earliest manufacturing of any consequence was done by hand in New York shops operated by Greek and Turkish immigrants (Greece and Turkey being the chief sources of'Turkish" tobacco). One such shop, run by the ~ brotber~, fast used American Bright tobacco in cigarettes sometime before 1870. The inaovatioa did not escape notice by the alert New Yorim, s oae d whom, F. S. Kinaey, imported European rollers in 1869 to teach his factory people how to make cigarettes. In the same year Kinney began cigarette production in Richmond; tl~ large factory he built there in 1886/s still standi~ hav- ing been renovated in 19~ for use as a stemmery by one of today's largest cigarette manufat~rers. Like most of the other early eigarettemen, Kimaey blended the expensive Turkish leaf with Bdgtit to- beceo, which at that time was less costly. TI~ idea of such a blend of East and West was not.entirely original: Seville at one time turned out a cigarillo of Virginia tobacco wrapped in a Havana led. T/~ ~.a/~,ht V/eg/n/n e.~areue Consumption of cigarettes climbed, beiag un- daeeked even by the l~nic of 1878. Though still a "novelty business" in the United States, cigarettes were growing to some importance abroa~ and doubtless the first manufacturers had an eyepeeled raew ror imported ro ,h he,,d rotlers to satisfy demand [or straight Turkish cigarettes a~ter Civil War~ First cigarettes made in New York were tor the "carriage trade" and carried l~nium prices. Today's blends still contain some Farkish tobacco-lO'1 or less-as a "seasoning in~ntf MN,~'I" 0001~'405
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Bedrossian brothers were among the I~rst to blend Virginia lea~ with Turkish in cigarettes, sometime be/ore 1870. They managed to cram all the romantic words in the tobacco lexicon onto their trade card. Great variety o~ ~garette shapes, most with/ancy names, was intended strictly/or big-city markets. f for the foreign market. Kirmey's chief New York City competitor was Goodwin & Company, which also employed Russian immigrants who had experi- ence in the London cigarette factories. ~knother important firm, W. S. Kirnhall & Company, manu- factured in Rochester, New York. In Richmond, Allen and Ginter (the latter a transplanted New Yorker) began making cigarettes in 1875; among that firm's earliest brands was a Havana brand of the type smoked in Cuba. A little later the Rich- mond firm departed completely from the foreign- tobacco idea with Richmond Straight Cut No. 1, containing only "the brightest, most delicate fla- vored and highest cost Gold Leaf Tobacco grown in Virginia." It was this "Virginia cigarette" that went farthest at the start; by 1883 Allen and Ginter had a branch factory operating in London (Eng- land still favors the straight Virginia cigarette) and were selling in France, Germany, Switzerland, Bel- gium and Australia. All in all, this was an auspicious beginning. The popularity of straight Turkish cigarettes was largely limited to New York with its big foreign-bern pop- ulation, but Alien and Ginter's experiment showed that a Bright tobacco cigarette had a fairly univer- sal appeal. And for those who fancied Turkish-tTpe cigarettes but did not take to the fancy price, the blend of Turkish and Virginia put out by Kinney MNAT 00017406
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Turkish cigarettes had a long vogue in New York. In 1900 Turkish Trophies took fashionable glamor tom the Florodora girl, then toast o~ the town. One of the earliest "national" cigarette brands of the hand.rolling era was Vanity Fair, which was on gale as ]or west as Chicago during the earl~ 18SOs. seemed satisfactory. By 1880, cigarette sales in units amounted to more than 400,000,000 which bore some sort of comparison with that year's unit sales of cigars, 2,400,000,000, although the leaf pound- age consumed in cigar form was of course much greater, unit for unit. However, the cigarette was by no stretch of the statistics a national form of tobacco consumption in the sense that the cigar was. There were no fewer than 94 cities turning out g,000,000 cigars a year or more; but there were only a dozen centers with any cigarette production at all. Of these only four (New York-Jersey City, Rochester, Baltimore and Richmond) accounted for 75% of the 1880 national total; none of the others, including such mighty tobacco towns as St. Louis and Durham, had as much as 2~. At this stage the cigarette was clearly a specialty item meant for big-city markets. This much was clear not only from the urban locus of manufacture but from the brand names themselves. Unlike the rowdy handles used with eatin" tobacco and the uninhibited words and phrases used with smokings, cigarette trademarks had a certain hauteur. KimbalI's Peerless Tobacco Works in Rochester, which had a good sixth of the U. S. market, advertised half a dozen important brands in 1885: Vanity Fair, Fragrant Vanity Fair, Cloth of Gold, Three Kings, Old Gold, and Ori- entals (Turkish). Allen and Ginter of Richmond listed such fancy trademarks as Bo:a Ton, Napo- leons, Dubec, The Pet, and Opera Puffs, in addition to its international Richmond Straight Cut No. 1. Indicative of Baltimore's zest for manufacture was the ~early foot" shown in the cigarette race by Marburg and Feigner, the versatile makers of smok- ing tobacco blends. Their cigarette output was slightly greater than Richmond's. The)" too aimed at the carriage trade, Marburg numbering Estrella, High Life, Melrose and Golden Age among its ciga- rettes and Feigner offering Sublinur, Principal, Per- fect and Herbe de la Reine. New York had only two cigarette makers with national aspirations, Kinney and Goodwin. Kin- ney's seven trademarks were very easy to identify MNAT 00017407
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since they formed a rehted sequence of names: Kinney's Straight Cut, Kinne~j's Straight Cut (Full Dress), Full Dress, Caporals-Halves, Caporals- Wholes (referring to the packings, not the ciga- •rettes themselves), Spoa,mum'~ Caporal, mad Sweet Caporal. The word "caporal," French for corporal, was intended to suggest that the tohaeeo was a cut above common leaL as a corporal was a cut above a common sol~er. Goodwin's ~ames were the folksiest: Bac/~, Old lta~ge mad We/come. Not t.hat the others ignored the common-man market completely- Allen and Ginter had O/d Rip, Marburg/.xm¢ F/sh- aman, Our Bogs mad Acme and Feigner Our little /~t. The six big ~-ms-Kimbal] in Rochester, Allen Ginter in Richmond, Marburg and Feigner in timore, Kinney and Goodwin in New York-among them had 44 of the 94 "important" brands of the day, if importance is defined as being in some de- mand as far west as Chicago. There was a good deal of "keeping up with the Joneses" ha cigarette com- petition then, as there is now. Three farms had "Old" brands- O/d 1udge, Old Rip, Old Gold. Three had "Our" brands- Our Bmjs, Our Little Pilot, Our Little Beauties. Allen & Ginter opposed its Perlection brand against Feigner's Perlect. Mar- burg had a Lone Fisherman, inspired no doubt by the old Ly~chburg brand, Lone lack, whida was made as a cigarette along with the matebellum smoking mixture of that name. The Lone lack cigarette was one of several links between rumblings and white rolls. Kimhall's Three Kings was ma offshoot of a smok~g mixture of Turkish, Perique and Virginia, and his Vanitg Fair mad Old Gold cigarettes developed from flake cut pipe tobaccos of those names. However, only "high- toned" smoking tobacco ,~ames were suitable for use in the cigarette trade; it was not tmtil the mad mdtiplication of 1900 or so that almost every brand name with a following was registered for smoking mixture, plug, cigarette mad sometimes cigar use wall. Eminently qualified by this standard was the Dul:e o~ Durham smoking tohaeeo br~ad, offered in cigarette form it, 1881. Less suitable, perhaps, was the name Btac~:wet~s Durham for a cigarette made by the Dukes' eresstown oompetitor mad in- tended to borrow a little market muscle from its sacked smokum, Bull Durham. Many cigarette brands used brand names of smoking tobaccos. Old ]udge, made in New York, was such a product. As a national rather than a metropolitan brand, its trademark was more folk~ than elegant. MNAT 00017408
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Be]ore the U. S. had cigarette factories, New York weeklies carried pictures o[ French manufacturing. This was an "ordering" cylinder in which tobacco arriving at a cigarette plant was reconditioned. Two.w~ trade The cigarette trade had a split personality, an echo of which i~ present to this day. On the one hand there were the "big city" brands with no pre- teusions to high volume but with very definite in- tentions of high profit. Most of these were aimed at the New York City market, and most had oriental names-Ba~rah, Cairo Superior, Persian, Egyptian, Levant, Monopole (Cairo), Moscow Smyrr~, Khedive, and the like. They came high: Egyptian retailed at 50c for 20, and Hupprnann lmperiales at $1.20 for 20. Most of them were layered in paper-hinged, foil-lined boxes-like many current big-city, small-volume brands which sell at premium price~. The tobacco in these brands was straight Turkish, the designation "straight Tur'l~h" having the same significance for nine- teenth-eentury cigarette smokers as "clear Havana" for cigar fanciers. To carD' out the "custom trade" idea, most could be furnished with or ,a'ithout mouthpiece and in mild, medium or strong types. For those who had the yen but not the money, there were semi-premium brands g-ith fancy pack- ages and Oriental names but with Virginia-Turkish blends; these sold for 10c to ~0c a box. Apparently the foreign foofaraw and jacked-up prices did the trick, for these Turkish and pseudo-Turkis]~ ciga- rettes represented a good proportion of total sales. As late as 190~ they accounted for abo~lt "25~ of the national market. ~NAT 00017409
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Not many of these exotic Middle East creations crossed ~e Hudso~ River; d the 94 brands impor- tant enough to be listed for the C~cago trade in 1885, only a couple had Oriental names. The America" brands-representing the simpler side of the spl/t cigarette personality-were priced to re- taft in n/ckel multiples, the standard being 5c for a box of ten and 10c for a box of twenty. Some brands reta/led/:or an even nickel more. A typical price to the trade was $2.25 per 1,000 cigarettes. This figure included 50c for Federal tax and perhaps 30c for leaf, leaving $1.45 for labor, packaging, selling and profit. The corresponding 1958 price was $8~8 per 1,000 at wholesale, of which $4.00 was/:or Federal tax and about $1.75 for ]ea~, leaving $2.53/:or manu, facturing, selling cost and profit. Since the 1958 dollar was worth about 25c in terms of 1885 pur- chasing power, big volume and mechanization have actually reduced manu§acturing costs from $1.45 to the 195~ equivalent o/: 63c, or more than half. Over the same period leaf costs, which have not been reduced by the principle of mass produc- tion, have moved upwards from 30c to the 195S equivalent of 43c. Ma~d,, morals m~d maehln~ There was, however, a built-in limit to cigarette production during the early 1880s. It required as much skill to roll a delicate "tailor-made" cigarette as to fashion a robust, perfecto-shaped cigar. The French cigarette girl of the 50s worked with a pre- formed tube into which she poked the tobacco; but London cigarettes were rolled from flat paper rectangles by dextrous Poles or Russians, and the American mode followed the English. A~ter rolling the shredded leaf and paper dip into a reasonably compact cylinder, the seam was sealed with a touch of flour and water. Even after a cigarette girl was well-trained she could scarcely exceed four per minute at top speed. It was a d/fl]cult and expen- sive process. Th/s relative slugg/shness Of hand production would have defeated itself eventually from a lack of skilled personnel, if not from a lack of high-paying puJlrers: running at their 1958 rate, the six largest cigarette companies turn out the en- tire production of the year 1880 in two hours. Even with the skimpy production of the day, work forces French dgaret~e girl of 1850s poked tobacco into a pre-[ormed hollow tube. In Spain, the cigarette was a beggar's smoke; in France, a novel fashion. PATENTEES & SOLE: JFACTURERS. PHILIP MORRIS & 41 & &2,POLAND STREET. LONDON.W. But until the twentieth century, cigarettes were to remain a specialty. In 1889, the Philip Morris ~rm of tznurbn advertised a cork tip in daring fashion. MNAT 00017410 911
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were getting unwieldy: Allen & Ginter required 500 girls in 1883, 900in 1886. There was nothing about these young ladies remin/scent of Carmen, Bizet's violent and mu]ti- ]overed cigarette girl. A New York visitor observed: One of the most surprising features is the intel- ligent and comely appearance of the girls. This is accounted for by the fact that an applicant for admission into the factory must go through a most thorough exam/nation as to character and habits, and none are admitted who, after careful examination, are discovered wanting in good moral character. Comely, moral and dextrous as they might be, however, their very numbers presented staggering problems in supervision alone. The sohtion came very shortly as mechanized produ~on was per- fected by J. B. Duke in Durham. Like his larger competitors, "Buck" Duke had started by' bringing 125 European immigrants from New York to do his hand-rolling and in his first year, 1881, turned out 9,800,000 cigarettes-about 1.5% of the indus- try total. Bonsack, the machine inventor, had been in touch with the big four companies, who turned down his contraption on two grounds: (1) it was not reliable in operation, and (2) consumers would resent machine-made cigarettes. Duke brushed aside the second objection, and set his own me- chanics to work correcting the first. In 1888, his f~th year of machine operation, he turned out 744,000,000 cigarettes--more than the nations] out- put in his "tooling-up year," 1883-and had nearly 40% of the nation'~ cigarette business. For once, the South had gotten the jump on the New York e/ty slickers. Durham I~ New York Unlike most of h/s fellow-manufacturers in Vir- ginia and North Caro;.ina, Duke was z~ot conten." with a modest country operation. He realized from the fast that the cigarettes were an urban smoke. Of course, he had to learn the game of selling in the best school for it-New York. As soon as the bugs were ironed out of his production lines and his price competitive-Se for a box of 10, against the previously standard 10e-he sent his salesmen throughout the country (one went "on the road" through Europe, Africa, India, Australia and New Zealand and wrote so many orders he didn't re- tuna for two years) and in 1884 moved to New York. He got the feel of the budding market by canvassing retailers himself, arranged for bill- boards and newspaper advertisements, and swelled New York's production totals by setting up a branch factory in a loft on Rivington Street. In addition to his original cigarette brand, Duke of DurUm, young Duke manufactured Cyclone, Cameo, Cross Cut and Duke's Best, the hst four introduced in cigarette form when he invaded New York. Cigarette car& helped stiffen package as well as providing inducement to buy. Pictures of athletes were popular ~iIIings for the "cigarette sandwich" as were miniature blankets and flags. Only in 80s H-W SLOCU~ J R. were sports fans impressed by blazered tennzs champions and tailcoated center hetders' However Mr. W. G. George's time for the mile run-4 minutes 12.8 seconds-was not far below today's standards. HNAT 0001741,1
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1 In 1888. its [i[th year o[ mechanized prodtwt~n, the Duke ~rm o[ Durham and New York had achieved 39~ o[ all cigarette sales. By emulating the Bull Durham pattern o[ national advertising and di- rect selling to the trade, Duke transformed cigarettes #om an expensive novelty to a common man's smoke. The arts of promotion which ~e ~hed ~ew Yor~ were desi~, not to ~se ~e use of toba~ as such-~to~ ha~ a~dy demons~ated • at wouM ~ke ~e of i~e~-but to ~el ~ much o~ it ~ ~ssiMe ~to dgare~es ~d ~to ~ pa~- ~r br~. Hang ~ ~ a "~er~l ~av- eler" at ~e age of eight, ~e wm we~ ~uip~d to ~ ~e ~ers who b~eted ~ ~ket- ~ ~ ~e, ~e ~e ~rl~ ~ t~ of ~e~ ~ade were of ~ew York o~: or pi~e ~&, ~me~ ~ter ~e~ p~ci~] subj~ a~ ~ ~se~ ~ough ~ pic~g ~e~ p~y~, ~xe~, ~d o~er no~b]~ he]~d ~ ~e "~g~e~e ~- permitted, attractive women ~alesmen were em- ployed, in itsel~ an attention-getting device. His ad- vertising, not only via newspapers and billboards but on his own cigarette packages, was direct and to the point. While his competitors shrank from machinery, fearfad that smokers would resent any- thing but a handmade cigarette, Duke labeled his Pin Head brand: "These cigarettes are manufac- tured on the Bonsack Cigarette Machine." His package itself was new and di~erent- the "slide .and shell" box now used for more expensive brands -and was descfibod, in the jargon d the day, as "a perfect scream." His object was to learn how the leading mantffacturers played the game, and then beat them at it-by plowing back most of his profits wich." Coupons redeemable for "mantelpiece into advertising, for example. In 1889 he poured clocks" and the like were widely used. Duke's Cross $800,000 into promotion, a staggering sum for a Cut Polo Team advertised the cigarette and smok- small business. ing tobacco oi" that name as it rolled across the In 1890, it was oh~qous to the big four that they country to meet all comers (it played on roller couldn't lick Du]ce, so they joined him. The new skates, not on horses1. Where the local situation corporation was named The American Tobacco HNAT 00017412 213
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Toward the end o~ the nineteenth century, even in New York, cigarette smoking was an act of daring for a lady. This very sensational photograph bore the breathtaking caption: "She's going to mnokeU Company. As a spindly boy of eight, Duke had re- ceived a "payment" of one bag of brown sugar for his first business trip-the 1865 mule-and-wagon ride with his penniless father to sell a few sacks of flailed Bright leaf on the road to Raleigh. Twenty- five years later, at the age of thirty-three, he was president of a $25 million company. The sk)-zocket career of J. B. Duke was based on the fact that he patterned his cigarette business after the first tobacco product to become a "big business" ff that term is understood to include (1) mechanization, leading to (2) uniformity of prod- uct, permitting ($) national brands supported by (4) a national distribution system and (5) national advertising. Duke's model was, of course, the Blackwell company and its mighty Bull Durham. But while Bull Durham fitted into the long- accepted custom of pipe smoking, the cigarette had to create its ovca acceptance and this led to a con- troversy quite as turbulent as that precipitated by 214 A REMARKABLE INVENTION I SCOTT'S CIGARETTES S[WAR[ Off ~I4[AP Eve~ c~ivab~ m~nt ~ t~ ~w form ~d its tryst in New York. Th~ "e~aric cigarette" aa~y a ~tch~d ~o~, w~h "anti-nicotine" ~er tip ~ cotton thr~n in at no earn c~rge. James I of England. The foreign origin of the white roll made it suspect: in 1884 the New York Times ventured into the field of international sociolog3" by editorializing that The decadence of Spain began when the Span- iards adopted cigarettes and if this pernicious practice obtains among adult Americans the ruin of the Republic is dose at hand... The vogue for Turkish cigarettes accelerated in 1895 and accounted for a full fourth of cigarette sales between 1898 and 190~. During this time the energetic Lucy Gaston-a tobacco tintype of Carrie Nation- organized a campaign against the white roll, with headquarters in Chicago, arousing the Midwest against the new form. The growth of Tur- kish smokes almost exdusivdy in foreign-flavored New York was probably the root cause of this cru- sade, which resulted in the prohibition of cigarette sales in twelve states. The Federal excise tax on cigarettes was raised in 1897 from lc to 2c and again to 8c in 1898 to raise funds for the Spanish- American War, and this tripled tax burden drove MNAT 00017413
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unit sales down. Even in f~reign-flavored New York a 1908 ordinance ~ed ~qking in publ/e by women, but this was not t~ken .seriously either by lady puffers or by the authorities themselves. There /s no way to gauge the effect of this legislative flurry on sales, which began to rise again in 1901, when the tax was lowered to L08c per pack. In 1909, when the last of the state laws against cigarettes was enacted, national sales were double t-he of five years before. It was an odd future of the "little white slaver" movement that the use of quid or pipe tohaeco drew no objection. Pipes and cigars were not affected by the state laws against cigarettes. AI- though the main disadvantage of the cigarette, as expounded by Miss Gaston, was that it drove its devotees into insane asylums, what made the pub- lic receptive to her campaign was a feeling that cigarettes were e~eminate whl]e chaw and pipes were virile. The controversy was taken up in the tl~orting world: Gentleman Jim Corbett smoked cigarettes,'while John L: Sullivan scorned the new item and was not reluctant to be quoted on the subject. Nevertheless, from 188,5 to 190~_ the e/garette had ~:ade t~'.e kiad of p:ogress '~t cannot be wholly measured by statistics. Its volume had tr/pIed; but mo~e important was the fact that the new form had o gained rather wide popular acceptance as distinct from the novelty "big city" acceptance won by Opera Pu~, and Huppmann lmpertales. There were now 2,100 "cigarettes, cigarros and cheroots" plugs and twists, $,~X~0 free cuts, 7,000 smoking to- Controver~ on the manliness o~ cigarette mnoking was~ widespread during the Gay Nineties. Champion heavyweight ]ohn L. Sullivan publicly deprecated th~ new mno~; challenger'Gentleman Jim" Corbett ~used it. Corbett's 1~92 knockout c~ the Boston Strong B~g did not ~nd the cigarette controversy. MNAT 00017414 $15
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baccos and 8,000 muff brands. Some of the new cigarette names were quite as vemacuhr as the earlier plug and pipe tobacco trademarks: Bear Facts, Corn Husk, ]ira .Dumps, l~ving the First Smoking o] pipes and cigars as well as cigarettes ga ined im pet us du ring 1900-1910. King Edward VII set the style with famous remark after his "first royal dinner as king: "Gentlemen, you may smoke,r" 216 Stake (I), General Hobo, Ooomg Gus, Misfits, Pigs Foot, Rocket, Fire Crada~, Scrape.Goat, Coal Smoke, Total Eclipse, Strme~mrd. The cigar was more pre-eminent than ever as an aristocratic or pseudo-aristocratic article, ltlost of the clear Ha- vanas carried regal designations-El Principe de Ga/es and the like-but ev~'aiekel goods" carried guch tony trademarks as Swe//Set and Hoffman House, the latter being a eesmopolitan hotel on Fifth Avenue into whose Ira-everybody who was anybody came to see and heseea. The decade of the 90s, gqvaad troubled by turns, was a kind of "sbakedown'pn~at not only for the tobacco business but for themtion itselL The last battle between U. S. Cavalr$ and western Indians did not take place until ~ at Wounded Knee Creek in Dakota; the last Washington powwow with an Indian war chief leek place in 1891. The fight for Cuban liberty wasia the forefront of na- tional consciousness towardltte end of the century, and like most wars the Spaaish-Ameriean war had the effect of widening American horizons, of heightening interest in the aew and the different. The Prince of Wales, sea el the long-reigning Queen Victoria, visited the UaRed States and was warmly received. "You may ~e" In 1901, on Victoria's dea~tlle Prince ascended the throne as Edward VII. At his first royal dinner as king, the distinguished ~sitors were apprehen- sive, for Victoria had forbidden the use of tobacco at her court. Not so Edwanl: to the unasked ques- tion he replied loftily,-'~entlemen, you may smoke." The gracious rera~might weIl have been directed to Americans; fe~ w-lille the custom of chewing had ceased to incamse, smokSng was grow- ing. Between 1900 and 1910, pipe and cigarette smoking on a per capita im~ made impressive gains; cigar consumption lmr capita reached its all- time U. S. peak-86-in I~IR. L~f tobacco used in manufacturing increased 4~ between 1900 and 1910, as compared with a 14~ increase during the 90s and gains of 18~ and ~e,~ in the 1910-90 and 1920-30 periods. Nor was the spread of the smoking custom an uncritical one. The unbounded enthusiasm for straight granulated Brigla. was tempered by the appearance of blended smoldng tobaccos and pipe ~NAT 00017415
