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Anti-Tobacco Industry Plan

Date: 1996 (est.)
Length: 15 pages
2063393705-2063393719
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Abstract

This Philip Morris (PM) presentation describes a comprehensive, long term plan by PM to divide the ranks of tobacco control groups and weaken their efforts to reduce tobacco use. Public health authorities, groups and individuals who work to reduce smoking are known collectively inside PM as the "anti-tobacco industry," (ATI, or "antis" for short). PM regarded them as competitors seeking to take away market share. PM's "Anti-Tobacco Industry Plan" was devised by Joshua ("Josh") Slavitt, Director of Policy and Programs at PM Management Corporation. Slavitt was considered PM's internal expert on "the antis" and their strategies. Part of PM's plan was to cause dissent among to tobacco control groups by "enhancing internal conflicts" among them. To carry out this strategy, PM sought what it considered "moderate" anti-tobacco groups, and worked to enter into relationships with them and get them to work with the company in some cooperative capacity. Another strategy was to "limit or redirect" public health funding away from tobacco control programs PM didn't like, and direct it to programs PM approved of (that didn't harm cigarette sales or the image of smoking) like "youth education, preventing youth access, etc." PM also worked to stimulate financial investigations of public health groups to weaken them and "challenge their so-called 'white hat' image with elected officials and the media."

PM estimated that it would cost $500,000 to carry out the program for the first year.

This document discloses that PM actively engaged in a comprehensive, long-term effort to undermine tobacco control programs, sought to increase in-fighting among tobacco control groups by allying with selected groups, and worked politically to divert funding dedicated from effective tobacco control programs to causes that the company considered benign to their long term interests.

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Quotes

Anti-Tobacco Industry Plan

We have spent considerable time discussing the importance of developing a response to the anti's. We like to call them the Anti-Tobacco Industry because they have the economic and political resources to deserve to be called an industry.

• Today, I'd like to present you with a plan that will coordinateccompany and external resources to diminish the effectiveness of the Anti-Tobacco Industry.

• Our plan also seeks to moderate the ATI's impact on the policy process so that we can reestablish our credibility through the initiatives that we are developing.

• After we have implemented these initiatives we must continue to keep pressure on the ATI so that we can restore and maintain balance in the political process and with the media.

• Just as importantly, we need a plan with obtainable goals and performance measurements that can be tracked over time.

Strategies

There are four strategies to our plan. We want to:

1) Limit public funding sources available to the ATI --ultimatelymake the ATI more accountable for both the private and public sources of revenue that its members receive.

2) Weaken the ATI's credibility by challenging their so-called "white hat" image with elected officials and the media.

3) Put the ATI on the defensive to enhance internal conflicts and cause divisions among its leadership regarding strategies and tactics --this is a natural outgrowth of our first and second strategies.

4) Conduct a comprehensive competitive intelligence effort on the ATI to better understand its strategies and long-term goals --just as we would address any other business adversary.

Let me discuss our fourth strategy first.

Strategy 1: Intensify Research

-Competitive intelligence is the bedrock of any successful business effort. We must view our effort to respond to the ATI the same way. We want to:

1) Identify and learn about the makeup of the ATI's leaders and organizations.

2) Identify emerging trends, issues and strategies.

3) Analyze their potential vulnerabilities and ours as a result of their activities.

-Information we gather will be warehoused ina database which we call Common Ground.

-Competitive intelligence on the ATI is integral to our plan because it enables us to prioritize our near-term and longer-term strategies.

-Competitive intelligence also gives us the opportunity to develop proactive and offensive responses to the ATI --this is critical to our ability to put them on the defensive as we restore balance in the debate over our issues.

[From Page --3710]:

Strategy 2: Limit Funding

Our second strategy focuses on limiting funding available to the ATI. We want to identify opportunities to:

1) Limit or redirect federal and state funding. However,to do this,we also need to first decide what types of anti-tobacco programs are acceptable to us, e.g. youth education, public advertising campaigns, preventing youth access, etc.

2) In order to accomplish this effort, we will have to highlight waste and abuses in publicly funded programs. Our primary focus will be on legislators, but we'll also have to generate media stories in order to reinforce this message.

3) We already know that the ATI receives a minimum of $600 million a year from public and private sources. This is hardly small change at a time when a number of social activists are competing for a shrinking pool of public funding.

The ATI has reached the level of funding where they should be considered fair game by other social activists--if these other activists knew just how much the ATI was receiving. Naturally,we want to make this information available. However, we also want to identify the right groups to provide this information.

