Anne Landman's Collection
Impact of Workplace Restrictions on Consumption and Incidence
User-Contributed Notes
Fields
- Author
- Heironimus, J.
- Recipient
- Suwarna, L.
- Named Organization
- Pol, Product Opinion Lab
- Tracking
- Type
- MEMO, MEMORANDUM
- CHAR, CHART, GRAPH, TABLE, MAPS
- Litigation
- Stmn/Produced
Document Images
PHILIP MORRIS II S A INTER-OFFICE CORRESPONDENCE
120 PARK AVENUE, NEW YORK, N.Y. 10017
TO: Louis Suwarna DATE: January 22, 1992
FROM: John Heironimus
SUBJECT: Impact of Workplace Restrictions on Consumption
and Incidence
In the attached, information obtained from the POL and Tracking
databases was analyzed in order to estimate the impact of
workplace restrictions on industry volume. Although Tracking
data is probably more representative, it does not provide the
historical or longitudinal data available from the POL database.
Summary of Major Findings
1. Total prohibition of smoking in the workplace strongly
affects industry volume. Smokers facing these restrictions
consume ll%-15% less than average and quit at a rate that is
84% higher than average. Only 6.4%-10.3% of smokers face
total workplace prohibition but these restrictions are
rapidly becoming more common.
2. Milder workplace restrictions, such as smoking only in
designated areas, have much less impact on quitting rates
and very little effect on consumption.
3. Smokers not in the labor force (retired, unemployed,
housewives, etc.) quit at a rate 21% above average and have
also reduced their consumption noticeably over the last few
years: These smokers may be much more sensitive to price
increases, economic volatility and health concerns.
4. From 1987 to 1991, the industry lost an estimated
incremental 1.7% (9.5 billion units) due to increasing
workplace restrictions. If these trends continue, the
industry will lose an additional 1.3% to 1.9% (8.4 to 11.4
billion units) from 1991 to 1996..
V/
5. If smoking were banned in all workplaces, the industry's /
average consumption would decline 8.7$-10.1$ from 1991 levels and the quitting rate would increase
74% (e.g., from
2.5% to 4.4%).
cc: D. Beran
L. Wexler
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I. Impact of Workplace Restrictions on Consumption - POL
vs. Tracking
Table I compares the consumption indexes of groups in both
the POL and Tracking databases that face various levels of
restrictions.
Table I
Workplace Restrictions Impact on Consumption
(Tracking vs. POL)
Percent
of Smoking
Population
Consumption
Index* Percent
of Smoking
Population
Consumption
Index*
(Tracking) (Tracking) (POL) (POL)
Not in Labor Force 29.3% 1.00 26.5% 0.97
In Labor Force:
No Restrictions 32.2% 1.03 23.3% 1.10
Restrictions:
Never Allowed
10.3%
0.85
6.4%
0.89
Designated Areas 10.7% 0.99 44.0% 0.98
Other Restrictions 16.0% 1.03 N/A N/A
Total Restrictions 37.0% 0.97 50.4% 0.97
Total in Labor 69.5% 1.00 73.7% 1.01
F
orce
Total Smokers 100.0% 1.00 100.0% 1.00
* Claimed cigarettes per day divided by database averages
(Tracking average 23.3, POL average 26.9)
Note that in both databases those smokers who are never
allowed to smoke at work have significantly lower
consumption indexes than all other groups (15% below
Tracking average and 11% below in POL average). However,
it appears that smokers who face less prohibitive workplace
restrictions maintain much more of their average daily
consumption. Since total smoking bans in the workplace
have increased dramatically in the last 2-3 years from very
low levels, it is not surprising that research work
completed in 1989 concluded that smoking restrictions had
little impact on consumption. Clearly, it is most
important for PM to continue to support accommodation for
smokers in the workplace.
The most important discrepancy between the two databases is
that the total portion of the workforce that claims to face
restrictions of some kind is 68.3% of POL workers but only
53.2% of Tracking workers. At this point, it is not clear
whether this discrepancy is due to sample skews or the
difference in the questions used.

-3-
II. Wogkplace Restrictions Impact on Ouitting - POL Database
Only
The impact on quitting rates was studied with POL data by
analyzing the previous experiences of those panelists who
actually returned the questionnaire stating that they have
quit. As a result, the overall quitting rate is
understated. However, among the POL smokers who claim to
have quit, those who were not allowed to smoke at work quit
at a rate that is 84% above the overall average rate.
Table II
Indexed* Quitting Rates Among POL Smokers
Not in Labor Force 1.21
In Labor Force:
No Restrictions
0.75
Designated Areas Only 0.92
Never Allowed 1.84
Total 1.04
Total Database 1.00
* Indexed to the overall database average quitting rate
of 0.9%.
Also note that, as observed in the consumption data, those
smokers who are not in the labor force display a quitting
rate that is higher than average-presumably because of
economic pressures and health concerns.
III. Maximum Impact of Workplace Restrictions on Consumption -
Both Databases
If smoking were prohibited in all workplaces (probably not
possible since a few industries such as agriculture and
construction are largely outdoors) and if the smoking
population maintains its current employment level, the
maximum decrease in consumption due to total workplace
prohibition would be:
Based on POL Data -8.7%
Based on Tracking Data -10.1%
Although social pressures and economic factors will also
continue to effect consumption, it appears that the maximum
detrimental impact of increasing workplace restrictions on
consumption is relatively limited.

-4-
IV. Maximum Impact of Workplace Restrictions on Quitting -
POL Data Onlv
Based on the POL database, the maximum impact on the
overall quitting rate due to a total prohibition of smoking
in all workplaces would be to increase the current rate by
approximately 74%. For example, if the current net
quitting rate is 2.5%, the maximum downside rate resulting
from total workplace prohibition would be 4.4%. The
long-term detrimental impact of total workplace prohibition
on industry volume may therefore be more severe through its
effect on quitting than its impact on consumption.
V. Acceleration of Industry Decline Rate Due To Increasing
Workplace Restrictions 1987-1991 - POL Database Only
Based on the POL database, the overall industry decline
rate was accelerated by increasing workplace restrictions
during the 1987-1991 period as follows:
Average
Total Annual
Acceleration Acceleration
Total
Acceleration
of Industry of Industry of Industry
Decline Decline Losses
1987-1991 Acceleration 1987-1991
Accelerated Decline Due To:
Impact on Consumption -1.42% -0.36% 8.1 bil
Impact on Quitting -0.25% -0.06% 1.4 bil
-1.67% -0.46% 9.5 bil
As a result of increasing workplace restrictions the
industry lost an additional 1.7% or 9.5 billion units.
Also, as we discussed, it is interesting to note that POL
panelists facing a given level of workplace restrictions
during 1987-1991 had relatively constant consumption over
the four years. As a result, the decline of total industry
consumption in the POL database has been driven largely by
increasing workplace restrictions and declining consumption
of those smokers outside the labor force.

-5-
VI. Acc6leration of Decline Rate 1991-1996 Based on 1987-1991
Estimated Impact - POL Databases Only
Based on trends in POL data from 1989 to 1991, consumption
should decline 1.85% or 0.37% annually from 1991 to 1996
due to increasing workplace restrictions. Extrapolating
Tracking data through the same trends yields a 1.26%
decline in consumption or 0.25% annually. Increasing
workplace restrictions will also accelerate the quitting
rate resulting in additional industry losses of 0.39% or
0.08% annually.
Therefore, in total, increasing workplace restrictions
should increase the industry's average underlying decline
rate by 0.33%-0.45%. As a result, the industry will lose
an incremental 8.4 to 11.4 billion units between 1991 and
1996.