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.I Edwardian era in New York City was characterized by elegant nomenclature even [or five.cent cigars. H offman House was a ]ashionable Fifth Avenue hotel whose bar was peopled by celebrities eager to see fanciers at large-not merely counoisseurs-tm'ned to the new blends and even ~ them in roll-your- own cigarettes. The welter of cheap cigar brands had gone about as far as it could go by 1907; no longer was the average smoker willing to part w/th his nickel for any harsh rope that looked like a cigar. After that year the volume of stogie and cheroot business fell away and the consnmption of brown roils, though not so great in point of units sold, thereafter centered in the medium quality grades. The principal reason for the disappearance of vile cigars was, of com, se, the adoption of ciga- rette smoking which was not only milder and sweeter than the etude stogie but actually less pensive, pu~ for puff. and be seen, Vicarious enioyment o] this splendor cost five cents, the gnice of Hoffman Hou~e cigar. Peak of cigar Consumption, most aristocratic form o[ smoking, was attained in 1907:86 per capita. There was, however, more to it than that. The "citification" of America which had occupied the last ~ years of the nineteenth century was now substantially accomplished. The felt replaced the dignified topper; the automobile came in and the stately carriage went out; the leisarely noon meal yielded to the quick-lunch counter. Urban hurry had been institutionalized, and in this fast-moving context the deliberate and prolonged pleasure of pipe and c/gar was a little out of place. The briar went with slippers and the evening newspaper; the brown roll was "saved for after dinner." The ciga- rette could be snuffed out instantly if need be. It was easier to pocket than pipe or cigar. It required less thought, less attention, and did not interfere MNAT 00017416 217
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: | with conversation as much. Above all, it was a quick smoke. Big During the g0s, the commercial climate held out two lessons for tobaecomen. First, ~f a little big business was good, a bigger big business would be better. Second, ff cigarettes heed a hostile reeep- m o~ ~ ~e Midwest di'.'=rsL::.ation of :he product mix would be prudent and profitable. James B. Duke, who already dominated the cigarette busi- ness, began to take a keener interest in quid, in snuE, in domestic cigars and even in Havana bacos. The "plug war" much a price-cutting epidemic as a duel between two ~combinatiens." These combines or la-usts were being built in most basic businesses including off, steel, lead, sugar, copper, cotton oil, linseed off, dis~g and cordage. On one side, Duke began by acquiring the Na- tional Tobacco Works of Louisvilh, the Marburg and Gaff & Ax firms of Baltimore; later the Butler, Drummond and Brown companies of St. Louis were added and the plug businesses combined un- der a.new corporation, Continental Tohaeco C, om- party. On the other side, a group of powerful New York financiers including Thomas Fortune Ryan, Anthony N. Brady, and P. A. B. Widener organ- ized the .Union Tobacco Company. Union bought the National Cigarette and Tobacco Company, Blaekweil's Durham, and an option on a controlling interest in the biggest plugmaker, Liggett & Myers. In 18gg the two combines became one, bringing to- gether the best of the tobacco managements and the most influential (and moneyed) financiers of the day. Within a few years, most of the nation's promi- nent tobacco firms had entered the combination: Lorillard and MeAlpin of New York; Mayo, Wright and Patterson of Riehraond; Reyaol .ds, Hones and Brown of Winston; Be& of Chicago; Scotten of Detroit; Bollman of San Francisco; $org of Middle- town; Finzer of Loui.wille, and others. By 1910 the group consolidated 88% of national output in dga- rettes, 8,5% in plug, 76% in smoking tobacco, g7% in snu~, and 14% in cigars. The last-cited percen- tage indicates that cigars- after a full century of brand-name manufacture-still did not lend them- selves to mass production and volume economies. 218 They were sKI] being tediously roiled by hand in more than 20,000 small shops and plants through- out the couatry. Beside the .controversy generated by the forma- tion of trusts, the anti-cigarette movement paled to the signLfieanee of a high school debate. The nation sub,red through two v.~em:h~,~e; ,,~-~r~ss~ons, in 1893 and lg07; farmers and city people alike blamed their misfortunes on "big business." A sehcol of anti-business literature-the "muckrakers" -arose to paint in lurid language every hardship and inconvenience inherent ia large-scale produc- tion. Into the White House came Teddy I~oosevelt with his "Big Stick," his zeal ~r reform and, no doubt, his memories of "t.he sweatshops run by the mall cigar makers of New York. Between lg0I and The accelerating pace o] cit~l life, symbolized by the quiEk2lUnch counter ot late nineteenth-century New York, was perhaps the principal reason for the MNAT 00017417
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1909, the Trustbuster brought suit against forty- four trusts and combinations, among them the to- bacco combine. The original action was begun/n 1907, and in its verdict of 1908 the U. S. Circuit Court of New York stated: The record .. • does not indicate that there has Sherman Anti-Trust Act, and following Supreme Court con~'mation of the dec!sion in 1911, it was redivided into its component companies. The four principal manufacturers to emerge were American, Reynolds, Liggett ~, Myers, and Lorillard. The effect of dissolution on the tobacco business was, however, slight. Retail prices did not change, fac- .... ~ were, been any increase in the price of tobacco prod- tory costs remained ~ ":'~ ' an~~. :ear prices ucta to the comumer. There i~ an absen~ of per- varied no more than usual. However, the restora- suasive evidence that b~, u~ir '~ni~tion or tion of competition vastly increased the cost of sell- improper practices independent dealers have been ing and advertising, from $18.1 million in 1910 to &agooned into. • • ~elling out.., the price o~ $32.4 million in 1913. ~ tobacco • •. has steadily increased until it has ,~early doubled, while at the s~ne time As corporate blending ceased, the blending of 150,000 additional acres h~ve b~ devoted to tobacco increased. The straight Bright cigarette, tobacco crops.. ~newmark~ ~~ "~"i~a~ght ~ Maryland pipe tobacco, and the in India, China and elsewhere, straight Burley plug gave way to a new kind of Nevertheless, the combination was judged to "combination." This-the blended American ciga- have restrained competition in violation of the rette-was destined to receive a favorable verdict. became luxury items to be saoed ~or "a~ter dinner'; ~outine: they were easier to ~au~ out quickly they were somewhat out o~ ph~ce during the hours need be, easier to talk through, easier to c~rry. " HNAT 00017418 :219
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In the twentieth century all maior strains o~ U.S. leaf were blended into the American cigarette, and regional tobacco products all but disappeared. Both planting and processing had been greatly improved; the American blended cigarette became the tobacco aandard in the U.S. and around the world as well. THE AMERICAN BLEND Tz-m rivalries that make up the story of Ameri- cans and tobacco during theLr first three cen- turies were finally resolved in the American cigarette. Tobacco, focus of struggles between col- onist and .king, Kentuckian and Spaniard, East and Midwest, North and South, was Enally blended into a national product. Competition was no longer be- tween regions, but between manufacturers. It took exactly three hundred years for Rolfe's first commercial shipment of dark air-cured in 161:3 to evoh,e into the American blended cigarette of 1913. This latest step in tobacco evolution corres- ponds with the latest stage in the development of Americans themselves. "Tobacco use," observed a scientist in 1956, "and particularly cigarette smok- ing, has become widespread throughout the world, especially in the more highly developed countries." The cigarette, light, mild, quick, was "tailor- made" for an urban civilization perpetually in mo- tion and perpetually in need of relaxation. If the development of the Arfierican cigarette was slow and even devioui, it was because the de- velopment of the American way of life, American manners, American taste was itself a gradual proc- ess. Cigarettes were a prominent feature of sophisti- cated Aztec life. They passed over into the worldh- Spanish culture, which carried them as far nortl'a as the City of the Holy Faith, screened from the plains savages by the Mountains of the Blood of Christ: Santa Fe. They were common in nearby Cuba while the Atlantic ports were throwing out lines of commerce. As early as 1850, the American cigarette was foreshadowed in St. Petersburg, where the La Ferme factory is said to have blended Turkish leaf with American Burle.v and .~laryland for the Russian trade. So the early acceptance of HNAT 00017419
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the cigarette in the United States, traced from its use by British, French and Russian soldiers in the Crimean War of 1854, was perhaps initiated by a blend somewhat like our present one. At any rate, it was not merely a matter of cigarettes growing up to meet the market; it was also a matter of Americans growing into the cigarette. Like snuff to the colonials, cigarettes to the post. be]lure Americans were at fast a foreign luxury. Their appeal was cosmopol/tan, combining the ex- otic lure of the Middle Easi--EgFpt/enne Stro~,ht~, Fatima, Omar, Helmar, Has, an, Mecca, Zubelda- with the social self-assurance of London-Pal/ Piccadilly, Lord Salisbury. American taste declared its independence of European fashion long before the American vocabulary did. The popu]ar art/c]e at the century's turn was a blended Turkish ciga- rette, and it has been observed that the "Turkish" was more prominent on the cigarette package, fes- tconed w/th minarets, pyramids and palm trees, than it was in the cigarette. Although this oriental symbolism persisted, and although today's cigarettes still use a small percen- tage of aromatic Turkish leaf, the American ciga- rette as we know it did not evolve from the straight Turkish product or even from the Turkish;Virginia blend. The blend which finally won out was de- rived from smoking tobacco via the "roll.your-ov,'n" cigarette. First flue-cured Bright, then sweetened Burley, then a mixture of both captured the taste buds of American pipe smokers. As the cigarette form became more popular, two things happened: manufacturers brought out cigarettes with the brand marks o[ their more success~-u| smoking to- baccos, and smokers who disdained the tai]ormade tube -a goodly number- began to roll their ov,-a HNAT 00017420 991
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cigarettes from Burley, Bright, or Burley-and. Bright pipe m/xtures. Some s'mo~g tobaccos had long been so]el with cigarette papers attached, the best known of these be2ng the nonblended Bright Bull Durham. Even wlxile his straight Turkish ciga- rettes were gaining headway in the city market, during the early 1000s, J. B. Duke was advertising Dukes Mixture not only "for pipes" but also "for ~'.'~.--~ttes." I:~ :he v.~-- ~rv~7, which mar~ed New York City's transition from the horsedrawn Fifth Avenue coach to the motorbus, both kinds of vehi- cles carried the two-way ear cards for Dukes Mix. ture. This was more than a coincidence: the pipe as such was making its exit with the horse-and-buggy era, and the cigarette-a diflrerent trorm wl~ch used essentially the same tobacco blends- was on the threshold of national acceptance. But apart from the luxury-conscious and novelty-conscious in the urban markets, this acceptance did not come until the American blend was developed to supplant the straight or blended oriental cigarette. 222 Br~ht, Burl¢7, Maryland, Turkish The t~ br~ w~ch ~e to revolu~onlze world toba~ ~ns~p~on w~ all ~odu~d be- fore o~ ~ ~to World Wm I; ~o of them evolved ~eefly ~om ~o~g ~s. In her de- ~i~ve s~dy of ~e B~ght-to~ ~dus~', TiHey s~tes ~at ~ 1~7 "R. J. Re~l~ used a B~ley blend ~or ~ P~nce AIbea sm~g tobacco and in ~ do~g mark~ a ~g ~t ~ his business mr~r by ~g ~e ~o~dafi~ for his ~amous do- mesfieblend to ~me s~ ye~ hter ~ the Camel ~g~e~e." Lucky Stake, c~e~ ~m~ to ~e Camel br~d; w~ develo~d ~ New Y~, sti~ ~ impor- ~t toba~ ~n~ac~ng ~, by The Ame~- ~ To~ ~m~y. ~e ~ Lucky Stffke had ~n ~on~om ~ ~ley s~ce B. A. Patterson had ~ it for ~ ~ug tobacco ~ pre- Ci~ War Richmond. Later L~ Steike was sold as sli~ plug for pi~ ~o~ The first L~ky Stdke cigarette a~ proudly m~ attention to ~e Burley ~m~nent, w~ch pre~ted some~g of ~T 00017421
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a manufacturing problem. Burley leaf shredded to field was labeled "a balanced blend of the finest cigarette Strips quickly loses its aroma, so the Bur- aromatic Turkish tobacco and the choicest of sev- ley part of the blend had to be separately "cased" eral American variet/es." Lucky Str~ke was labeled (flavored) and then "bulked" (allowed to absorb "A blend of Burley and Turkish tobacco (based on the casing overnight) before being shredded into the original Lucky Strike Tobacco formula)" and the final mixture. Since the New York factories Camel"Turkish & Domestic Blend." The emphasis were not equipped to handle Burley in this way, on Turkish indicates, in retrospect, the initial ira- it had to be prepared in Pdckmond and shipped to portance of straight Turkish and blended Turkish New York for b!~g and ~anufaeturing. First formulas in the cigarette market. Chesterfield ads marketed in 1~16, the brand's initial progress was in 1917 carried this paragraph in small type: "The halted by World War I, but it moved into the ~st Chesterfie/d blend contains the most famous Turk- rank of competition during the 19~s and alter- ish tobaccos- Samsoun for richness, Cavalla for hated with Camel as the No. 1 brand between lg30 aroma, Smyrna for sweetness, Xanthi for fragrance, and 1950. combined with the best domestic leaf." A third important cigarette was Liggett and Myers" Chesterfield, a 1912 brand which was R.I. Reyno/ds shifted in 1915 from a slide,and-shell b0~ ~t0 a It was something of a paradox that Richard tight paper-and-foil wrap, like that used by Camel Joshua Reynolds, i~he tmyiddi~g~ defender of flat and Lucky Strike. Chesterfield was the third of the Bright plug, should revolutionize the cigarette £eld "standard" brands which were to become, as Bu// v,-ith the Burley-blended Camel. When the tobacco Durham had once become, the standard of America trust was dissoh'ed, Reynolds reverted to its status and eventually the standard of the world. Chester~ as a manufactured tobacco firm and was awarded As late as 191~, tailormade cigarettes ¢eatured straight Turlcish tobacco content and were,~old nminly in New York City and other urban markets. Big'billboard at Broadway and Seventy Second St. (left) advertised Egyptian Straights. In tobacco content the brand was not Egyptian but Turkish. American pipe mixtures rather than Turldsh lea~ [oreshadowed content o~ big cigarette brands. The changeover ~rom pipe and plug to cigarette snwking coincided roughly with the change ~¢orn horse-and-buggy to automobiles. In 1907 (right) motor busses supplanted the horsedrawn carriage along New York's Fifth Avenue, and Dukes Mixture began to be promoted on coach and car cards not only for pipe smoking but also/or cigarette use. MNAT 00017422 ~23
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Camel cigarette took its brand image ~rom"Oid loe," a circus dromedary which passed through Winston with Barnum & Bailey. In 1913 cigarettes empha- s~ed Turkish lea~ content; labels were/estooned with orieatal decorations. Camel package ~oIlowed this trend although cigarette blend was American. no cigarette brand. For this reason, and motivated by a long-standing animus toward the cigarette king, "Buck" Duke, Reynolds launched several c~garettes of his own. He tried Reyno, a nickel brand; he tried Osman, a Turkish blend; and he tried Camel. Reynolds" success in marketing flat Bright plug against the Burley trend, beginning "in 1875, did not close his mind to innovation. He entered the smoking tobacco field in 1895 and introduced a Burley pipe mixture, Pr/nee Albert, in 1907. $o the new Camel was no half-hearted compromise with the burgeoning taste for Burley: it was then, and remains, one of the burliest of the Burley blends, emphatically flavored. Because it contained less of the imported Turkish leaf, Camel undersold the 924 t.~'pical Turkish brand, 10c per pack of twenty as against 15c. And because it gave smokers what they were looking for, Camel took the lead among ciga- rette brands, a position it held in thirty-one of the next forty-six years, As with many tobacco innova- tions, circumstances lent a helping hand: theWorld War I shortage of Turkish leaf hobbled the oriental blends lust as Camel was hitt'.mg its stride. Though a Southerner - he was a 15-year-old boy on a Critz, Virginia tobacco farm when Lee sur- rendered to Grant at Appomatox, 115 miles away -Beynolds had a Yankee's thrift and a Yankee's sharp pencil. As a manufacturer, he quickly got the hang of mass production: B. J. Reynolds Tobacco Co. is still unique in that all its manufacturing is concentrated in one oluster of factories in Winston. MNAT 00017423
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As a salesman he had learned to go after business himself (on horseback, in his twenties) and re- jected the leisurely old consignment system. As a businessman, he was quick to adapt his fiat plug to the national sweet tooth, quick to ride the Burley bandwagon, quick to try the Burley blend in ciga- rette form just as the white roll was catching on. Stubbc ":. ~nough to re.',~st J. B. Duke even while Duke had financial control of his firm, he was not too stubborn to abandon tobacco traditiom at the fight time. In this respect he was the opposite of his cantankerous Winston neighbor, Bill Taylor. In retrospect the great moves in tobacco-making seem logical, orderly, indicated. Granulating sweet Bright tobacco for easy pouring, as in Bull Durham; blending Burley and Bright in cut plug; blending Burley and Bright for cigarettes, as in Camel- these, with the aid of hindsight, seem evolutionary rather than revolutionary. So do the more recent moves which have produced .dramatic growth curves like that of the 1913 Camel: the lengthen- ing of the cigarette to king-size in 1939, which gave rise to the brand that is now Camegs closest chal- lenger, Pa//Ma//; the combination of menthol fla- voring and a filter tip - neither in itself novel - in the 1958 Sa/em, the htter a modern Reynolds "in- vention." The capacity for such invention, some- times miscalled intuition, is the essence of the sue- eessful business mind. It enabled the bearded Dick Reynolds to achieve 40~ of the nation's cigarette business and P.O~ of its chew and smokum volume by the time of kis death in 1918. Concentration o[ production in Wins~on-Salem has characterized Reynolds Tobacco since its founding. Winston plants, research laboratory, headquarters building are within walking distance of each other. HNAT 00017424 $$5
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During WorldWar 1, tobacco [or overseas troops by commandeering [ull r~ollt~t Of Bull Durham. ~'wo 80-car/reigllt trains a month carried the ~cked tobacco to port In many ways, this switch from foreign or pseudo-foreign cigarettes to "domestic blends" was similar to the change from foreign snu~ to.good old American quid a century before. It reflected, in a subtle way, a new stage of maturity, a change from imitation to self-realization. No doubt the exhilarating experience of the 1917 war had a good deal to do w~th ttas. The use of tobacco, especially new forms of it, is almost always enhanced in one way or another by war, and World War I was no exception. General John J. Pershing, commanding the American Ex- GeneraI Pershing commanded American Expedition. ary Force in France, said:'You ask me what we need to win this war. I answer tobacco as much as bullets." One of Pershing's officers had been photographed in 1911 with his corncob pipe. Douglas MacArthur became great general, pipe became his trademark. MNAT 00017425
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from Durham. This string o~ freight cars held more than 11,000,000 sacks-enough to make 400,000,000 peditionary Force, made his requirements dear: "You ask me what we need to win this war. I an- swer tobacco as much as bullets." Past military experience had indicated the value of tobacco to morale, and the Federal Government comman- deered manufactured products for its troops. (The entire product/on of the Bull Durham factory, still in Durham, was requisitioned for overseas ship. ment in 1818.) In addition, such private agencies as the Y.M.CA. and the Our Boys in France Tobacco Fund sent tobacco by the ton to be sold at cost or given to the doughboys. Turkish tobacco, which had played so important a role several wars previ- ously, was this time cut off from its western cus- tomers. This permanently cooled the rage for Turk. ish among American smokers, who went over in a body to domestic blends. The dwarfed Turkish leaf remained an important =seasoning" ingredient, but by now the blend was the thing; even the redoubt- able Bull Durham, straight Bright in a sack, was no longer sufficient unto itself for pipe smoking. Advertisements recommended its use =mixed with your favorite pipe tobacco, like sugar in your co~ee." ),]though the typical Amer/can cigarette was known in the industry as a "Burley blend," more than half of the mixture was Bright tobacco. The amount of Burley varied between a fifth and two- fifths, with lesser proportions of Turkish and Mary- land leaf. In 1919, only half a dozen years after this formula evolved, the smoking market was a three-way proposition with cigarettes, cigars and pipe tobacco each consumed to the tune of one- and-a-half pounds per American per year. Ten years later cigarettes were twice as important, by cigarettes on a "roll.your.own." basis, 8~ per bag. Doughbogs were ezhorled to ~smoke out the Kaiser." weight, as either of t.he two r/va] smokes; twenty years later, four times as we/ghty; th/rty-five years later, the mythical average American smoked seven pounds of cigarettes a year, one pound of cigars, and half a pound of pipe tobacco. Loose.leaved auctions Although this steady rise/n tobacco consumption (about 39 a year) would seem to be ideal from the standpoint of planters, the story of the leaf growers is punctuated with violence and discon- tent. Like the tidewater tobaecomen, who literally outgrew the r/sing European demand and suffered low prices from their over-production, modern farmers have been hand/capped by surpluses gen- erated by zeal for volume in their cash crop, Al- though th/s problem has never been completely overcome, farm unrest seems to have reached a climax with the change-over from hogshead to loose-leaf selling. Loose-leaf selling pinned prices to quality of leaf more exactly than had ever been done before: nesting inferior leaf inside good, and "sanding" hands of tobacco to add weight, were largely eliminated. Resentment was fu'st evidenced in Danville, Virginia during the 1870s, and the tar- get was the warehouseman, who was held to be responsible for low prices. A Granger movement arose, then dissolved when prices went up again. As loose-leaf auctions became general in the Bright country;, the suspicion grew that warehouse- men were parasites, and that too much of the sale price was absorbed by clerks, weighmen, auction- eers and others in the warehousing business. A Farmers" Alliance attempted to cut down on the cost of marketing and even set up its own ware- MNAT 00017426 227