[From Page --3716]:

Strategy 4: Divide Ranks

Our Fourth Strategy focuses on efforts to cause dissention within the ATI.

1) As the tobacco company that is seeking "reasonable solutions to complex problems" we want to reach out to members of the ATI where we can potentially establish Common Ground--such as on the issue of preventing youth access to tobacco products.

Strategy 4 Process Measurements:

For 1997,we will:

1) Complete the process of comparing the company's positions with anti-tobacco control advocates.

2) We also want to see a measurable increase in the number of legislators at the federal, state and local levels who publicly endorse AAA and our Federal Initiative.

3) When we've made measurable advances on these two steps, we will then reach out to groups and individuals where Common Ground is possible. Combined with our advances on our second and third strategies, we have an opportunity to increase pressure on the ATI, which can be used to cause additional divisions within the ATI.

--We expect, that as their funding is squeezed and investigations are launched on potential violations of state and local lobbying laws, some ATI advocates may think pragmatically about accepting our offer to work together to address the youth issue as well as other issues where we can arrive at a concensus.

This effort will cause further dissention between those anti groups that seek prohibition at any cost and those who are truly concerned about achieving reasonable solutions...

2) We also want to enhance internal conflicts that already exist within the ATI --and possibly encourage some new ones.

Company
Philip Morris
Author
No author specified. Suspected author: Josh Slavitt
Slavitt, Joshua (PM Issues Manager, 1992; Dir. of Policy & Programs at PMMC,)
Handled "It's the Law" program for Philip Morris
(Based on 2070437692/7704)
Recipient
Presumed recipient: Philip Morris employees (probably from government or corporate affairs departments)
Region
United States
Named Organization
American Cancer Society
American Lung Association
Coalition for Tobacco Free Kids
Common Ground Database
FEC Database
HHS, U.S. Dept. of Health and Human Services
IRS, Internal Revenue Service
Steering Committee
U.S. House (of Representatives)
Anti-tobacco industry (Philip Morris' internal term for public health authorities, )
Often shortened to "The Antis."
Litigation
Feda/Produced
Named Person
Banzhaf, John F., III (Exec. Dir. Action of Smoking & Health (ASH))
Executive Director of Action on Smoking and Health (ASH).Professor of Law at Georgetown. Banzhaf succeeded in using the Fairness Doctrine to get cigarette commercials off television in 1968. See Banzhaf FCC, 405 F, 2d 1082 (D.C. Cir. 1968) (affirming FCC ruling that radio and television stations must devote a significant amount of broadcast time to case against smoking). His telephone number is (202) 659-4310. The big focus in past years has been to force OSHA to enforce smoking bans, per Matt Bars. ASH publishes Smoking and Health Review bulletins. "A leading anti-smoking activist" (Chic. Sun-Times 6/23/93). Action on Smoking and Health is located at 2013 H Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20006. (Castano Expert List) See Action on Smoking a Health, TTLA Almanac - Names.
Bonilla, Henry (Representative (R-Texas) for 23rd District)
Assisted Philip Morris with investigations and attacks on public health programs to reduce tobacco use.
Borelli, Thomas J. (PM Corporate Scientific Affairs Mgr., 1990)
Manager of Corporate Scientific Affairs for Philip Morris in 1990. Also worked for PM Corporate Services in Brussels.
Daragan, Karen (Public/Media Relations, PM Corp. Affairs)
Manager of media relations for Philip Morris USA 1993-94. Later worked with Carolyn Levy in PM's youth smoking prevention department.
L., David [May refer to David Laufer of PM]
L., Howard [May refer to Howard Liebengood of PM]
*Meyers, Matt, Esq. (name is Myers)
Pertschuk, Michael (FTC Commissioner (c. 1984))
Slavitt, Joshua (PM Issues Manager, 1992; Dir. of Policy & Programs at PMMC,)
Handled "It's the Law" program for Philip Morris
antis
Type
REPT, REPORT, OTHER
Subject
Corporate strategy
corporate intelligence
public health program