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Tobacco crop is begun in early spring, seedlings being planted in a rpecial patch o~ flesh ground which has ~irst been burned over, then hoed, then raked. During weeks O]~irst growth/plant bed is bordered with logs, covered over with cheesecloth. When six inches high, seedlings are transplanted. houses. This did not result in any lowering of com- Still, the notion of dispensing with the middle- missions, but it led to a related effort, the tobacco man was a long way from being squashed. A new pool. By 1907 the Tobacco Growers' Protective As- group, the Farmers' Union, reminded planters that sociation was redrying its own tlue-cured leaf and .~'men go into the warehouse business as poor as a storing it for direct bulk sale to the manufacturer, church mouse, and strut out as big as a king." ............................ Pl~ntsi~or and storage built in a Bulk sale of lea[ "in.dry pr~ry" was not only ad- redrying were vantagcous in bargaining, but overcame farmers" score of localities, including Wilson and I~eids~-ille, ob|ections to the speed of auction sales. Although North carolina; these were operated successfully, most markets limited the chanting auctioneers to although they did not handle more than a small ~0 baskets ma hour, growers felt that twelve see- fraction of the flue-cured crop. onds was too short a time for either seller or buyer to do justice to the leaf's true quality. Warehouse- men in the Bright country, of course, bitterly op- posed the pool idea during the six years it lasted. But the pools did not bring in the best prices for their redried leaf, and farmers began to drift ~)ack to the auctions. The Black Patch Pooling in the Burley area had a parallel history but a more violent one, beginning in the 1900s. The most troubled area was the so-called Black Patch of western Kentucky and Tennessee, this dark to- bacco area being the last to go over to loose-leaf 228 MNAT 00017427
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Flue-cure is a touchy process requiring all-night vigil against the risk o[ ~re. Barn must be heat- tight so that temperature can be controlled. Near end o~ cure a ho~ barn with its very dry, rpaced- out tobacco leaves is a virtual tinder box. Lemon coloring requires great heat/or 48 hours or more. selling. The local protective association built a foree of "Possum Hunters" or "Night Riders" which eventually numbered around 10,000 men. Their object was to persuade all tobacco planters to join, using physical force tf necessary. The association started up its own storages, and by 1907 sold vir- tually all the Black Patch crop. Farmers who hdld aloof or spoke out against the association-known as Hill Billles--were given tangible muse to regret it, and many fled north at:ross the Ohio. Vio|ence bred more violence: destruction of plant beds and barns was followed by the burning of factories and warehouses; murder was committed by bo~h sides. The local courts took no action, but one of the "Night Rider Refugees," Robert Hollowe]], sued a group of his former tormentors in the federal courts. He was awarded damages. Other suits fol- lowed, and the military speedily moved in to slap a rein on night riding. Again, farmers drifted back to the loose-lea~ auc,- tions by choice after the pool had failed to yield any price advantage. No sooner had peace broken out in the two great ~obaceo regions than war broke out in Europe. Average prices on the Old Belt, which had nm around 1~c between 1911 and 1915, shot to 35e during the next four years. A similar price bonanza v/sited the rest of the Bright country and the Bur- ley region as well Pooling was forgotten-until the years of reckoning, 1920 and 1~21. All over the na- tion wartime prosperity collapsed with a dull thud, and tobacco was no exception. Old Belt pri~ aver- ages declined from a dizzying 58.9c in 1919 to 22c in the two years following. Leaf growers' associa- MNAT 00017428
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tions again formed, this time in a more businesslike hoyered..~.ar~d .the~ !02! level. Again, farmers than bitter mood. There were three new groups, thought their chances might be better if they took one for Burley, one for Bright, one for dark tobacco in the Black Patch (Maryland, always an island unto itself, had kept its own growers association unchanged for some years). Farmers in every re- 8,ion signed into the pools by the tens of thousands, and in 1923 nearly half the nation's crop was mar- keted through the "co-ops." Poo/. ,m~ prk-e. The brief success of pooling was founded on the their own leaf to market, and after three or four years of pooling, most of them returned to the auction sales. A possibly higher price was more desirable than a certainly average one. An interesting sidelight on the pooling rush of the mid-20s was that the buyers for European con- eerns-among them the dominant British firm, Imperial Tobacco-were said to regard the co-ops as a kind of farmers' trust and therefore hesitated to lead support by purchasing from them. How- ever, the pools oounted substantial customers thirty years of pro and con propaganda which had among American manufacturers and even received conditioned the farmer to doubt~e f~ah'n. ~s o{~ engagement from them, so the European atti- dependent auction selling. But no sooner had the rude was not vital to their survival. In the hst pools swung into volume operation than the farmer analysis, it was the individual farmer who decided began to doubt the f~ess - ~and s0me~es the ..... wh-~er to phy pool or not. And his answer-given integrity - of the co-op o/gcials to whom he had this time without the rosy influence of rising prices committed his financial future. No tangible proof -was again negative. of gain was forthcoming; prices in most areas There is no better term to describe this aversion Black Patch area of western Kentucky was last to adopt auction system. In 1900s planters organized a selling pool and Night Riders used violence to force all tobacco growers to join. To protect the "Hill Billies" from Night Riders the military was called in (above). But pools did not raise prices. MNAT 00017429
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Auction sale is highly-organized method o~ selling million~ o~ pounds o~ leaf in small lots. Tobacco buyers (right) walk single ~ alongside row o~ to collective action than "rugged individualism," a trait which persists even in the present age of farm subsidies. Crop control The market averages kept to a platema during the ~20s, slightly trader the POe level. By now the puzzle of leaf surpluses, which had defied solution ever since the Jamestowners rushed to duplicate John ]Xolfe's garden, had been mulled over in a ten- tative way by the Federal Government. As early as 19~?,4 a bill was proposed in Congress to set up an export corporation w/th government funds, buy the oversupply of lea~ from the domestic market and sell it abroad. This idea was defeated in Wash- ington four times. When the Great Depression of 1930 struck, dropping leaf to 8c, tobacco was not baskets, auctioneer and warehouse clerks on other side/acing them. Buyers judge lea~ with look and touch, signal their bids by wink or raised ~inger. overlooked in the flurry of remedial legislation. It was one of the seven basic commodities to come un- der the Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1933; at that time the "adjustment" took the form of acreage restrietJons and loans against surplus production. Five years later the national economy, including leaf pr/ees, plummeted again and a second control was added-.marketing quotas (not production quotas, but acreage limits) subject to a validating vote by two-th/rds of the farmersthemselves. Pools of a new kind were established to receive farmers" leaf. However, these were not obliged to resell the surplus tobacco they accumulated, for the capita] for the/r operation was htrnished on an indefinite loan basis by the U. S. Government, and the farm- ers received cash on the hogshead. From 1938 onward it was an unusual year that MNAT 00017430
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did not set a new price record for flue.cured or Burley tobacco or both. In that year, tobacco was the most valuable far~...,~0p grown in North Amer- ica, next to grain. Demand might push up the price -as in 10,56-,57, when Burley averaged 63.$ cents, up S~ from the mop year before-but the "parity payment" system of loans prevented the price from col]atoning..~ny farmer wiff. gradable ,'obacco could turn it over to the government, if he chose, for a price equal to 90% of parity, the htter com- puted by the Department of Agriculture to equate the price of farm produce with a constant mount of purchasing power. Supported prices and restricted acreage did not outmode the rural equivalent of business enter- prise. In the Bright region a saying goes, "Every time they take an acreage cut, they build another barn." The added barns were to handle the extra yield. By closer spacing of plants, intensified fer- tilizing and the planting of high-yield strains, erally of light body, and/or currently with poor acceptance in the trade," in Department of Agricul- ture phraseology. There had accumulated by 1956 in.the government-financed pool some 200,000,000 pounds of such unsahbh leaf; one manufacturer suggested that it ought to be burned, but not in pipes or cigarettes. With loans against surplus farm ..:)mmodi~es pressing toward the ~ega~. dolhr limit and foreign buyers reducing their purchases, the Secretary of Agriculture announced that these va- rieties would be supported at only ~ the support price of comparable grades. A month later he was moved to add: We are not restricting the right of tobacco farm- ers to grow these varieties ff they wish. We are merely saying that public funds will not be used to encourage production of tobacco varieties judged by the trade to be infer/or. This prindple has been previously applied to wheat. It is a part of our general policy of maintaining and expand- ing markets through encouraging, where possi- poundage per acre zoomed between 19'29-33 and ble, the production of quality products. 1956, yield increasing from 777 to 1,591 pounds per Burley acre, from 707 to 1,609 per Bright. The combination of price support and acreage restrictions had its disadvantages. One obvious way to get around these confinements was to space the toba~"co plants very close together. Also there was wide,spread adoption of new varieties notable for disease resistance, high yield, thinness and lack of flavor; it was '~pale and slick" in the circuit rider's language, "low to be'king in flavor and aroma, gen- There were di~culties, too, with some of the chemicals marketed to farmers in the years that followed World War IL The excessive use of fertilizer, for instance, enuld and did affect the chemical composition of N~otiana t~bacum- in partieuhr, the all-important nicotine content. Not only chemical composition but physical properties were affected by a growi:h inhibitor sold in the tobacco country. This substance ended mitosis, or cell di,,-ision, in the developing plant but permitted the existing cellular structure to enlarge. Growers were almost as enthusiastic about this chemical as its manufacturer, for it not only spared them the tedious hand hbor of removing the suckers (side sprouts) but increased yield as well. Cigarette makers were not so enthusiastic, however, for the resulting tobacco leaf tended to be coarse, slick and small- a step backward from the light, fluff)" leaf developed over many decades. With price support levels not only firm but inch- ing higher, it became more di~cult to maintain leaf quality in the face of the understandable quest for quantity. But the upward spiral posed a new problem, threatening to price American farmers and American tobacco out of their traditional ex- port market. In 1958, exports of unmanufactured leaf were actual])' below the average of the pre- MNAT 00017431
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Depression a~ter 19~9 revived demand lot smoking tobaccos granulated to "pour" into roll-your-own cigarettes. Bull Durham emerged ]rom its pen lot one last ~ting. In 1932 the sales o~ ]actory-made cigarettes dropped. I0,000,000,000; sale o~ papers ]or rolling your own increased by the same number. silk shirts and imported Havanas, smoking tobacco sales took an upward turn and the upward surge of the cigarette was slowed. Between 1929 and 193:3, more brothers could spare a dime for smoking to- bacco, fewer could la)' out 15c for cigarettes. The obvious answer to this was a ten-cent pack of cigarettes, made possible by the drop of leaf to- baceo on the markets from 20c to 8c. To rescue their own trademarks from the "ten-centers" the established manufacturers had to meet the dime price. At the same time, to rescue the farmers, they promised President Herbert Hoover to purchase -stipulated poundages of Burley and Bright at aver- age prices of 12c and 17c respectively. Old .Man "Roll-your-own" cigarettes are becoming a lost art. First step is pouring tobacco into a folded paper- a crease is recommended for beginners. Second step is ma~ing a hollow in the tobacco to distribute it. Third step, start o] roll, is done with horizontal thumbs, as cigarette rests on the middle ~ngers. MNAT 00017433
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Depression proved harder to chase away than the upstart ten-cent brands, and while the money squeeze was on, Bull Durham and the other "roll your own" tobaccos snorted back for one last fling. The gain in Bull Durham alone between 1930 and 193"2 was 9,000,000 pounds- enough to roll three and a half billion "do-it-yourself' cigarettes. As measured by increased sales of cigarette papers, some ten b::!!~.n cigarett~:s were rolled b.v Rand ~," on little machines sold by smoking tobacco manu- facturers) in 108"2. At the same time, and not by coincidence, the sales of "tailor-mades" dropped by ten billion. Despite the severity of the Great De- pression, per capita consumption of tobacco in all forms showed a relatively slight dip- from 7.18 pounds in 199-9 to a little over six pounds in 108"2 and back to 7.16 pounds by 19~6. These figures, of course, refle'et only tax-paid withdrawals; no one knows how much leaf was consumed by farmers short of cash as "long green" or "hillside nauT." Clipped e~ar~ While the decline in cigarette output between 1929 and 1932 was substantial,~-about 12~ in terms of leaf used in manufacture-in cigar smoking~ even more sensitive to income changes, it was a drastic 50'h. But even before the depression struck, cigar sales had been gently declining. Cigar-making machinery, rendered practical by 1917, came too hte to stem the brown rows gradual volume loss. In 1924, only about a tenth of all cigars were machine made; in 1929, litth more than a third. Cigarette machinery had a head start of 34 ~'ears, and the cigarette industry was a kind of big business in miniature, organized and et~cient, by 1890, while the more massive cigar business was literally a multiplication of tiny shops - 20,000 in 1900, 22,000 as late as 1910. Furthermore a single "domestic cigar" of standard quality had to retail at 10c or more after World War II. In share of market this class - led by the El Roi-Tan, Philties and White Owl brands-became the most important. Bonded clear Havanas or imported Cuban cigars of top quality in corona size (about 6" long, ~,.'," in diameter) can scarcely sell for less than 35c apiece. With eigarett.~i :vailab]e i:~ 2,5CC 000 ,':~t!e'~ at P, Sc or so for 20-and almost everywhere in a fresher state than cigars, an important consideration for a perishable product- the cigar has abdicated its everyday place even in New England, and has been kicked upstairs to the luxury class. The We.cent cigar This fact of economics had been immortalized in wistful fashion by Thomas R. Marshall, Vice Presi- dent of the U. S. under Woodrow Wilson. A Demo- crat, Marshall listened to a Republican Senator ramble on at length about the counta3"s needs and reacted with: "What this country needs is a really good five cent cigar!" Nothing else Marshall ever said was quite so well put; certainly, he is remem- bered for nothing else-proof, perhaps, of the place held by cigars in the story of Americans and their tobacco. Marshall's remark contained the germ of eco- nomic truth; manufacturers realized that only a five-cent cigar could even begin to compete in the mass market with cigarettes costing three-quarters of a cent apiece (the pack of 20 generally sold around 15c during the "20s and 30s). As machines were perfected it appeared to some tobaccomen that, given automation plus national promotion, the brown roll could give the white one a run for the smoker's money. The attempt was made; As roll is finished, the ~nds are gradunIly drawn Final step is to moisten and seal the farther apart. 1] near lgap o[ paper is properly tucked in, (result, right). One o~ the ends-the end to light cigarette will hold shape when one hand is removed. - is pinched or twisted sufficiently to close it. HNAT 00017434
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Thomas R. Marshall is remembered for his classic remark: "What ..... this country needs is a really good five cent cigar!" He was al~o U. S. Vice President. Pipe smoking was second only to cigarettes on per capita basis between Ig~9 and1945. Among its most noted exponentswas Charles C. Dawes,who was Vice President under Coolidge. Most satisfactory wood is hard, even-grained French heath root, bruyere. machine-made cigars accounted for nearly half the market in 1930, more than half in 1931, 809~ by 19~3. The small shop disappeared: there were 10,800 cigar factories in 1925, 1,200 in 1955. Mean- while a massive advertising campaign was mounted for Cremo, dramatizing the hygienic nature of mechanized production: "Spit is a horrid word. But it i.~ worso on the e.~d of you- ~,.'gar... Why run the risk of cigars made by dirty, yellowed fingers and tipped in spit? Remember, more than half of all cigars made in this country are still made by hand, and therefore subject to the risk of spit!" True enough, the typical cigar shop had been a most unsavory-looking den (as the picture on page 201 indicates.) but it turned out that the absence of saliva was not an effective selling point. Nickel cigar sales rose, but not enough to justify advertis- ing budgets of cigarette proportions. During 19~1 and-19~2 it was di~cult to sell even apples for a nickel, and the mighty effort to fulfill Marshall's desire was abandoned. Since then cigar consumption per capita has just about held its own: the cigar remains a specialty rather than a truly national branded product. Vast di~erenees in brand rankings prevail from one region to another, and adverting is still as much regional as it is national. One prominent cigarette man called it a "cloak- and-suit" business, referring to the constant changes of cigar shapes going in and out of fashion. It is perhaps more accurate to call it a luxury hang- over from the Gilded Age, for the number of those who can afford to like fine Havanas (at -°5c or more apiece) is not legion. Exit pipe, pinch and plu.~ Even though maoking tobacco and cigars were on the rise in 1890, that year saw the use of "eatin' tobacco" reach its per capita peak- nearly three pounds of plug, twist, or fine-cut being chewed for every man, woman and child. The "new" vogue for pipe-smoking reached its per capita peak (1.75 pounds per American) in 1910, although by that time the cigarette was on the way up in popular esteem. Because population grew so quickl.v, the amount of leaf converted to chewing and smolcing products increased apace: in 1917 this total reached a high of 446,000,000 pounds for both forms. Since then it has dwindled consistently, the present pro- duetion of 150,000,000 pounds a year being equal ~36 MNAT 00017435
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to somewhat less than half a pound of chaw per person and about the same amount of. "sm0~.". Whether or not it has any significance, it is inter- esting that scrap tobacco was included with s'm.~k-~ ing tobacco figures by the Internal ltevenue Bureau until 1930, while after that year it was lumped with chewing. Assuming scrap to be half smoked and half chewed, the use of pipe tobacco passed the chewing habit sometime in 1921 or 1922. The death knell of cud was rung on September 14, 1955 by this memorandum to all Directors, O~- cers, Department Heads and "Others Concerned" in the headquarters of The American Tobacco Company: It has become impossible to hire persons i~ the New York area to dean and maintain cuspidors. Since the cuspidors presently on hand in the New York O~ce can no longer be serviced, it will be necessary to remove them promptly from the premises. Removal will take place this week end. Your cooperation in doing without this former conven/ence/s ~olic/ted. Snuff, strangely, has hung on grimly for the last fifty years, varying very little from a per capita con- sump'tion of a quarter pound per annum during that time. In amount consumed snuff is now about even with scrap-the two forms being the cheapest modes of tobacco use. The taking of snuff, how- ever, is today far removed from the lordly sniffing of t{egency beaux. Nine out of ten snuffers do not consume it as nose dust but place the powdered leaf in the mouth between gum and cheek. Thus The bulging cheek, once characteristic oI most American men, is now seldom seen. Only men whose work precludes smoking- like this baseballer- chew tobacco. Others who can't smoke on the suck snuff, now really a ~orm o~ "eatin' tobacco." HNAT 00017436
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~1~I~" 'le[ ": "II/'P:r~ - - . ' i; ~ 'I ~+ ,... "h+~. ,i;I. Camel +Camel. "Cor~sumer advertising during the ~O,s, was dominated by three big blended Cigarettes. I'd Wnlk a Mile for a Camel" was signature o/Reynolds campaigns. muff is at present a variant of chewing tobacco ex- cept that it is sucked or tasted, not chewed. The pipe, too-classic smoking medium of North America and Europe--continued to lose in favor. It is one form of smoking which requires a degree of skill The tobacco must not be too dry, lest it bite, nor too moist, lest it fail to hold fire; the pipe must be caked, so as not to yield a raw taste, yet not sogg3", so as not to impede the draw. Its mainte- nance requires copious pockets and large supplies of patience, matches, and leisure- qualifications met mainly by the college set, the retired set, and fishermen. In a desperate effort to revive the flag. ging art, a large pipemaker advertised in 1957: "Do Pipe Smokers Live Longer?" To which the wits were quick to reply: "No, it only seems longer." That smoking tobacco had seen its best days was underlined in the same year when the proprietors of Bull Durham moved the diminishing production of that once-lordly brand from Durham to Rich- mond. It was |ust one year less than a full centur3, before, that Bull production, which was to revolu. tionize America's smoking tradition and to put 238 Cheste~eId, Liggett & Myers' brand, identified itseI/ with slogan, "They Satisfy." Association of brand and given idea is a costly, long-term effort. Durham on the map, had begun in that tog~. But the move caused scarcely a ripple, inside or outside Durham. To the men who manage tobacco companies, the decline of snoose, smokestack, stogie and chaw was a highly predictable phenomenon even before World War I. By 1921-on a per capita poundage basis-the cigarette had pulled even g'ith pipe and cigar; after 1922 (see chart, page 244 ) it was no con- test. In an)' market as nearly universal as the smok- ing publlc-which now approximates 65,000,000 persons in the U.S. alone-the momentum of change is slog, in gathering, but once under way is inex- orable. The dropeff of pipe-smoking and chegSng did not occur because the large companies diverted their advertising from these forms; rather, the re- verse is true. Ad~ertl, lng The strategy of profitable promotion g'as ex- pressed by George Washington Hill, who adver- tised Lucky Strike Cigarettes to brand leadership, as follows: "I believe in merchandising in the flow HNAT 00017437