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Page 1: byg53a00 Log in for more options!
12 Strategy 4: Divide Ranks Our Fourth Strategy focuses on efforts to cause dissention within the ATI. 1) As the tobacco company that is seeking "reasonable solutions to complex problems" we want to reach out to members of the ATI where we can potentially establish Common Ground -- such as on the issue of preventing youth access to tobacco products. 2) We also want to enhance internal conflicts that already exist within the ATI -- and possibly encourage some new ones.
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1 Anti-Tobacco Industry Plan We have spent considerable time discussing the importance of developing a response to the anti's. We like to call them the Anti-Tobacco Industry because they have the economic and political resources to deserve to be called an industry. • Today, I'd like to present you with a plan that will coordinate company and external resources to diminish the effectiveness of the Anti-Tobacco Industry. • Our plan also seeks to moderate the ATI's impact on the policy process so that we can reestablish our credibility through the initiatives that we are developing. • After we have implemented these initiatives we must continue to keep pressure on the ATI so that we can restore and maintain balance in the political process and with the media. • Just as importantly, we need a plan with obtainable goals and performance measurements that can be tracked over time.
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10 Activities to Advance Strategy 3 Nh,YKNitfh PM-~sh1AY+ftnunicatiwtsaude+tf and i[niiTement a,cominun~atIbns~itanfa'~:- ~ ChnI1p13~rtMnc7pEY6Fttfj~oFlNeMTG Pub,/,icae ~71 i~cs Yp:1~ie Platufrffs;B2r E%(lUSEW39t6'~lTH~tlu5@4tp41Al16'~htltCti ~: , c,tison 3oleTanc,e„~farLie,s,5~7e 3re'edams; We will work with PM-USA Communications to implement a plan to: 1) Challenge the credibility of the ATI: 2) Publicize ATI's involvement in the agenda of the Plaintiffs Bar 3) We also want to expose waste and abuse of publicly funded anti-tobacco programs, as well as encourage questions about the actions of Voluntary Health Organizations like the American Cancer Society and the American Lung Association. 4) Lastly, we have a real opportunity to advance the focus on tolerance for life-style choices and freedoms.
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11 Strategy 3 Process Measurements We will work with Karen Daragan and her team to implement a plan to: 1) Challenge the credibility of the ATI: - The John Banhzaf s and Matt Meyer's of this world claim they don't support prohibition. But statements that they've made in the past contradict these claims -- we want to make sure the media and legislators know this. - And whenever an anti-tobacco advocate makes an "eroneous statement" in public, we want a "truth squad" to call them on it. (Discuss Borelli's experience with "3,000'kids' a day...") 2) Mike Pertschuk's SWOT analysis from 1993 showed that the ATI was clearly uncomfortable with its ties to the plaintiff s bar. But, since 1993, this relationship has actually gotten stronger. It's important that we draw attention to this relationship and force the anti's to respond. 3) In terms of funding abuses, since 1988 the six states that have excise-tax funded tobacco control programs have spent $1.4 billion. Yet, youth smoking is on the rise. What have they done with all this money? This question is important as we are pursuing the only course of action that everyone agrees works when it comes to youth and smoking -- preventing youth access. Its important that we continue to draw the distinction that AAA and other programs are achieving results, but the anti's are wasting money...We will express this point directly and we want to identify other groups that share our views. r1a 0 4) Lastly, by raising awareness of tobacco prohibitionism, as well as funding abuses, w we have an opportunity to expand the debate over tolerance for life-style choices W and freedoms -- this message has proven particularly appealing to Gen-Xers. ~
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Strategy 2: Limit Funding QI`}gdlF4~f~(lltdlk3j., ~' ertnt~WHat is ~ccepts:: igis t w~sis and aDUS~ oi H leg~slaaorss Our second strategy focuses on limiting funding available to the ATI: We want to identify opportunities to: 1) Limit or redirect federal and state funding. - However, to do this, we also need to first decide what types of anti-tobacco programs are acceptable to us, e.g. youth education, public advertising campaigns, preventing youth access, etc. 2) In order to accomplish this effort, we will have to highlight waste and abuses in publicly funded programs. - Our primary focus will be on legislators, but we'll also have to generate media stories in order to reinforce this message. 3) We already know that the ATI receives a minimum of $600 million a year from public and private sources. This is hardly small change at a time when a number of social activists are competing for a shrinking pool of public funding. The ATI has reached the level of funding where they should be considered fair game by other social activists -- if these other activists knew just how much the ATI was receiving. Naturally, we want to make this information available. However, we also want to identify the right groups to provide this information.