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of the stream... I don't like to sell horse shoes and buggy whips. I like to sell what is growing; then it is more easy for me to get my share of what is grog'ing." In 1957 Hill's dictum was eonfirmod by a proponent of the mathematical technique known as operations research. Advertising, chimed Dr. Marcello Vidale of the Arthur D. Little research organization, is h,.'gh~y effective in attracting new buyers of a product, but ad dollars spent to retain old customers accomplish considerably less. Although twentieth-century changes in smoking fashions have stimula~¢d g cam- paigns as each company scrambled to get its "share of what is growing," the precise role of advertising in the tohaeco industry is not we'll understood. Advertising did not provide the impetus for the American smoking tradition, nor has it played a major role in effecting changes in tobacco usages. National consumption did not jump suddenly up- ward from 1910 to 191:3, when tobacco advertising nearly doubled following the dissohtion of the tobacco combination.. And cigarette consumption actually experienced its sharpest increase during World War II, when all advertising was curtailed and the promotional budgets for some fairly large brands completely disappeared. Advertising is in- tended to win for a speciEc brand a hrger share of the market, or to defend a speciEc brand against competitive products. Except for the introduction of new brands, the expense of advertising tobacco products is surpris- ingly low on a unit-cost basis. Referring to his 195.9 operations, the president of one of the largest com- panies told his stockholders that advertising ex- penses amounted to about one-third of a tent per package of twenty cigarettes. On the company's 1959- volume of 141,000,000,000 cigarettes, this transhtes into $94 million worth of advertising, or Advertising and selling dominated the ~20s and ~Os. George Washington Hill was advertising virtuoso, pulled his Lucky Strike brand up to Careers level. an average for the fifteen largest brands would be perhaps twice that figure. There is, too, the recip- rocal relationship between leaf and advertising layouts - some companies pay more for leaf and less for promotion, others the reverse. Advertising plays its most critical part in the introduction of a new brand. Analysis of published statistics on unit sales, tax pa)anents, and costs of sales for the hrge cigarette companies in 1957 places the factory cost of 1,000 cigarettes of stand- ard size in the $~.50-$7.00 range. Against the whole- .sale price of $8.'28 this yields a "spread" between $1.g5 and $1.7~, out of which must come freight, per thousand on advertising. The minimum or "threshhold" figure for a year's national advertising, according to trade magazine estimates, is hardly less than $:3 or $4 million- which means that an actively promoted new brand cannot contribute to profits until its volume exceeds three or four billion units per year. If the brand HNAT 00017438 ,~9 Federal excise stamps was exactly Set.00. In a going business comprised of big-volume brands, adver- tising is an indispensable expense but not an over- powering one - R.5~ of the cost of manufacture if the 8e Federal tax is included, 5~ or 8% if it is not. The 17e-per-thousand figure is a minimum, applic- able only to the three or four very largest brands; 17c per thousand cigarettes. By comparison, the value of the 2.8 pounds of leaf or thereabouts that ......... sdling-administrative overhead, and advertising. go into a thousand finished cigarettes was some- The breakeven point on a typical brand thus as- thing like $~.00, and the vahe of the ~ffty blue sumes an expenditure of no more than $1 or so
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"YOU WO ITT TURN A OUI A RIOlIT LIKE ~1i8| ~'ives 8~r~y ~Je lad~ ~lJ~lg'7 ~ ~ld ~ OLD GOLt"| Old Cold brand was advertised on a large scale beginning in 1926. ]ohn Held woodcuts were among many themes and approaches used in the brand's promotion. By 1937 Old Cold had 5~ o[ the market. does not win this "kind of volume within a year or two, advertising support is usually withdrawn. At least hag of the 16 new brands introduced by the large manufacturers between 1950 and 1956-most of them king size or filter tip cigarettes-were "two- year rockets" in this category. Each represented an advertising investment of substantial proportions- $7 million, $8 million, $10 million, as Amos "n Andy would have put it. In effect, the manufacturer must spend that much to introduce his product to the public before he can discover whether it is acceptable. The cost of making a new product known, of "buying" the general public reaction, is 240 a neeessa~, cost of doing business. But the expendi. ture itself is no guarantee of success. Selling, ~lling, ~dling By the 1920s tobacco manufacturing had com- pleted its long transition from a leisnrely country craft to a competitive war waged on a national battlefield. In this war advertising was the heavy artillery. But the big cigarette brands had their infantry too-the foot-slogging sales forces which carried the competitive fight all the way to the smallest xetail outlet, the "Moth and Pop" store. The main job of these sales forces was not taking orders, but reinforcing the advertising for their brands. This they did in several ways: by placing point-of-purchase display materials at or near the retail cotmters; by' helping retailer and wholesaler rotate tobacco stocks properly, so as to keep a reg- u.hted flow of fresh merchandise going to the con- sumer; and by "maintaining distribution," that is, inducing the storekeeper to carry their brands or tiding him over ff he should be temporarily out of stock. This activib, was quite as competitive, ff not so spectacular, as the advertising barrages. And it grew more intense and more expensive as the number of retail outlets for tobacco multiplied. The tobacco sahsman-now more properly called a brand missionary-was a breed distinctly different from the nineteenth-century drummer. Reliance on premiums as a means of wheedling cooperation from retailers was passd, along with consumer pre- miums like the silk flags, cigarette cards and prize coupons of the prewar period. The mamJact urer's missionary man had no brnmmagems or special discounts to sell. Rather, his stock in trade was massive volume, rapid turnover-generated by the great weight of advertising directed at the con. sumer. Thns mass production was inevitabh" fol- lowed by mass retailing and the disappearance of the thousand-odd miscellaneons brands which divided the market at the ccntury's turn. Old Gold Advertising and selling dominated the 20s and 30s, and these were by no means limited to the three-cornered battle waged by Camel, Lucky Strike and Chesterfield. P. Lorillard, which had concentrated its cigarette efforts on Turkish brands since 1911, entered the battle of the blends in 1926 HNAT 00017439
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Philip Morris brand, introduced as domestic blend during the I930s, rounded out the so-called Big Five cigarettes. The brand's advertis/ng featured little Johnny's clarion "¢,~ ~or Philip with O/d Cold. Among its advertising techniques was the "Blindfold Test" (involving O/d Gold and three "unidentified" brands); print ads featuring John Held flappers, Petty girls, and Riple);s "Be- lieve It or Not"; radio; comic strips; and prize con- tests. Using every medium at its disposal, the brand fought its way into sizable volume and by 1937 accounted for 5% of the U. $. cigarette sales total. Ph~lip Morris Inc. In 1933, this achievement was duplicated by another new brand whose name dated back to the London tobacconist of the 1850s: Philip Morris. By now, the London firm had become Philip Morris & Co., Ltd., Inc., an American publicly-ov,'ned tobacco manufacturer. The new brand was introduced in the midst of the depression and in the face of strong competi- tion from the well-established Big Four. Philip Morris English Blend, in a distinctive bro~'n pack- age, was priced to wholesale at lO.c and retail at kSc, as against I0.5c and 12.5c on the average for the established brands. This gave the trade an extra penny of profit during the new brand's forma- tive years, and this incentive served Philip Morris well. Early advertising was not on a massive scale, although it was memorable for the hiring, in March of 1933, of a diminutive page boy from the Hotel New Yorker, Johnny. He became, in effect, a living trade mark for the brand and his clarion "Call for Philip Morris!" was widely heard. The principal emphasis of the brand's growth, however, was in selling as distinct from advertising. By 1940 the Philip Morris brand achieved a pene- tration of 7~ of national cigarette sales, and in 1950 reached a peak of 40,000,000,000 units, or llfh of the U. S. total. The success of Philip Morris traced not only to concentration on personal selling, but also to the aristocratic aura with which the brand was sur- rounded. The company's older brands- including English Ovals, Marlboro, Philip Morris Oxford Blues and Philip Morris Cambridge - were expen- sive products. Thus Philip Morris English Blend, the full name under which the domestic cigarette was introduced, traded on the prestige of the costly Turkish brands already produced by the firm. It was this intangible advantage, along with its un- usual tobacco-brown packing and somewhat dif- ferent aroma, which enabled Philip Morris to command a higher retail price for a time. By World War II, when the brand had reached the No. 4 position, the price was made competitive with that o~ other domestic blends. In common with its rivals, the Philip Morris com- pany in recent years has turned to what has been called a =department store" line of products - dif- ferent brands for different tastes. It has been espe- cially active in the repackaging of its maior brands, beginning with the filter tip Marlboro in 1955, fol- lowed by new package design, s for Philip Morris, Parliament, and Spud. HNAT 00017440 241
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"i World W~r il Partly as a result of the depressions of 1932 and 1938, partly as the result of war product/on from 1940 on, the expansion of city populat/ons was accelerated. Th/s showed up clearly in the stat.ist/cs of cigarette consumption, which made their great- est percentage gains during the rapid urbanization of 1940-1946. In 1945, some 26"7 bill/on cigarettes were sold on the domest/c market, an increase of 12~ over 1944, 48~ over 1940, 124~ over 1930. Yet demand was literally insatiable. Long lines formed outside to.. bacco shops; th~ "oEbrands," thro~ together with any and all leaf available on the markets, had a r~les picnic. Leaf tobacco product/on on the farms was not the only bpttleneck; there were ~ortages in pack- aging mater/als, in sugar, in glycerin, in transporta- t/on space. In term~ of total production there was no short- age: but some 18~ of the cigarette output during 1941-45, or ~.6 billion cigarettes, was sent over- seas. Tobacco was classed by President Franklin D. Roosevelt as an essential crop; draft boards were directed to defer tobacco farmers to insure maxi- mum output. Employees of-Wr/ght Aeronaut/ca] put up a fund of $10,000 for the war effort, wired General Douglas MacArthur to ask what his troops needed most. His reply was an echo of the one given by h/s old command/rig of~cer, Black Jack Pershing, twenty.five years before. "The ent/re amount," he answered, "should be used to purchase American c/garettes which, of all persona] comforts, are the most all, cult to obtain here." Although they were intended for the personal use of the troops, cigarettes were widely put to use overseas as barter goods. Troops in France, for ex- ample, were pa/d in francs at 50 to the dollar. But it took 400 francs to buy a dollar's worth of mer- chand/se where most desirable merchandise Although cigaretteproductio~ increased ~ afuring ~ormea outside tobacco establishments. This store, the ~ve years of World War II, 18~ of total output in downtown NewYork City,sold cigarettes between was shipped overseas to servicemen. This created a the hours o/11-12 and 3-4 daily. In ]anuary, 1945, shortage on the domesticmarket, and patient queues the proprietor served coffee to waiting customers. ~42 MNAT 00017441
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As in previous wars, ~eld c~nmanders called ~or tobacco for the troops and got it, In addition to satisfying their smoking desires, troops utilized American cigarettes as barter goods. For two years a~er V-E Day, cigarettes remained the most stable currency in the retail marts of European countries. changed hands- in the bIack market. The same situation obtained throughout Europe, where cur- rencies all but evaporated. It was inevitable that the grumbling American doughfaces should use their cigarettes and chocolate bars to buy what their pay could noL And they were encouraged by shopkeepers, who ran after strolling G.I.'s on the streets to bargain for American cigarettes. For two years after V-E Day, cigarettes remained the only stable currency in the retail marts of Germany, Italy and France. King ,ise The changes that come in the wake of war usu- ally include tobacco changes, and War II was no exception. Along with ranch houses, foam rubber mattresses and plastic toys, modem design influ- enced the cigarette. The king size, 85 millimeters in length versus the "regular" 70 millimeters, took long steps toward the 25~ of the market it was to capture by 1953. There was, as always, an under- lying consideration of taste, for the attenuated cigarette meant a milder smoke (the physical dimensions of a cigarette, like those of a cigar, greatly influence the characteristics of the deliv- ered smokel. The coming of the kings was not, actually, a sudden break in the direction of mildness. Gradu- ally, in the two decades before Pearl Harbor, ciga- rette grades of leaf were becoming less strong as farmers refined growing practices. Less strong meant, in e~ect, lower in nicotine content; virtually all the standard-size brands had become milder in this sense - although the adiective "milder" was so overworked in advertising that it nearly lost its meaning. The kings simply fitted into this trend. Those that succeeded owed their success not to fashionable length, but to the fact that they ddiv- ered the "Burley-blend" taste in a somewhat filtered degree. The "modem design" of the king-sized cigarette marked an important change in the tobacco busi- ness. From the multitude of brands on the market in 1903 (12,600 chews, 7,000 smoking tobaccos, MNAT 0001744Z 243
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1920 Ig30 1940 Per capita consumption o[ cigarettes by Americans year since the 30s. while pipe sm~ki,g (dotted red (red line) is now seven pounds a year. Smol~ing o[ line), chewing (dotted bIack line) and snuff usage cigars (black lin~) has held close to a pound per (bro1~en blacl~ line) together account ~or a pound a HHAT 00017443
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2,100 cigarettes and cigars) there had emerged the battle of the big brands. Although many of the turn- of-the-century products coasted along on small voI- me (and still do), the bul~ of each company's business soon narrowed into one big brand. ALmost the fall weight of a company's advertising resources was pheed behind a single cigarette. For a while, there were th;ee big brands selling between 90~ and 95Z of the nation's cigarettes (Camel, Luckv Strike, Chesfer~ld). In 19'28, P. Lorillard adver- tised its O/d Cold brand into contention, and in the 1980s the Philip Morris brand rounded out the so- called "Big Five." "/'here were tlve big brands, and live big tobacco oompanies. Within a company, minor cigarette brands were not allowed to get in the way of the big one; quite a number of lesser brand names were sold off or farmed out. In lgsg George Washington Hill, whose ad~,,er- rising ability had brought Luck!/ Strike into peren- nial competition with Camel for the No. 1 spot, broke away from the one-big-brand idea with a king-size cigarette, Pall Mail. The new cigarette competed against al/live standard brands, includ- ing Hill's own Luckv Strike. Pall Mail was given to a separate subsidiary company, American Cigarette and Cigar, and made to stand or fall "on its own bottom." The new corporate setup was analogous to Gen- eral Motors' splitting of its automobile brands into live divisions, competition thereafter taking place within the company as well as between companies. Chevrolet, Pontiac, Oldsmobile, Buick and Cadillac battled each other in the market place, in addition to their existing rivalry with Ford and Chrysler Something of the same sort occurred in all ciga- rette companies. By lg51 each large manufacturer had a king-size brand alongside its regular. By 195~, each of the six major cigarette makers was actively promoting a regular, a king, and two lilter brands. After live years of serious advertising, the filter brands included regular and king sizes as well as mentholated smokes. The old stiff cardboard box was revived in the form of the erushprooi~ or "flip- top" box introduced by the Marlboro lilter brand in lg54. This packing brought with it "long size" cigarettes, 80 millimeters long. During this fast shuttte, new brands zoomed to maior status and old MNAT 00017444
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Franklin D. Roosevelt smoked a pipe as Secretary o/the Navy, was a cigarette.smoker as President. Long holder foreshadowed the king size cigarette. ones faded to insignificance in the space of a year or two, putting a premium on quick-minded man- agement. In an age of mass advertising and mass distribution, national magazines and network tele- vision, any return to the old thousand-brand days seems doubtful; on the other hand, a return to a "standard" cigarette, with five brands holding 80~ or ~ of the market, seems equally imlikely. The total demand for tobacco is, in the iargon of the economists, "relatively inelastic"; bt~t the forms in which it is consumed, and the brand names attached to those forms, are seldom static for very long. In 1959, the brands activeb, promoted b~, the six large cigarette manufacturers numbered twenty- seven, marketed in some forty-four sizes and pack- ings. Reynolds offered Camel (70 ram. ), Cavalier (80 ram.), Winston (filter tip, S0 ram. and 85 ram.) and Salem (filter tip mentholated, 85 ram.). American Tobacco offered Lucky Strike (70 246 Starting in 1939, king size ci~.erettes (85 ram. as against 70 ram. for regulars) climbed steadily. In 1956 55Y1 o/cigarettes were kings or 80 mm. "longs." ram. ), Pail Mail (85 ram. ), Herbert Tare~on (85 rhm.), Hit Parade (filter tip, 80 ram. and 85 ram.), Riviera (filter tip mentholated, 85 mm. ) and Dual Filter Tareyton (filter tip, 85 mm.). Liggett & Myers offered Cherter~eld (70 ram. ), Chestert~eld king (85 ram.), L & M (filter tip, 70 ram., 80 ram. and 85 ram.), Duke (filter tip, 85 ram.) and Oasis (filter tip mentholated, 85 ram. ). Lorillard 6ffered Old Gob/(70 ram. ), Old Gold king (85 ram.), Old Gold Filter King (85 ram.), Kent (filter tip, 70 ram., 80 ram. and 85 ram.), Spring (filter tip mentholated, 85 ram.) and Newport (filter tip mentholated, 80 ram. and 85 Philip Mort'is offered Pldlip Morris (70 ram.), Philip Morris long (80 ram. ), Marlboro (filter tip, 80 ram. and 85 ram.), Parliament (filter tip, 80 ram. and 85 ram.), Alpine (filter tip mentholated, 85 ram. ) and Spud (filter tip mentholated, $0 mm. ). Bro,~-n & Williamson offered Viceroy (filter tip, MNAT 00017445
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80 ram. and 85 mm. ), Kool (mentholated, 70 nun.), Kool (filter tip mentholated, 85 man. ), Belair (filter tip mentholated, 85 ram. ), Life (filter tip, 85 mm.), Raleigh (85 mm.) and Raleigh (filter tip, 85 mm.). Bro~n & IFilliam~on Among the hrge cigarette makers, the exception to the "one big brand" philosophy was Brown & Williamson. Originally a small muff firm in Win- ston-Salem, Brown & Williamson was purchased in 1927 by British-American Tobacco Company (which had been severed from The American To- bacco Company in 1911). From the fast, Brown & Williamson attempted to build its cigarette volume not by meeting the big brands bead on, but by ofirering "speeialtT brands" appealing to limited segments of the mar- ket. It experimented with cork tips, rilter tips, pre- mium coupons, wetproof paper, menthol-in short, with all the features the giant brands did not offer. Appropriately enough for a British-owned firm, B & W named its first cigarette for Sir Walter Raleigh, the legendary British tobacco promoter. Raleigh was made up with a blend similar to that of Camel, packed in a "saddlebag" box and priced at 20c in 1929, when cigarettes were selling two packs for gSc. Forced by depression into price com- petition, B & W swung to the other extreme with Target, a 10e roll-your-own tobacco with a steel- and:rubber rolling gadget, designed to yield rift), cigarettes for a dime. Price-consciousness among the public plus the log' price of leaf tobacco led to Wings and Avalon, the so-called "ten centers." And the log' COSt Of merchandise generally inspired B & W to revive premium coupons, which had died out after Camel emerged in 191:3 with the legend on its pack "Don't look for premiums or coupons." Coupons were offered with a repaekaged, popuhr- priced Raleigh, with the menthohted KooI, and with the filter tipped Viceroy. Following World War II B & W offered Life cigarettes with wet'proof paper in the 80 millimeter "long" size. This length, five millimeters short of full king size, was to become popular ten years later in the flip-top box, but in the soft "cup" package it did not catch on. Brown & Williamson's filter brand, Viceroy, represented less than 8% of its cigarette volume as late as 195o-, sixteen years after its original introduction. But it was this brand which lifted the company from the marginal cate- gory during the 1950s. By 1956 Viceroy reached a volume of 25,000,000,000 units; first on the filter scene at a popular price, Viceroy was the leading filter brand through 1954. Specialty market,, specialty makers Although cigarettes made up seven-eighths of U. S. tobacco purchases in 1958, the remaining eighth represented a retail volume of some $832 million. About $'2.50 million d this was spent for Appropriately, British-owned Brown & W itliamson used Raleigh brand name for its lqrs't venture into cigarette f~eld. Originally a high-priced product, Raleigh became a coupon brand during depressed 30s. Shop figure of Sir Walter Raleigh, English to- bacco promoter, stands in Louisville headquarters. HNAT 00017446 247
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"manufactured tobacco'--smoking tobaccos, chew. ing tobacco, and snu~. Five of the six large cigarette rums originated in this "manufactured tobacco" £eld, and they retain many of the important pipe, plug or snu5 brands. Other companies specialize in one or another of these categories; in snuff, U. S. Tobacco, American Snuff, George W. Helme Co.; in smoking tobacco, Larus & Brother, Bloch Brothers. There is still a "specialty cigarette" field, which includes Stephano Brothers and G. A. Georgopulo, among others. Many of their brands fall into the premium-priced category by virtue of special packing, tinted paper, or unnsua] (i.e., limited-demand) blends. Mechan/zation or no, there are still about 600 cigar factories in the U. $., which in 1958 produced nearly $600 million worth of the brown rolls. Not all are small: the largest cigar firms (Consolidated, American Tobacco, Genera], Bayuk, D.W.G.) ac- count for roughly hal/of dollar cigar sales. Only in relation to the well-nigh-universal cigarette custom (56% of American men, 30~of the ladies are regu- lar cigarette smokers) can the cigar business be called a "specialty." The custom which it serves is both long-standing (300 years) and widespread (one of every six American men occasionally, one out of twenty regularly). So it is not surprising that the changing shape of cigarettes and their market should find a parallel in cigars. Thinned cigars Longer, thinner cigarettes after World War II were refiected in the static-volume cigar business. Where fat perfectos and "banker" sizes lind once ruled the ghssed counters, slim pane~ehs and palmas moved to the front row. Cigarillos, • short- filler cross between cigar and all-tobacco dgarette, I~ained some headway as a "thin" smoke. In addi- tion to their "youthful" shnderaess and ~ or 5c price, they were helped by redesigned boxes and five.packings and for a time their makers thought they saw a bright, brown vision of the long-sought nickel cigar coming into its own. But the brown roll's tum-of-the-centur~ dominance was not to retura: per capita consumption in 1957 ~ras almost identical with the 1932 figure. The constant research e~orts of the ¢~gar-men did gi~,e rise to an unexpected developmml during the 1950s - a development which, ironic~y, prom- ised greater advantage to cigarette mmafacture than to cigar making. This was the devel~ment of reconstituted binder leaf, also known as HTL (homogenized tobacco leaf). As it comes ~om the field, the natural binder leaf yields four ~ suit- able for use in cigars plus a 80~ remain~h,r that is sold as scrap. By pulverizing the entire haf and reconstituting it into a paper-like sheet, thewastage is eliminated. In September, 1955, the ~ent of Agriculture was moved to observe that "the de- velopment of a binder sheet is attracting consider- able attention and appears to have posn'h'~ities of extending the mechanization of the inclm~ and reducing the hbor in the production of ~gars... One 5-cent brand of cigars and one bran~ of ciga- rillos containing Homogenized Tobacco Leaf have been on the market for more than 1 year, a,~d very UNITS PER CAPITA (CIGARETTES. CIGARS CONSUMED. U. S.) looo .r Between 1880 and 1910 cigarettes (red line) were a big-city luxury comparable to cigars (black line). Late in the 1890s unit cigarette sales approached the cigar totals, but tax increased from ~C tO 2C per pack of 20 in 1897 and to 3c in 18!~ Volume dropped off sharply. In 1902 tax reverted ~o1.08c per ~NAT 00017447
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good consumer acceptance has been reported for these products." Acceptance of HTL by tobacco growers could not, however, be described as "very good." Some- th/ng of an editor/a! storm arose in protest, not only in the Connecticut Valley but also in V/rg/nia, the Carolinas, Kentucky and Tennessee. Cigarette manufacturers had also seen the possibilities in the smokes" and "synthetic leaf," no evidence was ad- duced to indicate that adulterants were being used - the lea~ was simply taken apart and reprocessed in its own extracts. Even while the hearings were fresh in mind, however, some of the editorials took a calmer tone. Said one in a Raleigh, North Carolina daily: "The trouble is that science app~ently has made the synthetic tobacco leaf so good that people new process, and a Senate investigation the follow- like it... What bothers us is the hand-sized cloud ing spring revealed that several of the big brands on the horizon which betokens a future struggle to were using varying proportions of reconstituted throw.a net of restrictions around homogenized leaL Although the hearings produced talk of "junk tobacco leaf... We hope tobacco doesn't do it... tOO0 pack o[ 20, and white rolls resumed increase. First dramatic growth impetus was supplied by the first world war, during which American doughboys took to cigarettes. Growth was checked in I930-82, when roll ~/ourown cigarettes cut into tmlor.mades. Ko- rean War peak, 1952, was topped in 1958 and 1959. MNAT 00017448
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"Cigarette girls" o] several er~ depict gtor!/ o] the white roll. Carmen, the Spanish cigarette girl o[ Bizet's opera, was the archtype o/refklessness. Flapper o~ 1920~ma~l have mnoked cigarettes out o/ sheer affectation, but ~mbolized the emancipation o~ women and haste cigarette a truly national usage. Those whose livelihoods are involved in tobacco ~ould profit from experience, and think up some other way of marching with the times." The HTL argument passed almost unnoticed out- side the tobacco states; it was a brushfire rather than a full-fledged controversy. But the cigarette itself was once again to be the subject of flaming headlines and incendiary allegations. Tr~ o] the cigarette The. figures for cigarette consumption from 1913 to 1929 do not suggest controversy, for the curve (page 248) is smooth and upward. But the wowsers were not yet finished. Passage of the Eighteenth Amendment, prohibiting spiritus ICrumenti, encour- aged a revival of the anti-tobacco movement. No less a root-and-branch man than Billy Sunday him. self declared: "Prohibition is won; now for tobacco." The original attacks on tobacco were based on guilt by association; tobacco was discovered, being used by the New World barbarians, ergo, tobacco was bad. This was the initial reaction of the edu- cated Spaniard, and it was echoed in 1604 by James I of England whe asked: "What humour or policie can move us to ~nitate the barbarous and beastly manners of the w~de, godlesse, and slavish Indians, especially in so m'le and stinking a custome?" Like many wire. followed him, James tried to "document" his essentially moral ob|ection b.v im- puting harmful e~ects to smoking. "A custome," he grote, "loathsome to the eye, hatefull to the nose, harmefull to the braine, dangerous to the lungs," and so forth. F_,thoes of his "Counterblaste to To- bacco" have recarred in many forms. In 16S9, the Medical School of Paris o~cially sponsored the view that tobacee smoking shortened life. In 1798, Dr. Benjamin Rash bhmed smoking and chewing tobacco for exciting a desire for strong drinks, "and these when talam between meals soon lead to in- temperance and drunkenness." Strong drink had taken the place of the savage Indian in Bush's theory of guilt 1~ association. Guilt by association was the basis of the 1854 assault against cigarette smoking; in that year the white roll was denounced as effeminate. But the charges against tobacco itself had not been dropped, MNAT 00017449
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although the tobacco-sm0kinlcustom was well into its fourth century. T~ Lancet, an English medical journal, featured "The Great Tobacco Question" during 1856-1857. One Dr. Hodgkin associated tobacco with the increase of crime. A Dr. Solly asso- ciated tobacco with nervous paralysis and loss of intellectual capacity. And a Dr. Schneider wrote, without documentation, that "So frequently is vision impaired by the constant use of tobacco, that spectacles may be said to be a part and parcel of a likewise, where my practise has been extended, I have noted the same pernicious e~ects, and it is a well attested fact that the Americam wear them- selves out by the use of tobacco." These charges, basM on superficial observation or no evidence at all, are remembered for their quaint romantic inter- est. But it is easy to forget that they did not still the voice of reason. The Lancet itself noted at the time that .=the use of tobacco is widely spread, more widely than any one custom, form of worship, or religious belief, and that therefore it must have some good or at least pleasurable effects; that, if its evil effects were so dreadfu] as stated the human race would have ceased to exist." But the formula of guilt by association was used in ahnost every conceivable variation. Between 1895 and 1~09, cigarettes "~,ere accused moustaches on hdies' lips and increasing the popu- htion of insane asylums. In 1012 a Dr. Tidswell opined that "the most common cause of female sterility is the abuse of tobacco by males.., those countries which use most tobacco have the largest number of stillbirths." Anti-tobacco carnpaigner~ demanded censorship of the nursery rhyme about Old King Cole because his majesty "called for his pipe." During the 6rst World War one intemperate temperance leader cried that cigarettes were being doped to produce addiction and insure a stead)' flow of sales. Infancy of cigarette indus'try was marked by pretty Richmond hand.roller o[ the 1880s. No Carmen, she was highly trained, highly moral, ~infuIly stow. MNAT 00017450 Modern cigarette girl is called a "catcher." She monitors the output o/ high.speed machinery so as to catch imperfect cigarettes before packing stage.
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After the 1918 Armistice, these somewhat far- fetched objections were supplemented by less spe- ci~c ones. The 1854 charge was turned around: cigarettes were not effeminate but unladylike. The poor etiquette practiced bymany ash-droppers and public puffers was cited in support of this. The redoubtable Lucy Page Gaston announced in she would run for President on the no-tobacco issue. Some males, annoyed at feminist pretensions Lu gen- eral, affected horror at the idea of public pul~g by their womanfolk and went along with Miss Gaston. Others, annoyed at the rising tide of "sticky-beak- ing," formed smokers' leagues to defend the right tisements: "Be moderate-be moderate in all things, even in smoking." The clamor faded, and the anti-tobacco states one by one dropped their no.smoking-in-public statutes from the books. There was little time or inclination to carry on the debate during the grim 1930s. Tobacco was one of the few creature comforts that could be enjoyed by those in financial straits, even though some were obliged to abandon cigarettes for pipes or hand- made cigarettes. With the advent of VCar If, the need d G. I. Joe for fags and lucifers- and the need of home-fronters for solace-again came into focus. to light. Miss Caston did not run for President, But the tendency to associate tobacco with aft- although she continued to campaign. Meanwhile ments of unknown cause continued. As recently as the nation's ladies took to cigarette smoking in large 1943 one anti-cigarette author wrote: "l'here is lit- numbers; the steep climb of cigarette sales, a dis- tinct departure from the gradual change that had characterized previous shifts in tobacco fashion, was generally credited to the fair sex. With the passing of Miss Gaston, her successors ranged the realm of medicine as well as the realm of manners. Tobacco was a poison, some charged, although the lengthening span of human life hardly bore out this contention. Opposition to tobacco during the ROs also continued to be based on social objections, with the short-skirted, cigarette-bran- dishing'lhpper" as the symbolic target. Some men of medicine, made newly aware of the importance of psychological elements in human well-being, came to the defense of the tobacco tradition- in moderation, of course. The American Tobacco Company added this line to its Lucky Strike adver- tle doubt that smoking leads to consumption or tuberculosis. A study of the period 1930-1950 will be most interesting and will doubtless show a marked increase in tuberculosis of the female pop- ulation." (In 195~ the U. S. Public Health Service reported that the tuberculosis death rate for fe- males had decreased from 68.9~ in 1930 to 14.7 in 1950, 7.0 in 1953, and was still on the decrease.) The tuberculosis association was dropped as the infectious nature of that ailment became known. Medical attention shifted to increasing death rates from cancer, and especially lung cancer (although the lung cancer death rate did not rise as much as the tubereulosis death rate decreased). It was inev- itable that someone should attempt to associate tobacco with this new-or, rather, previously rarely-diagnosed - ailment. Newest cigarette factory is this Lori~rd plant-at Greensboro, North Carolina. The Old North ~tate now manu[actures 56% o~ the nation's cigarettes, 38~ of its s'raoking tobacco, and 82~c o[ its plug. HNAT 00017451
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Tobacco ~rnd~t~on rem~i~ ~trong dor~g the banes or~.[ou~h o~ ~he ~ztion's c~gar~t~es ~nd dso ~ quaffer o~ fhe county's smoking tobacco poundage. The attempt to associate smoking wit~ respira- tor)" cancer was touched off in 1953 by a researcher who painted mice with concentrated tobacco ex- tract and thereby induced skin cancers. Thousands of the litth creatures were sacrificed in scienti6c efforts to duplicate these results, most of them un- successful. No lung cancer was induced in any experimental animal by the administration of to- bacco smoke. Yet this was glossed over by the anti- cigarette crusaders: statistics were produced to show correlations between smoking and respirator). death rates. The lengthening span of life, the van- quishing of infectious diseases, and the resultant increase in neoplastic ailments whetted interest in the unknown cause of cell growth run wild. News- papers converted their reporters into science writers who outdid one another in grisly interpretations of death rates. It was in Washington, before a Congressional hearing in ~IUlY 19o'7, that the "Great Tobacco Ques- tion" got its most complete examination. A number of reputable scientists testi~ed that there was no sound basis for the cigarette cancer theory. The chief medical statistician of the Mayo Clinic ob- served that the statistical studies alleging associa- t.ion were rendered suspect by the lack of any "Tobacco Row," above, includes [actories o[ Philip Morris, Larus & Brother (Edgeworth smoking tobacco) and The American Tobacco Company. Not visible in picture is Liggett & Myers plant. pathological or biological evidence. A Yale pathol. ogist testified he had found it impossible to induce cancer in sensitive embryonic lung tissue with to- bacco derivatives, although he had done so with coal tar. An American Medical Association cancer research committee chairman testified that, even accepting the mouse skin cancer experiment as valid, a human would have to smoke 100,000 cigarettes daily to get an equivalent exposure. A New York professor of medicine pointed out that the relative percentage of female lung cancers was decreasing. although the number of female cigarette smokers was increasing. A Texas pathologist questioned whether lung cancer was increasing, or only the diagnosis of lung cancer. Dogs, it was pointed out, showed an increase in lung cancer but no increase in cigarette smoking. Possibly prompted by the publicity attending the hearings, Dr. Charles W. Mayo, head of the famous clinic, was moved to announce: "I just don't believe smoking causes lung cancer." Later the same year, the Southern Medical Asso- ciation received proof that cigarette smoking is not necessarily associated with diminished longevity or a higher risk of lung cancer or heart disease. Studies in nine cigarette plants of The American MNAT 00017452
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Tobacco Company, invol~g more than 115,000 person-years and extenc~ug more than ten years, documented a population wh/ch (1) smoked far more cigarettes than the aver- age- double the number consumed by the U. S. urban population; (2) delta/rely I/red longer than average; and (3) showed average or lower-than-average death rates for c.ancer, lung ~ancers, ~- vascula~ end coronary disease. "The existence of s~ch a population," the study concluded, ~makes it manifest that cigarette smok- tug per se is not necessarily or invariably associated with a higher risk of lung cancer or heart disease or with d/mintshed longevity." The basic research was not a cigarette company product: mortality con- clusions had been publ/shed by two scientists of the U. S. Publ/c Health Service, Dorn and Baum, and the smoking habits survey of the same general pop- ulation was done by the Institute of Statistics of the University of North Carolina. Automatic smoking machine, perfected during 30s, removes solid components o~ cigarette smoke under conditions which simulate normal human smoking. The upward curve of cigarette use continued, hut the ~ealth scare" led to ~e revival o~ ~e old mou~pie~ cigarette on~ ~avored by to~a~ ~d nove]~-~n New Yor~ers. From a ~ge ~si~on ~ 195], ~ 1% of ~e domestic m~ket, filter ~p bran~ rose to ~% of sales by IOn. ~at ~ed ~ a h~]~ tad ~as ~doubtedly ~ by ~e attenuation general: "~s" ~e a des~ at~bute not only ~ cig~eRe ~oke but a~o ~ ~r, ~ffee, ~d o~er ~mesfibl~. ~e ~ter-fip also ~n~buted to ~e dg~e~e ~ a ~venien~ ~iele, e~na~ng ]~se toba~ en& ~d ~or~g a fi~er p~ehase ~tween ~e ~ps. S~ filter tips were less e~en-. We ~ ~e tobae~ ~ey repaid, m~ac~rers tumbled over each other ~ ~e ra~ to create and promote new filter brads. ~e filter brands evolved ~rom the so-called "mou~pieee" cig~eRe w~ch dates from ~e n~e- t~n~ ~n~. A ~ paper ~ e~ended from • e toba~ ~l~n ~ntained a p~ of ~tton •rough which ~e ~oke s~e~ passed. ~ese were hard-t~man~ae~e, e~nsive ~ecialties (as br~d n~es ~e ToPoi ~d Svob~a sug- gest). ~e premi~-p~d Parl~ment ~odu~d in I~2 by ~nson & Hedges ~ such a mouth- pie~ ~g~e~e. In ~e popular-pried field the filter cigarette was also ve~ much of a special~ item prior to the 19~s. The Viceroy brand, introduced in 1936 by Brogm & Williamson, used a cylinder of folded paper rather ~an a hollow tube gSth cotton. It achieved only nominal volume until 1952, when • e filter move began. In 19~ V~eroy changed to • e ~p of ~ulose a~tate, a material which quickly ~came ~e "nodal" filter. ~ filter demand rose, brands multip~ed. Kent ~gan in 1952 as a high-filtration brand with the ~adename'Mi~onite" to ~ggest the micro-dimen- sional fi~rs ~ its tip. L & M, brought out ~ 1953 wi~ ~e ~llulose acetate ~p, later added crosswise fi~rs to ~crease filte~g e~eien~. Wilton was introduced in 19~, also with a ~llulose acetate tip, and by 1955 ~came the largest-selling filter brand. Marlboro appeared ~ 19~ with a cellulose acetate filter tradenam~ "Seleetrate" and packed in a MNAT 00017453
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"Practical" or everyday research is described by the phrase "'quality control." Here cigarette shreds are magni~ed [or accurate laboratory measurement. hinged "flip-top" or crush-proof box. In 1956 came Salem, which offered menthol flavoring in addition to its filter tip. These six brands constituted the maior entries in the filter field by 1958. The market multiplied. In 1954 filter versions of the Herbert Tareyton and Old Gold brands ap- peared; the latter brand was now a thrce-way ciga- rette, offering a regular, a nonfilter king, and a filter, all under the same brand name. Other "splits" followed: Kool and Raleigh came out with filters. (Chester[ield and Philip Morr/s had already split into two-way nonfilter brands, each adding a king size to its standard size brand.) Innovations in filtration continued. Parliament promoted high filtration and a 1A-inch recess at its mouth end. The use of cellulose acetate was aban- doned in 1958 by Hit Parade in favor of an alpha cellulose tip, the obiect being higher filtration. The same year a double tip was offered by Dual Filter Tareyton; this tip was designed to give high filtra- tion of smoke vapors as well as the high filtration. of smoke solids previously emphasized, and used activated eharcoaI in its inner filter element for this purpose. . - The innovating process was greatly spurred in 1957 by a quickened public interest in high filtra- tion. This term was generally understood to mean substantial reduction in delivered smoke solids; to achieve this, some filters were tightened, some added granular material to the bundle of cellu- lose acetate fihments, and some used microscopic crimping processes. High filtration- expressed in various ways- became prominent in the promo- tion of several filter brands, most notably Kent, Parliament, and Hit Parade. Volume increases dur-" ing the half-dozen years ended with 1958 were sudden and substantial: by the end of this span Winston had achieved a volume of 42,300,000,000, Kent ~5,000,000,000, L & M P.,5,900,000,000, Viceroy ~1,000,000,000, Marlboro 90,700,000,000, and Salem 1~,000,000,000. These levels compared with re- ported totals of 68,500,000,000, 58,000,000,000, and 47,200,000,000 for the three largest brands, the nonfilter Camel, Pail Mall and Lucky Strike, re- spectively. In its rise the filter market absorbed (and en- larged) the once-limited demand for mentholated smokes. This traced to 1~26, when the old Axton- Fisher company brought out its Spud brand. How- ever this market, like the naouthpiece market, re- mained small for many years. Only Bro~a] & WiMamson's Kool-which offered prize coupons along with menthol flavoring during the 1930s- managed to achieve any kind of volume as a non- ~ter cigarette (12,700,000,000 by 1955). In 1956, however, Salem combined menthol flavoring with a filter tip and began to increase. By the end of the Iollowqng year the menthol-filter market included a filtered Kool, a filtered Spud, Oasis and Newport in addition to Salem. By the end of 1958 men- tholated brands accounted for about one out of every six filter cigarettes smoked, one out of every twelve cigarettes of all types. Re,catch Although each of the large cigarette companies now boasts an impressive research department, re- search in the scientific sense is relatively new to • HNAT 00017454
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the tobacco industry. For the first quarter of the present century only the very largest firms even used the word - to mean, for all practical purposes, the kitchen craft of mixing flavoring recipes. Leaf buying was an art learned by tobacco men, not ,in any respect a science. During the P.0s and 30s, as individual brands grew big enough to require up to L~0,000,000 pounds of good cigarette leaf in a single year, it was possible for the smartest leaf buyers to be out- smarted on the markets. Sometimes a bad-weather crop did not yield enough good leaf for all; some- ~nes an alert company would snap up all the Iow- nicotine leaf on a given market the very fu-st day, perhaps buying two years' supply instead of one and thus forcing the competition to buy the stronger pipe grades. Brand trends were sometimes created right on the warehouse floor, since the stronger cigarette thus "created" might easily lose consumers irrespective of the influence of adver- tising and brand psychology. Here was an opening for science - to define leaf characteristics (principally nicotine content) in precise chemical terms, preferably in advance of the market breaks by analyzing leaf samples gath- ered by scouts. This foreknowledge of the crop in various regions led to better management of buying organizations, better utilization of inventoried leaf. Analysis was extended to other tobacco constitu- ents- sugar, essential otis, aromatics. During the 1930s, with development of the automatic smoking machine, the composition of smoke itself was inves- tigated, and the components of. smoke traced to their precursors in the leaf. Fundamental differ- ences were lound between the acid-producing Bright, the base-forming Burley and the aromatics- rich Turkish. In contrast to the flavoring formuhs, always dosdy guarded trade secrets, much of this basic research was published in scientific iournals. As research disclosed that the dimensions of a cigarette strongly influence the composition of its smoke and therefore its taste, research was drawn Battle o~ the brands began as three.cornered fight among Camel, Lucky Strike and Chesterfield; these brands at one time accounted ~or 90% of cigarette sales. Entry of Old Gold in 19~6 and Philip Morris in 19~ made the big brands five in number. Brand battlefield expanded as kings became big factors - Pall Mail, Herbert Tareyton, and 85ram, offshoots of Cheste~eM, Philip Morris, OM Gold. We years ~Iter bran~ have moved up-Winston, Kent, L& M, V~eroy, Marlboro, Parliament, Salem. HNAT 00017455 I