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9 Strategy 3: Weaken Credibility ne'ss:aF7lTiprosrant; Our Third Strategy Focuses on weakening the Credibility of the ATI : We want to: 1) Hold the leadership of the ATI accountable for their statements and identify those anti-tobacco activists who either by words or actions are clearly pushing for tobacco prohibition. we wanz an~accampasn :;:~ cpose dTl,edbacatECS w3wsi 2) We also want to challenge the sincerity and the effectiveness of ATI programs..
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15 Next Steps In order to implement our plan we must now do the following: 1) Our plan calls for the establishment of a steering committee consisting of Senior Management along with specific project teams that will move forward on implementing strategies 2-4 (Limit funding, Weaken Credibility, Divide Ranks). These project teams will draw on expertise throughout PMMC and PM-USA Corporate Affairs as well as select business functions and consultants. - We are in the process of defining the steering committee as well as the individual project teams at this time. 2) In addition to our own research budget needs, we are also in the process of assessing plan implementation costs for 1997. - We envision the need for additional funds in order to engage the assistance of outside legal counsel, as well as provide support for third parties and other key constituencies. - For the most part, we believe that our budgetary demands will be manageable for the remainder of 1997, particularly because we will seek opportunities to draw on 501 (c)3 contributions and utilize additional administrative funding only to cover any costs beyond what we've already budgeted. While the budget will to a certain extent depend on what the Project Teams decide to do, I would conservatively estimate that we would probably want to reserve an additional $500,000 for 1997 to cover implementation of the plan.
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8 Strategy 2 Process Measuremeni For 1997, we will accomplish the following: ur3~e attt[Ifs am~ Im1Y51iga[3tylts :' :emudel disclosurEtey3slatioa Ify DpRorEUni[C2'STnn[Sanye Fci,fera[`. aaEe gudi[ap~[aVerslgM.$y~<I@f[ries , kFy4rgamzaF[u[isw[3llctiq Ir~ coinpr<fi ;i.ea~kfo,ruiiltc[und~ . „,. 1) The I RS is investigating the Coaltion for Tobacco Free Kids and the HHS Inspector General is auditing the ASSIST program (at the request of Congressman Bonilla [R23-TX]). - We will identify opportunities at the federal and state level to encourage additional investigations of ATI programs. - Retailers have already attempted to challenge the ASSIST program in Washington, Maine and Minnesota -- however, these programs were not successful. We want to understand why not and implement a strategy that will rectify this situation. 2) Many of you may be aware that the U.S. House recently adopted a rule that require groups receiving federal funds to disclose this information when they appear before congressional committees. - We plan to draft model federal and state language based on the House rule and work with Howard L... and David L... to assess opportunities for further action. 3) In addition, based on the outcome of our analysis of how federal and state audit procedures and guidelines apply to the ATI, we will determine the feasibility of revising these requirements through model federal and state legislation.
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14 Strategy 4 Process Measurements For 1997, we will: 7atgetsi~'.: ~2tttiiy g;fl Re,7ch ouE.2a,AIE grouj & Laaai3y' ~ _ 1) Complete the process of comparing the company's positions with anti-tobacco control advocates. 2) We also want to see a measurable increase in the number of legislators at the federal, state and local levels who publicly endorse AAA and our Federal Initiative. 3) When we've made measurable advances on these two steps, we will then reach out to groups and individuals where Common Ground is possible. - Combined with our advances on our second and third strategies, we have an opportunity to increase pressure on the ATI, which can be used to cause additional divisions within the ATI. - We expect, that as their funding is squeezed and investigations are launched on potential violations of state and local lobbying laws, some ATI advocates may think pragmatically about accepting our offer to work together to address the youth issue as well as other issues where we can arrive at a concensus. ~ This effort will cause further dissention between those anti groups ~ that seek prohibition at any cost and those who are truly concerned W about achieving reasonable solutions. ~ ~
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2 Strategies mtt undragsaurces•' ava~tah3e3a;3he kTl... . +Nes~en creiBb~Trtp afi ~TI `.. Otv~deaankswAthm the Ii Cf There are four strategies to our plan. We want to: 1) Limit public funding sources available to the ATI -- ultimately make the ATI more accountable for both the private and public sources of revenue that its members receive. 2) Weaken the ATI's credibility by challenging their so-called "white hat" image with elected officials and the media. 3) Put the ATI on the defensive to enhance internal conflicts and cause divisions among its leadership regarding strategies and tactics -- this is a natural outgrowth of our first and second strategies. 4) Conduct a comprehensive competitive intelligence effort on the ATI to better understand its strategies and long-term goals -- just as we would address any other business adversary. Let me discuss our fourth strategy first.

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