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Basic or "pure" rmeorch on the composition of cigorette smoke makes no heodtines but has great long-run importance in bettering product quality. Uc~'ture c~ntent of [actm~ samples is checked by drying the tobacco in miniature laboratory oven. Tests of this kind are port of a regular routine. into quality control of manulactu.,ing. Using vari- ous tests- tests for airflow or "draw," tests for moisture content, tests for strand length, tests for loose ends, tests of cigarette paper- the labora- tories made major contributions to uniformity of product. The logical next step, developing milder and sweeter strains of tobacco, was a joint effort, shared by company researchers and the Experiment Sta- tions of the U. S. Department of Agriculture and of the var/ous states. This tTpe of cooperation was begun in 1949, and by 1953 most of the large cigarette firms were participating. The rise of the filter brands during the 50s brought research into the limelight. Findings of the "independent laboratory," confirming company research, became a prominent feature of cigarette ads. Usually such finding testified to a low level of nicotine and smoke solids (the htter inaccurately referred to as "tars"). From a scientific viewpoint, the emphasis on reduced smoke solids was anoma- lous, since these solids embody the taste and flavor of tobacco smoke. However, the public had been conditioned to demand reduced smoke solids, and such reduction simply responded to this demand. But different methods of smoke analysis yidded different results. As the 60s began, companies v.,hich had used nicotine and "tar" references in advertising eliminated them. Although no amount of chemical analysis can predict what the public taste will be, research can tailor a product to what the public taste is. Varia- t.ions in filter tips were manufactured in factories but conceived by white-coated Ph.D.s in the labo- ratories. As in other industries, scientific maturity in to- bacco was signalized by the arrival of basic research -research not aimed at an immediate or momen- tar), competitive edge, but rather intended to sur- round manufacturing with a thorough knowledge of tobacco in its growing, its curing, its aging, its combustion. Beginning in 1952, radioactive tracers were used for more precise smoke analysis; one large company even purchased an interest in a nuclear reactor to further this line of inquiry. Studying an organic substance like tobacco is akin .to studying the life process itself, for the constitu- ents of leaf change constantly during aging and burning. In this sense, research on tobacco may never end. And in the practical, competitive sense research may also be endless, for every generation of consumers seems to redefine the meaning of "tobacco quality." Pounds and dollars There are nov," 600,000 farmers who grog" tobacco for cash sale. The cash averages more thau one billion dollars a )'ear, and much of it goes to HNAT 00017456
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small farmers. In the flue-cured tobacco area allot- ments average about 3.4 acres; in the Burley region, about one acre. By the time the amaua] billion dollars" worth of tobaccois auctioned, ordered, stemmed, aged, cut, blended, eased and packaged as cigarettes or smok- ing tobacco, it is worth about $1.6 billion. That value is more than doubled by the addition of Fed- e~,,: e.~,.~o~.- ~.~xes, ~h~c~ ia~ ?,.~5o amounted ~o $1.7 billion. Costs of shipment, selling and advertising, plus the manuheturer's profit, add about ~.5 lion, lif~g the value d the crop to ~.8 billion. When it is distributed to the jobbers the state taxes -about ~ million worth-are added. After allow- anee is made for wholesalers" and retailers' protks, and a smidgeon of tobacco imports made from for- eign crops, the retail total of tobacco products in America for 1958 was $8.5 billion. Virtually the only place where the big cigarette brands are not on sale is the bottom of the Grand Canyon. Fresh "~e~elable" One of the problems -perhaps the most impor- tant prc~]e.m - in this v,~e distributio.~ is keeping it fresh. In a country like Cuba, a natural humidor, cigars and cigarettes keep well; in the temperate zones, artificial means of moisture con- trol are needed, and the irregularity of such care in retail outlets has prevented any wide appreciation of the thvor of Rue cigars. Dried animal bladders A beginning in automatic packaging was made with the "cup" package-layers of paper-backed foil, a paper label and, later, a glassine or cellophane $.58 .I ]acket. At first, laminated "cups" were preformed and cigarettes inserted by hand (above); now, the pack is machine.shaped around twenty cigarettes. HNAT 00017457
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used as tobacco containers by the early Spanish sailors were equivalent to the sealed cellophane ~-aps introduced in 1931 |or cigarettes. Tinfoil, originally used as a plug preserver, was carried over to pipe tobacco and cigarettes. Cardboard boxes, the first packing for cigarettes, were relatively d~- able but their contents were subiect to bruising and drying-out, particularly ~fter the fast couple of cigarettes had been smoked. The foR-lined, cello- pbane-wrapped, flexible cup package, which mini- mizes this kind of damage, came into general use along with the fast American blends, and most brands have used this packing dnce. As important to the slender cigarette as its outer wrapping is its inner preservative or hygroscopic agent, for holding the moisture content constant. The first such agent was glycerin, which came into generaluse during the 1890s. Like the giant "order- ing" cylinders which recondition the leaf as it comes from the markets, and the electronic moistme meters which keep tabs on the blended tobacco during its factory stages, the hygroscopic easing thwarts the rotting and withering that phgued the Tobacco Fleet shipments of colonial times. Since the flavor of the delivered smoke is strongly Influenced by the cigarette's weight, length and diameter, precision manufacture is vittl to uniform- Ry of product. Shredding machines and "making machines," both adjustable to hairline tolerances, are much the same in every factory. For exact con- Making machine now has " zrutsing ~eear" of I ~ cigarettes per minute, top speed over 1,500. Flow of paper and shredded tobacco is exactly regulated so finished product will not vary. Machine prints brand name on ribbon of paper, ]orms, pastes, and shears tobacco tube. HNAT 00017458
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Di~culty o~ ~eserving optimum ~avor in retail outlets put the cigar at a disadvantage as against the cigarette, lmtter had more protective package. contained moisture-retaining agent lacking in the cigar. Open-box display in non-humidified showcase made for dried-out goods, especially in the North. tro] of the weight, length and thickness of each indiv/dual cigarette, beta-ray control devices are synchron/zed with the makers. But along w/th the factory s/mila~ties there are dJSerences. Some pro- ducers still stem the raw leaf by hand, so that after the "s~/p leaf~ passes through the factory and its cutting knives the shreds in the finished cigarette will be long. Others me thrashing machines to sepa- rate stem from leaf, the heavier stem par~:icles being separated out by gravity. Even the timing of stem- ruing is varied: a "green-leaf" stemmery takes out the midrib before the strip lea~ is aged in the stor- age she&, whih the unmodified word ~temmery" usual]y refers to the stemming of ]eaves after they have been sweated in hog,head for two or three years. There is no universal standard for this long "to- bacco sleep," either; for some years tight storage in sealed steel-roofed sheds was the rule, but of late ventilated storage has been widely and successfully used. The most obvious variation from brand to brand is the blend formuh, now as in the plug-and- licorice days the best guarded of trade secrets. Thus the leaf market has been stabilized by the buying pattern of the large cigarette makers who use about 80% of each year's crop. As their brands have become national, manufacturers have been forced to buy the leaf grades that maintain consist- ent taste in their trademarked brands. Buying to price is not, of course, unknown. But over the years farmers came to know in a general way whose buyers went for which grades. As the "Big Five" MNAT 00017459
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Vitally important is tag meter, which measures the tobaccNs moisture content at evenj manufacturing stage. Although typical cigarette plant is itself a standard brands split up into king-size, filter tip and menthohted specialties during the 50s, the pat- tern of "buying to the trademark" was obvious not only to the ~ grower but even to the consumer. In creating new blends, a company's manu~actur. ing department is not g/yen to wide departures from the proven recipes which had secured its par- tieular share of the market. Each company's various cigarette brands-even ff advertised independently of each other under different trademarks - tend to comprise a recognizable "family." One maker might be geared to Barley blends in which the Burley runs to the lighter "cigarette grades" and is moder- ately flavored. Another's blends might run to heavy Barley, even approaching the pipe tobacco types, thickly eased. A third might keep the Barley pro- portion down, relying on a greater amount of Bright • I- huge humidor, exact control c~ mo~ure level is necessary so that ~nal produa will retain flavor as tong as possible through ~ distribution chain. for sweetness, and adding a minimum of flavoring. Around these different formuhe grew different management formulae, different approaches to the market. At one extreme, R was buying the best leaf available and spending less pe~ 1,000 cigarettes for advertising-relying heavily on the brands' built-in ability to generate their ownmpeat business. At the other extreme, it was the reverse: limiting the leaf expenditure to provide a wide "factory spread" and make liberal promotional outlays possible. In hunching a new brand, this posed (and still poses) a nice problem. To win business from established brands, quality of product must be maximized; on the other hand, building a mew brand name, win- ning consumer attention against the competition of hundreds of advertisers in all media, requires a maximum of "available spread" for advertising. In HNAT 00017460
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the flurry Of new-braod activ/ty following World War II, the odds against new brands - even those pushed by large corporations - were amply dem- onstrated. More than half the new cigarettes to enter the ~ght for sales did not gain enough volume to |ratify multimillioa-dollar promotion budgets, and quietly |oined the ghostly limbo of minor brands two or three years aher birth. Every manu- facturer's price list to the trade is packed with such trademarks, once promising and now unadvertised. They hang on, maintaining a tr/dde of repeat busi- ness here and there, even after all promotion has ceased, for nothing is so di~cult to kill outright as a tobacco brand. There are ~ a Jew smokers who want to be nonchalant and light a Murad, who remember "ask Dad, he knows," and stay with Sweet Caporal even though neither brand has re- ceived any advertising to speak of since the 20s. F~ut ~. ~/~t Tobacco has been descr/bod as filling a change- less need in a world of change. The world of change in~uences form and fasl~ion; today the bulging cheek is outland/sh, yesterday the cigarette was a foreign curiosity, a "paper-collar stir." Yet the changeless need is much the same as the Amer/can Indiam knew two thousand yea~ ~go. The taste of the leaf has always been of the essence, despite the contention that smoking is purely psycho]ogica], "~omething to knep the hands busy." The most re- Once the stan.dard tobacco "package" for shipping, the hogshead is now a form of storage used mainly by manufacturers. Immediately after purchase, leaf is reconditioned and factory-prized into hogsheads, each weighing about 1,000 pounds. It is then nioved into storage sheds for two. or three-year "sleep." MNAT 00017461
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In batteries o~ storage sheds outside plant towns, manufacturers maintain inventories ot lea~ tobacco valued at more than $2.2 billion. Proper aging ot lea~ requires two or more years, during which the cent demonstration of this has been the filter tip lash/on, which spread to nearly one-half the total cigarette market between 1951 and 1959. The lead- ing filter brands, following the shakedown period, were those that preserved the taste of the tobacco. The same basic truth had been shown before in the failure of vegetable substitutes for tobacco to sur. v/re, and in the failure of denicot/nized smokes to win more than the barest fringe of the market for tobacco products. No doubt the precise physiological need filled by tobacco will someday be known. Up to now, its exact ~ature has been a puzzle to scientists. The measurable effects include an almost immediate tobacco" sweats," undergves chemical change. Crops ~rom several years are kept [or blending purposes. Large inventories also make i~ possible to average out occasional crop failures, keep blend unchanged. contract/on of the smaller blood vessels and a low- ering of skin temperature. Professor Sidney I1uss of the University of London descr/bes this as "a slight cooling of the skin of the extrernit/es of the body or a feel/ng of nervous rel/ef." This is not, bewever, the whole story, for more recent research indicates that the peripheral va~o-constriction/s accompa- nied by dilation of the htrger, inner b]cod vessels. Thus, as Russ observes, smoking "although a stimu- lant, may ~aevertheless act as a sedative and allow the seeker after sleep to find it." Smoking as such is older than tobacco smoking;, the smoking of opium (morphine) for its powerful sedative ei~ect had become a common custom in the Far East long MNAT 00017462
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Columbia postage ~tamp ~mnmemorates 1956 visit to U.S. by lavier Fereira, said to have been b~n in 1789, year Washington was inaugurated as President. Legend quotes l$7.year-old Pereira's advice: Don't worry, take plenty ~ coffee, smoke a good cigar." before tobacco was introduced. Hemp (mari- huana) has also been smoked in various parts of the world in "reefers," or its essence taken as hashish. "If man must smoke," concludes Russ, "let it be something which in the past has left ~m with a good bill of health, for no such degradation of the mind or body has been attributed to smoking to- bacco as can be abundantly proved among the ad- diets of opium and hemp." A half-serious, half-comic echo of Russ' view- point arrived in New York City in 1956, in the per- son of the one Javier Pereira, an ancient citizen of Colombia, South America. Less than five feet in height, toothless but scrappy, Sefior Pereira was alleged to be 167 years old. Although public inter- est in his long life was a transitory, newpaper- nourished phenomenon, Pereira managed to com- municate his secret for longevity before being whisked back to his native South America village: "Don't worry; take plenty'of cofl~ee; and smoke a good cigar." It was appropriate advice from a de- scendant of the jungle Indians who may have rolled the first cigars from Nicotiana tabacum. The use of incense to produce fragrant smoke is as old as civilization; among the gifts brought by the Three Wise Men to Bethlehem were franktn- '264 cease and myrrh. In nneient Greece, long before "Turkish" tobacco was grown there, the smoke of burning laurel enveloped the prophetess of Delphi. and the smoke of coltsfoot was used as a medicine. (In Br/tain, centuries afterward, coltsfoot was used for this propose and also as an adulterant of pipe tobacco). Herodotus wrote of the scattering of hemp-seeds on hot stones to produce an intoxicat- ing smoke which was especially appreciated after dinner. It seems probable that smoking for pleasure was more characteristic of the older East, while smoke as a medicine more typical of the "scientific" e/vilizations of the West. This cultural characteris- t/c was illustrated by the sixteenth-century Euro- pean eraphas/s on tobacco as a cure-all when it was first introduced from the New World. One sm~e/d If any proof of the universality of smoking were needed, .it was given in 1954 when ashtrays were set around the tables of the Security Council in the United Nations building. "Apparently," interpreted the New York Times, "United Nations officialdom could no longer hold out against delegates who felt that ambassadorial rank should at least carry with it the right to put match to cigarette." More significant than this concession to the herbe de lambassadeur was the recognition that the com- mon man's right to a good cigarette transcends ideological differences. Later the same year this roundup of Communist newspaper items was dis. patched from Vienna: Government-operated tobacco plants in Poland. Hunga~., Bulgaria and Rumania have come un- der o~cial fire for marketing smokes adulterated gSth straw, dirt. stones and worse. Polish cigarettes are often so dry and loosely packed that they flare up like a fu~e and scorcia the smoker's lips, Warsaw newspapers reported. The Bulgarian Communist publication Narona Tribuna said that workers in many districts were sold e/garettes coated w/th mold. Budapest's Magyar Nemzet said that one irate customer went to a state tobacco factor" and forced the director to smoke one of his c'igar.ettes. The direc- tor "turned green" and suffered a choking spell the newspaper added. In their taste for tobacco, free men and slaves are not far apart; in manufacture, the two have been worlds apart, as the experience of Americans them- seh,es suggests. MNAT 00017463
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I,~ point d distauce, it is only 19 miles from Jarnestown to Yorktown. And in l:mint o~ tobacco progress, it was ~ot far from tee Jamestown settle- ment to the Yorktown surrender even though years separated the two events. Tobacco cult/ration ~d not advance; rather, it was extended. No manu- facture arose, no dgn~cant improvements were made in the quality of leaf. Nor did America as a whole develop. 4rcatl)" during ~',e colonial years- it merely enlarged, mile by mile, village by village, f~-m by farm. But the next 175 yem's were quite different. The spark of independence set o~ chain reactions in manufacturing, agriculture, manners and tastes. Ultimately, it fa'ed America to the greatest produc- tive power and the highest standard of living imown ~ mankind. The emergence of the world's leading tobacco industry is only a part of that t~ans- formation. But ~o pree.isely does it parallel the emergence of the United States that the story Americ-,.-J:s and tobacco is mor~ tha~ an mdustzial chronicle. It is a lesson iu social science, in nomics, in hi~tory; R is, in its ow~ way, a testament of HNAT 00017464
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1492 Columbus reaches West Indies, Knds natives 1750 smoking tobacco mils. 1518 Juan de Grijalva lands in Yucatan. observes cig- 176~ arette smoking by n~tives. 1519 Cortez conquers Aztec capitol, finds Mexican natives smoking perfumed reed cigarettes. 1780 1530 Bernardino de Sahag~m, missionary in Mexico, -81 distinguishes between sweet commercial tobacco (N/cofian~ tabac'um) and coarse Nicot~na ru~- 1781 1534 "Tall tobacco"-sweet, broadieaved Nicot~n~ 1788 ~-~am- transplanted from Central American mainland to Cuba and Santo Domingo. 1794 1548 Portuguese cultivate tobacco in Brazil for com- mercial export. 1805 1556 Thevet transplants Nicot~n~ ~bacum from Bra- zil to France, describes tobacco as a creature 1810 comfort. 1560 Jean Nicot sends N~cot~na ru~ic~ plants from 1820 L/sbon to Paris court, describes tobacco as pana- 15~4 Sir John Hawkins and/or his crew probably 1839 introduce pipe smoking/nto England. 1612 John llol~e tr~es Latin American seed at James- 1843 town, raises first commerical crop of "tall tobac- cO' (N~cot~ana tabacum) in what is now the U.S. 1854 Spain channels all tobacco exports from her New World colonies to Seville; Virginia colony enters world tobacco market under English protection. I633 Connecticut settled; tobacco crop raised at Wind- 1864 ~or shortly thereafter. 1634 Maryland settled by Calverts under ~nd grant ior the "planting of tobacco." 1865 1639 Governor Kieh bans smoking in New An~terdam (New York); citizens ignore ed/ct. 1676 Heavy taxes levied in tobacco by V/rgin/a Gov- ernor Berkeley lead to Bacon's Iteben/on, a fore- tast~ of American Revolution. 186,5 1713 Inspection regulations passed to keep up stand- -70 ards of V/rgi~a leaf exports (not e~[ective until 1730). 1883 1730 First American tobacco factories begun in Vir- 1890 ginia - small snu~ mills. 1614 Gilb~ Stuart builds mul~ mill in lthode Island, hi~ product~ ~ ~ ~ b~dd~. ~I ~ae] ~ ~ to New England ~ ~gn ~ ~ doPey-loads o~ ~g~. ~ War" ~g~ by ~rd ~~ ~ ~ to decoy ~h of ~e~'s ~it a~. ~ Je~erson ~ggests toba~ cultivation in ~'westem mun~ on ~e Mississippi.~ S~h New ~l~m o~n~ for ex~ o~ to-by ~e~mns ~ Mhsissippi valley. ~s l~es tax on mu~ but leaves smo~ng ~ng tobac~ untaxed. and ~ark e~lore No~w~t, using gifts ~gar.mll~ brought to Su~dd, Connec~- ffnin l~l worken. ~ uaden o~n ~e San~ Fe Uafl, find ~ten~ ~g me~ for V~g~ia leaf. "ya~er~re~ ~ No~ Caro~na- presages ~r~ B~ght toba~. F~ mono~ly ~gim man~acture of cigar- pre~ously a ~ggar's smoke in Spain. ~es wi~ T~h toba~ ~ ~ Cr~ea ~ T~h, Fren~ ~d Bri~h ~n b~g vo~e ~ to ~ndon. B~ley ~t ~vat~ ~ O~o Va~ey; a~nt new l~ proves idol for sweet- ~e~g to~. ~ of U~on ~d ~n~ate ~es sample ~at~ flue~ B~ght toba~ at ~r- S~on, Noah C~o~a. Na~onal demand ~ B~ght to~ ~; pi~ ~o~ng ~d for exotic Tur~sh ~g~ettes grows ~ ~York Ci~; s~lled E~op~n rollers impoRed N~ York toba~ shops. ~sack ~g~e~e mac~ne ~t~ in D~ham. of ~e~ng toba~ ~m~pUon ~ U. S., ~un~ ~ ~pim. ~NAT 00017465
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1907 Peak of cigar consumption in U.S., 86 per capita. 1910 Peak of smoking tobacco consumption in U.S., 1.75 pounds per capita. Sweetened Burhy ~ well as Bright, Maryland and Turk/sh tobacco used in pipe blends. 1913 American blended cigarette evolved from pipe blends. 1921 Cigarette becomes leading form of tobacco con- sumption. 1939 Introduction of 85 miIlimeter "king size" cigarette marks Erst significant change from the regular or 1952 Filter tip cigarettes begin to increase in popu- 1955 Reconstituted tobacco leaf recogn/zed as a tech. nological improvement by Department of Agr/cul. ture. Used ~rst in cigar binder, then in cigarette blends. 1958 Sales of tobacco products approximate $6.5 bil. lion, of which cigarettes account for seven- eighths. Retail total inehdes about $2.5 billion in federa/, state and municipal taxes.
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Although many "~Lstories of smoking" have been published over the years, the number of well- documented sources is small. Most of these concen- trate on a special aspect of the tobacco story: Discovery of tobacco in the western hem/~phere -Dickson, S. A., "Panacea or Precious Bane," The New York PubLic Library, New York, N. Y., 1954 Development of the continental market- Mae- Innes. C. M., "The Early English Tobacco Trade," Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., Ltd., Ion. don, 19.26 Emergence of the American manufacturing indus- try before the War Between the States - Bobert, J. C., .The Tobacco Ydngdom," Du~e University Press, Durham, North Carol/ha, 1938 Rise of Bright Tobacco in Virginia and North Carolina aher the War Between the States- Tilley, N. M., "The Bright-Tobacco Industry," University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, North Carolina, 1948 R/se of the cigarette industry- Tennant, It. A., "The American Cigarette Industry," Yale Un/ver- ~ity Press, New Haven, Conn., 1950 For a complete summary of current stat/st/cs cov- er/rig most phases of the industry, the "Annual Be- port on Tobacco Statistics" is published each spring by the Agricultural Marketing Serdce, U. S. De- partment of Agriculture, Washington, D. C. This agency also issues a quarterly ~ev/ew entitled "The Tobacco Situation." The best comprehensive h/stories of tobacco are: Brooks, J. E., "The Mighty Leaf," Little, Brown and Company, Boston, 1952 Robert, ]'. C., "The Story o~ Tobacco in Amer- ica," AHred A. Knopf, New York, N. Y., 1949 The best.known collect/on of tobacco materials has been annotated in Brooks, ]. E., "Tobacco, Its His- tory I]]ust~ated by the Books, Manuscripts and Engravings in the Library of George Arents, Jr.," Rosenbaeh, New York, N. Y., 1937-1943. An indiv/dua] company history was publ/shed in 19~ by The American Tobacco Company, New York, N. Y., entided "Sold American!" For the student desirous of tracing the year-by- year progress of a particular cigarette brand or company, the best factual source is the series of annual industry surveys published each December by Printers Ink Magazine, New York. This series began in 1941, and includes estimates of unit sales by brand. Selected bibliography: Anderson, P. J., "Growing Tobacco in Connect/- cut," Bulletin 564, Connecticut Agricultural Ex- periment Station, New Haven, Conn., 1953. Apperson, G. L., "The Social History of Smoking," Putnam, New York, N. Y., 1916 Billings, E. R.,"Tobaeeo. its Culture, Manufacture and Use," American Publishing Company. Hart- ford, Conn., 1875 Boyd, W. K., "The Story of Durham," Duke Uni- versity Press, Durham, N. C., 19"27 Connorton, J. w., "Tobacco Brand Directory of the United States," Chicago, II1., 188,5, 1886-87, 1903 Corti, E., "A History of Smoking~ (trans. Paul England 1, Harcourt, Brace, New York, 1~. Y., 1932 HNAT 00017467
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Cox, B., "CompetR/on in the American Tobacco Industry, 1911-1932,~' Columbia University Press, New York, N. Y., 1933 DeVoto, B. (ed.), "The Journals of Lew/s and Clark," Houghton M/~n Company, Boston, 19,53 Dodge, J. R., "Statistics of Manufactures of To- bacco and of its Commercial Distribution, Expor- tat/on, and Prices," Tenth Census, 1880. III, 881- Dowdey, C., "The Great Plantation," R/aehatt, New York, N. Y., 19o-/ Fisher, R. L., "rhe Odyssey of Tobaceo," The Prospect Pr~, Litehfleld, Conn., 1~9 Gage, C. E., "Amer/can Tobacco Types, Uses, and Markets," Circular No. ~19, U. S. Department of Agriculture, Washington, D. C., 1942 Gage, C. E., "Historical Factors Affeet/ng Ameri- can Tobaceo Types and Uses and the Evolutiov. of the Auet/on Market," Agricultural History 11:4~-57 (January, 1937) Go~egen, J. J., "robaeeo," Pitman, New York. N.Y~ 1~o Hamilton, A. E., ~ Smoking World," Century, New York, N. Y., 1927 Horgan, P., '~ne Centuries of Santa Fe," E. P. Dutton, New York, N. Y., 1956 Jenkins, J. W., "James B. Duke," George H. Doran Co., New York. N. Y., 1927 Killebrew, J. B., ``Report on the Culture and Cur- ing of Tobacco in the Un/ted States," Tenth Census, 188~, III, 583-880 Lavender, D., "Bent's Fort," Doubleday, Garden City, N. Y., 1954 McDonald, A. F., "~rhe History of Tobacco Pro- duct/on in Connect/cut/" Yale University Press, 1936 Middleton, A. P., "Tobacco Coast,~ The Mariners Museum, Newport News, Va.o 1953 Morton, L., "Robert Carter of Nornini Hall," Colonial Wili/amsburg, Inc., Will/amsburg, Va., Nieholls, W. H., "Price Pol/cies in the Cigarette Industry;" The Vanderbilt University Press, Nash- ville, Northrop, E., ~$cience Looks at Smoking," Cow- ard-McCann, New York. N. Y., 1957 Nussbaum, F. L., "American Tobacco and French Politics, 1783-1789," Political Science Quarterly, Vol. XI No. 4 (December, 192,5) Ort/z, F., *Cuban Counterpoint: Tobacco and Sugar," Alfred A. Knopf, New York, N. Y., 1947 Penn, W. A., "The Soverane Herb," Grant Rieh- ~, London, 1901 Ross A., "The Fur Hunters of the Far West," University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, Okla., 1956 Russ, S., "Smoking and Its Effects," Hutchinson's, London, 1955 Spinden, H. J., "Tobacco is American,~ The New York Public Library, New York, N. Y., 1950 Stoughton, J. A., "A Comer Stone of Colonial Commerce," Little Brown and Company, Boston, 1911 Wemer, C. A., "Tobaceoland," The Tobacco Leaf Publishing Company, New York, 19o'~~ Willison, C. F., "Behold Virginia?" Harcourt. Brace, New York, N. Y., 1952 Winkler, J. K.. "Tobacco Tycoon," Random House. New York, N. Y., 1942 Wroth, L. C., "Tobacco or Codfish." The New York Public Library, New York. N.Y., 1954 Young, W. W., "l'he StoD' of the Cigarette," Appleton, New York, N. Y., 1916 MNAT 00017468
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The American Tobacco Company - 8 top. 41, 98(4), 99(4). 13. 131 leh. 145. 153 fight. 162. 163, 164. 165 bottom. 177, 185. 196 top, 204, 206, 212(4), 213, 221.2"26-227 top. 228. 23.2. 234 I4), 235(3). 239, 231 dght, 254, 255. 257 (2), 259..261,262. 263. Arents Co]lee't/on. New York Public Libra,.'- 9, 10. 11(2). 12. 13. 14. 15. 18. 19(4). 20(.2). 23, 24 bottom. 27. 28. 30. 31.32-33. 35 (.2). 37 left. 38. 39.43. 46, 53. 54(2), 55, 62(2), 79. 87, 105, 118. 124. 216. Be]la Landauer Collection. New York Histodcal Society - 96,9T, 106,107(2),131 fight. 133, 147,149, 157,166, 170,171,172,174,176(2),183,191(2),]92.193,207. 208(2),209(2), 217. Bettman Archive- 16 fight, 34.37 fight, 39, 51 bottom. 6l. 63. 65 bottom. 66. 75. 120, 121,148. 189. 195. 199 center, 205 top. 210. 211 top. 250 fight. Brown Brothers- 17 bottom. 26, 29. 47, 48. 51 top. 60. 64 ]eft. 82. 109. 110. 115. 122("2). 136. 144. 165 top. 180. 198. 199 left. 199 fight. 201 bottom. 202 right. 203. 205 bottom. 214 left. 215(2), 230, 246 left, 256. 260. Brown & Williamson Tobacco Company - 247. Culver Ser~'/ce -7, 8 bottom, 16 left, 17 top, 24 top, 25, 86, 49. 52, 65 top, 68, 69, 73, 74, 77, 78.81, 83, 86, 90(2), 91, 94, 103, 108, 114(2), 116, 119. 125, 130, 143, ]59. 160(2), 161, 169. ]73, 182, 184 center, 187, 196 bottom, 197 top, ~X)0, 20] top, 202 left, 214 right, 226 bottom (2), 236(2), 242. 246 right, 250 left, 251 left. Jamestown-Williamsburg-Yorktown National Celebration Commission -- 45. Liggett & Myers Tobacco Company -- 140. 237 top. National Park Service - 50. P. Lorillard Company- 190 top, 194(3), 252. Philip Morris, Inc. - 211 bottom, 241. R. J. Reynolds Tobacco Company - 184 right, 224,225. Sol Lesser Productions - 21. Standard Oil Company (New Jersey) - 5, li1,151, 231,265. Underwood - 2.2.2. Virginia State Chamber of Commerce - 44.70.71.76. 229. 253. Wide World Photos - 64 right, 23T bottom. 243. MNAT 00017469
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AAA (Agricultural Adjustment Act), 231 Adams, John Qu/ncy, 9091 adulteration of tobacco, 41, 48 advertising. 5. 94, 107. 148. 161-162. 238-241, 245, 260-262 Africa, 9.5-26, 30. 34 aging of leaf. 260, 263 air cure, 32, 47, 48, 98, I08, 109 Alarcon, Fernando de, 8, 9 Allen and Ginter, ~07, ~09, 211 allotments, acreage, 231, 9.58 "American cigars," 91 American Federation of Labor, ~02 American Indians. 12. 19, 29-30, 62-63, 142 American Snuff Company, 248 American Tobacco Company, The, 185, 213-o-14, 0-19, 222, 237, 245, 246, 0-47, 248, 252, anti-tobacco movements. 47, 214-215, 250-254 anti-tobacco statutes, 83 anti-trust decisions, 219 Arawak Indians, ]2, 20, 64 Arikaras Indians. 119, ]0-1-123 aristocracy of t/dewater, 68ff., 74-75 Arizona, 94 Arkansas. 93 auction sales, 179-183, 20-7-228 auctioneer, tobacco, 167, 180-183, 0.27-228 A "~a/on, 247 Aztec Indians, 7, I0, 19, ~0, 23, 9.7 Bacon. Nathaniel, Bacon's Bebellion, 56-57 bag jack, 164, 165, 176 Balboa, Miguel, 10 Baltimore, 77, 176, 171, 175, 177-179, ~08 Baltimore agents. 180 barbacoa, 98 barn door buying, 181 Barre, N/colas, 13 barrel cure, 98 barter in tobacco. 9.4, 120, 129, 9.42-243 Battle A.x, 136, 138 Bavuk, 248 Belgium, 34 Benzoni, Cirolamo, 15 Berkeley, Governor William, 56ff. Berkeley Hundred, 68-70, 7_4-75 Be~ F~avored Spanish Smoking Tobacco. 161 betum (petum. petun). 7. 9. 13. 14 17 binder tobacco. 88. 97. 100. 108. 9-48 black boy shop ~gures. ~J). 55. 198 Black Patch. 9.28-~30 Blackwel] Company. 163. 164. 9.18 B]ackwell. Vv'. T.. ]61. 178 Bloch Brothers. ~A8 bonded cigar manufacture. 99 Bonsack machine. 163. 2]2. 213 Boston. 81.91 Brady. Anthony N.. 218 brands, national. 92. 94. 106. 140. 142. 145. 161. 197. 238-240. 243-246 Brazil. 7.9. ]0. 11-14. 9.5 "breaks." 152. 180 Brebeuf. Jean de. 30 briar pipe. 19. 95. 236 Bright leaf. 51. 107. 133. 148. ]49. 150. 166. 169-170. 172-173. 177. 185. 227 British-American Tobacco Co.. 9.47 British Empire. 41.49. 51.61 broadleaf. 89. 95. 97. 108. ll0 Bronx. 193-194 Brown Decades. 107 Brown & Williamson Company. bulking. Bu,q Dudu~m. 161-162. 166. 168. 171. 176. 209. 2P.~. 225. 226-2~7. 233-235 bunchers. 99. 9.00-~ 1 "Burley blend." 0-22. 227. 9.43 Burle~ leaf. 89. 103. 109. 131-133. 145. 178. 183. 192. 9.22-~.3. ~.7 "buying to trademark." 9.61 Byrd. William. 53. 70 Byrd. Williarn II. 70-72 Cabral. Pedro. 8-9. ~5 cacao. 10 Calhoun. John C.. 116 CaLifornia. 17.88-89. 104. 129-131 calumet. 7.16.17. 19. 63. 95 Calverts. 4.50-51 Camel, 176, 9.22, 223-225, 246, 247, ~55 C~meo, ~1~ Cameron and Cameron, 174 Canaster, 61 cane dgar, 20 cane cigarette, 18, 20 cane tobacco, 37 Cardenas, Juan de, 15 Carib lnd/ans, 6. 12, 20, 31, 96 Carmen. Carter, Bobort, 71-72 Cartier. Jacques, 16, 31 Casa de Contracion de lndias, 101 casing, ~ee "flavorings" cassava, 33 "casse-tabac," 9-9 Castil]o, Bemal Diaz del, 20, 9.3 Caswell County, 150-151, 184 catcher, cigarette, 9.51 Cavalla tobacco, 223 Cavendish, 147 cellophane, 259 Champlain, Samuel de, 7, 2S-29, 120 Charles I1 of England, 57 cheroot, 96-97, 0-17 Chesapeake Bay, 52.54. 149 C~esapeake colonies, 42-79, 82. 113 Ches~er[ield, 223, 0-40, 245, 246, 9.55. 256 chewing tobacco. 8. 39. 103. 11%] 19. 181-143. 147-148. 153. 164. 178-179. 190-191. 236-237 ¢]~...wing tobacco brand names. 136-137. 171 Chicago. 170. 177. 178. 197.9.11 China. 25-9-6 ¢boco|ate. 84 cigar brand names. 88. 95. 106. 2]6 cigar oompanies. 248 cigar, domestic. 88. 97. 100. 9.35 cigar. £ve-eent. 106. 217. 235-236. 248 cigar, homemade. 85. 87. 128 cigar machinery. 235-236 cigar, origin. 7. ]1. ]4.20. 21.80ft. cigar rollers. 39. 87.99. 101. 102. 104. 106. 129. see also "manufacture. cigar" c/gar shapes: bankers. 248 HNAT 00017470
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coronaz. 14.97. 235 fancy' t~les. 99 palmas. 248 panetelas. 248 perfectos. 99. 246 premiers. 99 cigar store India.n. 197-200 cigarette brand names. I71.206-210. 216, cigarette cards, 212-213 cigarette, evolution of. 266 cigarette g/rls. 211. 250-251 cigarette mach/nery. 163. 176. 184. 212. 259 cigarette manufacture. 171. 175-176. 185. 204-206. 210-211. 258-260 cigarette rollen. 171. 175. 206. 9-11. 251 cigarettes: blend. 145. 176. 222-223. 227 ca.qe. 20 hand-rolled. 175 or/g~n. 19. 203-204 reed. 7. 20 "~eegaritos.'* cigarillos." 248 "cigart/sts." 102. 203 Cincinnati. 133. 177. 182. 192 cinnamon. 147. 164 "cinnamon blotch" wrapper. 91.97 Civil War. 154-155. 160. 184 Clark. Will, am. 121-124 Clay. Henry. 116 clay pipe. 19. 34. 6'2-64.95 clear Havana cigars. 87. 88. 90-91.94. 98-99. 105 Clemens. Samuel L.. see "Mark Twain" clergy. 67 climate and consumption, $9-40 climate and tobacco growing. 1 l. 40. 76. 65. 109. 131 Clinton. DeWitt. 189-190 coca. ll coEee. 34 cohobba. 25 "c~)lor~" leaf. I09. 149. 151 co]tsft~ot. 264 Co|umbus. Christopher. 6. 8. 9. 22. 31.96 combinations. 194. 218-219 common cigar, see "domestic cigar" " Communist tobacco. 264 Companie d'Occident. 112 competition. 256. 261-262 Conestoga. 86-87 Confederate States of America. 154. 157. 159 Connect/cut. 80ft.. 104. 120 Connecticut seedleaf. 91 Connecticut Valley. 80ft.. 120 consignment system. 61.73. 148. 154. 166. 192 Consolidated Cigar Co.. 248 consumption (charts) : chewing tobacco. 134-135. 178.179. 244-245 cigars. 100-101. 244-245. 248-249 cigarettes, 244-245, 248-249, 256 manufactured tobacco. 92-93, 134-135, 244-245 ~mo'idng tobacco. 178-179, 244-245 an~dL ¢onrdmpt/on, per capita, 62, 227, 233-238, 244.245 Corbett. Jim, 215 corncob pipe, 19, 62 C:~c-', Heman. 7. S, 9, 23, 27 emts. manufacturing, 175. 188. 211, ~39 cotton, 6I. 71, 72, 115-116, 149. 1~8-169 Counterbh~te to Tobacco, 47 coupons, 213, 247. 255 Cremo, 236 Crimean War, 204.205 Cro~ Cut, 212 crmhproof box. 245, Cuba. 6, 7, 24, 25, 81, 34, 41.55, 64. 85. 86. 98-103, 111, 202-203, 205 Cuban leaf. ~e "Havana leaF' Culpeper, John, 58 Culpeper's Rebellion, 58 cup package, curing barns, 109. 181 cutters, 168-189 "Cutters and Pluckers," 58, 67 Ci~done, 212 Dale, Thomas, 43-45, 47, 50,. 51 Danville, 117, 151-152. 165, 172, 180, 183, 195, 227 Davis, Jefferson, 153 Dawes, Charles C., 236 debt~, tobacco planters', 61, 74, 75, 76 Declaration of Independence, 73, 74 deposit, right of, I141~. depression of 1930s, 231, 234~. Detroit, 171. 177. 197 Diaz. Barto]omo. 25 Diaz del Castillo. Bernal. 20. 23 Digges. Edward. 55. 72. 149 distribution, tobacco products. 140. 185, 258 domestic cigarette blend, 221-223, 227 domestic cigars, 88, 97, 100, 235-236 Dominica (Haiti, Hispanio]a, Santo Domingn), 7, 25, 28. 81, 34, 36-37, 41.43, 64, 115 Drake. Sir Francis. 17. 22. 85. 86. ST, 41. 130 drawback. 54 drummers. 107. 197 Drummond Company. 136. 138-139. ~18 Dual Fihe~ Taregton, 246, 255 ducked tobacco, 52, 54, 180 Dudley, Sir Robert, 37 Duke o[ Durham, 163, 212 Duke. James B., 184.9-12-214, 222, 224, 225 " Duke. Wazhington. 162-163 Dukes Mixture, 222-223 Durham, 145, 160-163, 165, 166, j70. 171,175, 178-179, 185, 194 D.W.C. Cigar Co., 248 "E. Dees," 55 Eastern Belt, 183 "eatin" tobacoo," see "chewing tobacco" Edgeword~. 253 Edward VII of England. 216 Edwardian era. 216-217 "Egyptian" cigarettes. 194, 205, El Roi.Tan. 106. 235 elbow pipe. 18. I9 Elizabeth I of England. ~1. 22 Elk Island. 7~ Embargo of 1807. 75. 115-116 England. 26. 84. 86-57.30. 40. 53. Era of Good Fee]/ng. 116. 119. 190 Erie Canal. 189-190 exchanges, tobacco. 167. 180 exci~e taxes. U. S.. 155-157. 258 export of leaf from U. S.. 42. 50. 53. 54. 58-59. 73. 75. 84-85. 116-117. 155. 192. 232-233 "factory spread." ~11. 239. 261 fall line. 56. 157 Farmers' Alliance. 227 Farmers-General. France. 75. 77. 149 farmers, tobacco. 227-232 fermentation of leaf. 48. 89. 98 fighting brands. 136 filler tobacco. 80. 88.95. 97. 100. 107. 109. 178 filter tip cigarettes. 240. 245. 246. 247. 254-255. 256 fine.cut chewing. 137, 138, 190, 194, 196 fire-cured leaf, 109-110 Fitzhugh, William. 70, 72 five-cent cigar. 235-236, 248 flapper, 19208, 250 flat goods, see "flat plug" flat plug, 104, 133, 136, 137, 144, 159, 166, 17"2-173 flavo~ngs, 40, 90, 131, 133-]34, 135, 147, 164, 163, 2"23, 260-261 flip-top box, 245, 254 Florida, 17, 93, 109 flue-cure, 109, 150-151. 16"2, 185 Fort Caroilne, 17 France. 14. 34. 89. 55. 64.75. 178. 243 Frankl/n, Benjamin. 73 Frederick William I of Prmsia. 63 French and Indian War. 116 freshness. ~58-259 fudgeon. 94 ~umo, 9, 25 Cage. Charles E.. 151 Gall & Ax. 179. 218 Cama. Vasco de. 25 Caston. Lucy P.. 214. 252 HNAT 00017471
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Gay Nineties, 9`16 General Cigar Co., 248 "Gentlemen. you may smoke." 9`16 George IlI of England, 112 Georgia, 109 Georgia Beh, 183 Georgopulo. G. A., 248 Gerard. John. 47 German),, 19, 34, 38, 39, 55. 86, 243 Gilded Age. 106, 197 Glasgow, 60, 65. 76 Cloag, Robert, 9`05 glycerin, R59 Goes, Dam/io de, 9, 21 Gold Rush, 128, 131 Gompers, Samuel, 202 Gooeh, C, ovemor, 62 Goodwin & Company, 207, 209 Granger movement, 227 Grant, U. S., 5, 90-91, 106, 160, 197 granuhted Bright tobacco, 160, 166, 168, 176, 177, 185 (See also Bull Durlu:m ) Great Lakes tribes. 28-31, 120-121 "great man theory," 4, 79`, 106, 107 Creen.d.R., 160-161,177, 184 Green River leaf, 138 Green Springs, 56 green-leaf stemming. 260 Greensboro, 145, 185. 252 Cdjalva, Juan de, 9-7 "grinders," 109 Haiti (Santo Domingo, Dominica, Hispaniola), 7, 25, 28, 31, 84, 86-37, 41, 43, 64, 115 Hamilton. Alexander, 78, 155 Hariot, Thomas. 35-36 Harrison. Benjamin II, 69, 72 Harrison. Benjamin IV, 69, 72 Harrison, Benjamin V, 69, 74 Harrison. William Hen,'y, 74-75 Harrison's Landing. 69 Hartford. Conn., 84 Havana lea/. 80, 87, 88, 95-96, 98, 100. 107 Hawkins, Sir John, 17, 35 health controversies. 47, 249-255 heathen wound phnt (tobacco), 16 Helme, George W. Co., 248 hemp, smoking of, 27, 26,t henbane of Peru, 11, 19`, 81 henbane, yellow, 11, 12, 31, 47 Henry C~;I, 106 Henry, Patrick, 67-68 herba panacea, 21 herba sancta, 9 herbe de I'amb~mdeur, 22. 264 He,bert Tarevton. 246. 255. 256 Herkimer. Nicholas, 73. 75 Herodotus. 27. 264 Highlander shop figures. 65. 198 Hill Billies, 229 Hill. George W.. 238-239. 245 hillside na~3,, 235 Hispaniola (Haiti. Dominiea. Santo Domingo). 7. 25, 28.31.34. 86-37, 41, 43, 64, 115 Hit Parade, 9`46, 255 hogshead, 52, 53, 60. 65-66, 67, 148, 180, 9`60, 262 hogshead s~les, see "exchanges" Holland, 34, 38, 54, 55. 178 "homespun," 146 homogenized tobacco leaf, 248 honey, 131 humidity and tobacco. 85, 131. 258-26O Huron Indians. 30 hygrog, opie agents, 259 IRinois, 93, 104 Imports of cigars. 95. 98. 101 Imports of tobaceo, 88, 95, 99, llO lncas, 11 Indians. ~e "American Indians" Industrial Revolution, 146 inspect/on system, 66.6"/, 148 Irving, Washington, 38 Italy, 21, 9,5, 9`6, 64, 86, 243 Jackson, Mrs. Andrew, 90 James I of Enghnd, 88, 47, 49, 50, James River. 53, 57, 92. 120, 253 James River Canal, 156-158, 165 Jamestown, 42~., 255 Japan, 25-9`6 Jefferson, Thomas, 5, 72. 75-77, 112. 115-116, 117, 121,123 Jerez, Roddgo de, 6. 21, 26, 31 Jersey City., 177, 193 Johnston, Gen. Joseph E., 16O Kearny, Gen. Stephen, 129 Kemp, William, 53 Kent, 9`46, 254. 255, 256 Kentucky, 75, 93, 113-117, 132. 135, 144, 145, 154, 158 Keym/s, Lawrence, 38 Kieft, Willem, 186 Killickinick, 120. 153-154. 170. 196 Kimball Company, ]71, 179,207, 2D9 king dze cigarettes, 20, 243f., 256 Kinney Company, 177, 206-207, 209 kinnikinniek, 120. 170, 196 gool, ~16, 247, 255 L 6 M, g46. 254. 255, 256 labor unions. 2O2 Lacandon Indians. 1 I, 9`1 Lancet, The, 251 Larus & Brother. g48. 253 las Cams, Bartolom~ de. 24.25 Latakia tobacco. 2O5 Laudonni6re, Ren6 de. 17 Law, John, 112 Lee, C, en. Robert E., 160 L~ry, Jean'de, 13 Lewis, Meriwether, 121-124 IAbby Prison, 157 licorice, 131,132, 133, 135, 147, 148, 164. 183 Liggett & Myers, 131, 138-139, 185, 193, 218. 219. 223, 237, 253 Li~'ingston. Robert R.. 115 L'Obel, Matthias de, 35-36, 38 Lone lack, 153-154, 209 long filler, 100, 110 long g~een, 89, 9`35 long nines, 87-88 long size cigarettes, 246 louse-leaf selhng, 180, 182, 227 Lorillard Company. 65. 138.139, 185. 187, 190. 193-194, 240, 9`52 Lost Colony, see "Roanoke r, ettlement" Louidana Purchase, 112. 115 Louisville, 131. 133-136. 138-139. 144-145. 179`. 182. 192. 194. 195 Lucky Strike. 131. 132. 176. 222, 238. 245. 246, 252. 255. 256 hmpers. 151 lung cancer theory, 252*254 Lynchburg. 117. 153-154. 158. 172. 180, 195 MacArthur, Gen. Douglas, 226, 242 McAipin, D. H., 195-196 Maecaboy muff, 65 machine~,, see "cigar machinery," "cigarette machinery," "bag jack" Madison, James. 79`, 78-79 Magellen, 9-6 making machine, 259 Mandan Indians, 28-29, 119. 123 manioc, 33 manufacture, cigar, 87-88, 94, 99-100, 104-I05. 131. 191. 196. 200-2O2. 235-236. 248 manufacture, cigarette. 171. 185. 204-206. 210-211. 258-280 manufacture, chewing tobacco. 119, 133-135, 140, 144. 147-148. 158-159, 173, 175, 178-179, 236-237 manufacture in bond, cigars. 99 manufacture, smoking tobacco, 140, 166. 173, 176.177, 178-179 manufacture, snulL 64-65. 82. 118 manufactured tobacco production (chewing plus smoking), 140. 163-165, 173, 193, 236-237, 248 manufacturing cmts, 175, 188, 9`11, 289 manufacturing in U. S., 82-33, 61, 65, 79, 89, 94, 117, 152, 158-159 Margarita Island, 8, 34, 142 marketing, see "national distribution" . Marlboro, 241,245, 254, 255, 256 Marshall, Thomas R., 235-236 Maryland, 50-51.58, 67, 154, 157, 178, 230 Maryland seedlea/, 89, 108 Maryland tobacco, 51,149. 177-178, 183. 227 Maury, l~ev. James, 68 Mayans, 7, I0, 11, 18, 20, 21, 27-28 Mayo, Charles V¢., 253 Mayo, Robert A., 153 HNAT 00017472
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meerschaum pipe. 19 mentholated cigarettes. 246-247, 255 Mexican War, 89 Mex/co, 7, 8, I0. 11, 15, 16, 20, 23, 27, 129 Middle Belt, 183 Middletown, Ohio, 136, 195 Mississippi Bubble, 112 Mississippi river, 114-115, 132 Missouri, 93. 135. 144. 145. 154 Mogul. 194, 205 moisture control. 147-148. 258-251 molasses. 40, 48. 96, 164, 184 Monroe, James. 115 Montezuma, 20. ~3 Morgan. J. P.. 106 Morgues, Jacques Le Moyne de. 17 Morris. Philip, 205. 241,245, 246 Morris, Robert, 77 Mound Builden, 25 mousqueton, 7 Murad, 194, 262 Murad IV, 26 Muriel. 193 "Musty" snuff. 65 Napoleon, 115, 149 Natchez, 112-113 national brands, 92, 94, 106, 141, 142, 145, 161,185, 197, 238-241,245 nationa] distribution, 140, 185, 258 National Tobacco Wor~. 136, 138-139. 144, 218 na~.'y goods, 135, 137-139, 145 nesting, 56, 227 Netherlands. 34, 38, 54 New Amsterdam, 52, 84, 186 New England, 58, 60, 80ff. New Orleans, 103. ll4ff., 142, 180, 192 New York agents, 180 New York City, 73, 103, 104, 154, 175. 180, 185, 186-'219, 2"22-223. 242 New York State, 73, 104, 131, 135, 171 Neu'port, 246. 255 Nicosiana Sanasancta. 36 Nicot, Jean. 14, 21, 22. 39 Nicotiana ~,tunoides. 12-13 N'icotiana rustico, 10-13. 15, 16, 18, 19, 25, 27, 29, 31, 36, 40, 42, 47, 55, 96. 120 Nicotiar~ tabacum, 11, 13. 14, 16, 18, 21, 23. 27. 31, 40. 42, 108, 264 nicotine. 232. 243, 256, 2~ Night Riders, "~.~-230 N6brega, Manoel de, I0 North Carolina, 58, 119, 1~3, 140, 146ff., 155, 158-159. 162, 167-170, 172. 179. 184. 191. 252 northern factors, 154. 166, 178, 192 Oasis. 246, 255 Ohio, 92, 93, 104, 109, 110, 132, 135, 144, 145. 179 Old Belt. 159. 163, 183. 229 Old Go/d, 208. 209, 240-24 1,245, 246, 255, 256 Opechancano, 48, 69 opium, 263 ordering. 210. 259 oriental cigarette, tee "Turkish cigarette" "Oronoko" leaf, 47, 54, 55, 180 Oviedo, Fermindez de, 24-25 packaging, 154-165, 22.1, 245-247, 251, 258-259 Palenque, Old Man of, ll, 27 Pa//Ma//, ~.5, 245, 246, 255, 256 Pane, Romano, ~ ~pal~e (~g~e), P~a~y, ~1 padW p~, toba~, ~ P~. Fr~. 1~7-1~ P~t, ~1, ~6. ~. ~, ~ P~on's ~u~ ~al. ~ "p~g ~ pi~," 10, 1~1~, 125, l~-l~ paste ~gar, 88. ~ Pa~e~on. R. A., 132. 135. 153 Patterson. Ru~s. 1~ ~a~ pi~, 7, 127 Penn. William, ~ P~nsy]vania. 8G67. 92.93. 1~, I10, 135. 178 ~r ~pita ~mp~on. 62. 227, 233-258. 244-245~ see also "~n~mption" Pereira. JaPer, 2~ Perique tobe~. 179 Pe~hing, ~n. John J., 226, 24~ Pe~. 7, 11 Petersburg. 117, 172. 182. 195 ~m. ~n (~mm), 9. 13, 14, 17 Pe~ns. ~ Philadelphia. 79. 87, 97, 104. 18~191 Philip Mo~s. 241,245. ~6. 255. Philip Mo~s Company, 205. 211, 241. 245. 246. 253 Philippines. 25-26 Phillic~. physiology of smoking. pipet]. 7. 25. 24 pi~mont. 56. 113. 149. 168 pi~ail, s~ Pi~ Heod. 213 pinh~ker, 181 Pi~-Stone ~a~', 62 pi~ toba~, ~ "~o~ng toba~" pi~s. 7, 18, 19, ~7-23, M. 36, 39, 62-~, 1~7. 236, 238 Pimylv~ia ~n~, 151-152, IM p~nta~on" ~ 78 plan~ons, toba~, 61, 68-73, 102-103, 113 planters. ~l~ial tidewater, 61. ~73, 101-10~ Plater, ~as. 40 plug ~t. 165 plug ~gs. 13G137 plug toba~. 7. 28. 30. 117-119. 125. 131-139. 144. 147-149. I~. 176, 193, 195 plug war of 1897. 136, 144 Pocahontas, 44, 45, 47, 49 Pontiac, 120-121 "pools." 227-230 Pope's ant/-tobacco Bull of 1642, 38 Portugal, 25, 55, 64 Powhatan, 44-49, 69 prairie commerce, 24, 120, 124-128 premiums, 136-137, 161, 166, 213 press, plug, 147, 148 price supports, 232 prices, cigar, 88, 97, I05, III, 235 prices, cigarette, 210-211,212, prices, ]eM tobacco,J40, 53. 5~, 61, 73, 150, 168, 169, 229-232, 253 prices, manufactured tobacco, 138, prices, plug, 138, 144 Pr~ace Albert, 176, 222 prizing, 61, 65, 147, 148 producUon, ~ee "nmnufacture" Prune Nugget, 133-134 psychology of smoking, 262 Puerto Rico. 28, 34, 109. 111 Putnam. C, en. Israel, 5, 83. 86, 89 quality of product, 102-103, 145, 148 Queen Anne's "~X.'ar, 54 quid. see "chewing tobacco" quiecta. 7 quotas for ~rowers, 231-232 Raglan, Lord. ~1 railroads, 140-142 ~teie,~, 247 Raleigh, Sir V~'alter, 4, 21.22. 36. 37. 89, 247 Rapee snuff, 64-65 rasp, snuff, 64-65 rations, tobacco, 127, 128. 159 reconstituted tobacco, 24S Red Burley, 89, 13-3 red willow bark. "24.80, 123. 127-125 redrying. reed-cigarette. 7, 20 Regie, Fre,~ch. 75. 77, 7~. 204 regular size cigarettes, 222-223. 238-24 I. 256 Reidsville, 145, 162, 185. 228 research. 254-257 retail outlets, tobacco, 258. 260 RevolutionaO" War, 73, 75, 77, • 112-113. 116 Reynolds, R. J., 162, 172, 184, 222-225 Reynolds, R. J. b Co., 138, 144. 162, 172, 185, 218, 219, 222, 224-225 Rhode Island. 65. 82 Richmond, 53, 57, 104, 117, 132, 135. 145, 152-153, 157, 160. 164. 165-167. 171,172, 175, 177. 179, 180, 193. 195, 196, 207.-209.223. 251,253 river boats, 54. 123. 142-143 Roanoke settlement. 35. 36.43, 46 HNAT 00017473
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Rochester, 177, 179, 197, ~08-~09 Rogues Harbour, 58 Boi.Tan, 106, Rolfe. John, 4~, 45. 47, 49 roll. tobacco. 33, 117 roll-vour-o~ cigarettes, mll~, ~gar, ~ ~ig~ m~e~" ~o~g h~s, ~7 rolling r~ds, 5~, ~, 180 r~, toba~, ~-~, ~, ~, 117, 1~7, 147 ~m. ~, 1~1, 1~7, 1~ Russ, Sidney, ~-~ Russel, ~mud, 187 Russia, ~, 55 Saha~n. Bernardino de, 23, 34, .27 sailors' trade in tobacco, 4, 31ft., 5"2, 84 Saint La~-rence River, 16 St. Louis, 131,135, 136, 138-139. 145. 172, 177, 195, 194, 195 Saint Petersburg factor)' (Russia), 2.20 Salem, 2"25, 246, .255, 256 salesmanshiv, 107, 154, 167, 168, 17"2, 174, 192 Samsoun tobacco, 2"23 San Francisco, 130, 197 Santa Croee, Prospero di, 13, Sante Fe, 128, 2"20 Santo Domingo (Haiti, Dominica, Hispaniola), 7, 25, 28, 31, 34, 36-37.41, 43, 64.115 "sapping." sayri, 7 Scotch snuff. 65 Scotland, 60, 65, 82. I18 Scotten Company, 170-171 scrap tobacco, 179, 237 screw press, plugmaking. 147, 148. 183 seed, tobacco, 23"2 sequestration, 74, 75 • Seven Years' War, I756-1763, 116 Seville. 19, 49, 86, ~4. 101, ~03-~O4. shadegro~ wrapper leaf, 97, 101, 108-10~. 110, 111 sheds, tobacco, .260-.263 Sherman, C, en. William T., 160 "shipping leaf," 47, 49, 146 Shirley Hundred, 68. 71 shoestring leaf. 85, 89, 97 shongsasha, 127 short filler, 106 short sixes, 87-88 sidewalk shop figures, 197-200 Slade cure, 150. 160, 185 Smith, Captain John, 45, 50, 51,112 smoke-cured leaf, 109-110 ~noke-filled room, I0 Smoking Cbcle (Boston), 91 smoking custom, smoking tobacco, 119, 140, 153-154, 161, 164, 166, 176, 179, 193, 236-238 smoking tobacco brand names, 170-171, 179 smuggling leaf, 34, 41, 49, 60, 79, 81-82 smutchia, 82 Smyrna tobacco, sneeshin, 118 "~ivellng and snort/ng," 64 snu~, 6, 15, 64-65. 8"2, 109, 118, 193, g37.~.38 snuff bottles, 82 snulFooxes. 64, 118 snufflng.tube, 7, 8 soil and tobacco, 55, 76, 108, 114, 16"2 sol/ds, smoke, 255, ~ "sophistication" of tobacco, 48 Sorg Company, 136, 138-139, .218 Sousa, Gabriel de, I0 South Carolina Belt, 183 Soverane Herb. 7 Spain, 34, 49, 55, 61.64. 90, 94, 101, 114 Spanish bean, 91 Spanish Intrigue, 114 Spanish tobacco, 34, 41, 48-49. 55. 65, 80. 94-95 split brands. 255 "spread," .261 Spud, 241. 246. 255 standard cigarettes. ~?.2-223. 238-241. 256 Star, 136, 140. 237 state taxes. 156-157, 258 "stemmeries," 147 stemming. 147..260 "stints," 57.58 stogie. 86, 87. 94.96. 217 strip ]ealt, 260 Stephano Brothers, 248 Stuart. Gilbert, 82 Stuyvesant. Peter, 186 sucker leaves, 98 Sui~eld. Conn.. 87 sugar, 102, 131,133, 135, 147, 164 Sullivan. John L., 215 Sumatra v,a'apper led, 97. I01, II0 sun-cured leaf. 109 supers. 88 support prices, tobacco. 232-233 sweating of leaf, 960, Sweden. 178 Sweet Caporal. ~09, .26"2 "sweet.scented" leaf, 55, 149 synthetic tobacco leaf, .synthetic tobacco leaf, 248-249 tabaco (cigar), 7. 96 tabacum pu~veratum, 64 tabeca (snu~ing-tube), 7. 8 "tall tobacco," II. 15 Talleyrand, Charles Maurice de, 188 Tampa. 87, 101, 104 taxes on tobacco, 38, 47, 51, 54, 56, 58, 78, 82, 84, 144, 154-157, 185, .214-215, 258 Taylor, Arch, 175 Taylor, William, 174 Taylor, Mrs. Zachary. 90 tea, 34 ten.centers (cigarettes), ~4-235. 247 Tennessee. 93, 113-117, 145, 155 Texas, 117 Thanksgiving Day (December 1619), 69 Thevet, Andre, 1.2, 14. 15 Thomas, James, 151, 153 thrashing, 164, .260 tidewater of Carolina, 169 tidewater planters, 42-79. 101-102 tin tags, 136-137, 193 tinfoil. 959 tobacco as currency, 67, 159, 242 Tobaecu Fleet, 51-53, 54, 85, 259 Tobaccu Growers' Protective Association, .228 Tobatx'o Nation, 30, 120-121 tobacco notes, 67, 180 -Tobacco Parliament," 63 tobacco ration, 1.27, 1.28, 159 tobacco roads. 66, 67 Tobaccu Root Range, 122 tobacco rope, 22-23, 3.2-33, 64, 117, 137, 147 "Tobacco Row," 253 "Tobacco Sack," 146, 150, 157, 188. 180 Tobacco Trust, .218-219 tobacco, various words for, 7 Tobacco War. 73-74 tobagies, 37, 40 tobago (snul~ng.tube), 7. 6 Tobago, 8 toby, 96 tomahawk pipe, 62-63 tonka beans, 147 trade signs, 197-200 trademark, 260-261 Trail. R. T., ~04 Treat.v of Paris, 1783, 75 Trenton. N. J., 87 Trinidad. 7, 37 Trollope, Frances, 1~0 trusts, .218-9-19 "Trvr~dado" leaf, 47 tub~ pipe, 18-19, 36 Tupinambas Indians, 9, 13, 18, Turkey, 19, 26 Turkish cigarettes, 194. 204-208, 210, 991-223 Turkish tobacco, 149, 221-223, 227 Twain, Mark, 143 twist, 22-.23, 26, 32.61,117, 136, 137, 172 "twofers," 88, 102 Two Penny Act, 67 Union Leader, 194 ~NAT 00017474
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uppowoc, 7.35 Urban VIII, 38 urbanizaUon in U. S., 8g, 104. 143, 197, ~18-219. 242 U. S. Tobacco Co.. 248 Vaca, Cabeza de. 24-25 Varinas tobac~, 61 vegas (tobacco fields), 41, 85 Venezuela, 8, 34 Verrazano, Giovanni de. 16 Ves]3ucci, Amerigo, 8, 9 Viceroy, 246, 247. 254. 255 ViIlegagnon. 13-14 Virginia, 7, 42ff., 80. 102, 117, 131, 132. 133. 140, 145, 146-154, 157, 162. 172 Virginia cigarettes, 206-207 Virginia Company, 43-44, 49, 50, 51 v~eit, 7 Vuelta Abajo, W. Duke Sons & Co., 163, walnut pipe, 19 War Between t~e States. 154-185, 160, 184 War Hawks, 116 War of 1812, 95, 116 Wax of Independence, 73, 75, 77, 112-113. I16 Warehouse Point, 8S waxehouses, tobacco, 66, 169-170, 181-183 W~sRington, George, 5, 69, 72-74, 76, 112, 114, 116 Web~er, 106 West Indies, 12, 28, 31, 34, 35, 39, 43, 53, 84-85 VCestover, 68-69 Wethers~e]d, Conn., 84 wheel, tobacco, 32-33, 117, 147 V/h/te Burley, 132 White Owl, 235 wild tobacco, II. 13 Wilkinson, James, 114 willow bark, 24, 80, 127-128 Wilson, N. C., 228 Windsor, Conn., 80, 84, 85 Windsor Particulars, 88, 04 ~'ine, 90, 164 Wings, 247 W'inston, 138, 144, 168. 172-173, 175 Winston, 246, 254, 255, 256 Winston-Salem, 185, 225 "winter work," 148 Wisconsin, 93, 109, 110 women smokers, 89-90, 10"2, 103, 214, 250-251 World War 1. 5, 226 World War II, 5, 242-243 wrapper, cigar. 80, 89, 91.95. 97, 99, 101,107, 108. 110, ]11 Yankees, 80ft., 165 "yard of day," 64 yellow henbane, 11, 12, 31, 47 yield per acre, tobacco, 232 yiet], 23, 24 Yorktown, 265 Yucatan, 12. 18, 27, 31 .vuri, 7 zikar (smoking), 7 MNAT 00017475
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HNAT 00017476

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