Abstract
This confidential Philip Morris internal report on "smoker psychology" explores the relationship between socioeconomic status and smoking. It finds that:
"Lower class panelists smoke more and are much more likely to be smokers than upper class panelists..."
It also found that lower class people tend to smoke nonfiltered cigarettes (tend to "avoid health filters") and that they also tend to avoid 100 millimeter-length brands.
The writers also observe that lower class people have more incidence of poor mental health, hypothesizing that people use smoking as a "strategy" to combat the stress of low class status as well as poor mental health:
"...the incidence of poor mental health is greatest among the lower class...To the extent that smoking is one of the available strategies people can adopt to combat stress, we therefore would expect greater incidence of smoking among the lower social classes."
The study also finds a correlation between lower class and poor physical health, but avoids directly confronting the possibility that smoking could account for this, preferring to attribute poor physical health status to simply to BEING a member of the lower class:
"...because the incidence of smoking differs between the social classes, we would find our research literature filled with obervations suggesting that smoking is related to poor health. The literature does show this, and it may be wrong...At least part of the reported statistical relationships between health variables and incidence of smoking can probably be accounted for in this fashion.
The smoking and health relationships may be at least in part due to social class differences rather than to smoking per se."
Despite Philip Morris' internal findings of higher smoking rates among lower socioeconimic classes, as well as its findings that this group also has a higher incidence of both poor mental and physical health, it continued to promote its deadly and addictive products heavily among these groups. One must question whether this violates state charters for incorporation, which generally require that a corporation does not harm the population.
Here is what Colorado's state constitution says about revoking corporate charters:
"Section 3. Power to revoke, alter or annul charter. The general assembly shall have the power to alter, revoke or annul any charter of incorporation now existing and revocable at the adoption of this constitution, or any that may hereafter be created, whenever in their opinion it may be injurious to the citizens of the state, in such manner, however, that no injustice shall be done to the corporators."
Would it be just or unjust to Philip Morris to revoke its corporate charter if it was shown to have knowingly degraded the health of Colorado's least well-off citizens to achieve higher profits?
Fields
- Quotes
A survey of the socioeconomic status of...panelists reveals that
1) Lower class panelists smoke more and are much more likely to be smokers than upper class panelists...
...Social class influences cigarette type very little except for lower class tendencies to smoke nonfilters and avoid health filters and 100 mm brands.
...Social class of respondents cannot be ignored in studying smoking behavior.
...Kinsey reports have shown that the sexual standards and behaviors of the classes differ; even casual observation shows that the classes have different likelihood of attending specific protestant churches (the funamentalist churches appeal of the lower classes, and the Methodist and Episcopal to the upper classes); many consumer studies reveal differences among classes in preference for private brands vs. tradenames, for type of retail stores frequented, and for concern with the appearance of their homes...
...A few recent studies have suggested that (as a consequence?) there are personality test score difference between the social classes, so that lower classes appear more anxious than upper classes. As a corollary to this observation, we note that still other investigatons report that the incidence of poor mental health is greatest among the lower class...To the extent that smoking is one of the available strategies people can adopt to combat stress, we therefore would expect greater incidence of smoking among the lower social classes.
...The naive experimenter who ignores social class and measures only intelligence test scores of...[smokers and nonsmokers] will therefore conclude "that smokers have lower intelligence test scores than nonsmokers." This is true, but it is a nonsense statement. It implies that smoking is somehow related to intelligence test score. Within each social class however each smoker has exactly the same score as each nonsmoker. What the naive researcher is seeing is the confounding effects of different social class intelligence socres and different proportions of smokers...
As a second hypothetical example, suppose that some index of poor health is related to social class in such a way that the well-paid, well-educated white collar workers enjoy better health than poorly paid, poorly educated laborers. Then, because the incidence of smoking differs between the social classes, we would find our research literature filled with obervations suggesting that smoking is related to poor health. The literature does show this, and it may be wrong.
At least part of the reported statistical relationships between health variables and incidence of smoking can probably be accounted for in this fashion.
The smoking and health relationships may be at least in part due to social class differences rather than to smoking per se.
It must be cautioned that this observation does not mean smoking is independent of health problems...
- Company
- Philip Morris Cos., Inc.
- Author
- Johnson, M.E. (Philip Morris)
- Ryan, F.J. (Philip Morris)
- Recipient
- Fagan. R
- Fountaine, S
- Graham, R
- Osdene, T
- Resnick, F
- Seligman, R
- Thomson, R
- Udow, A
- Wakeham, H
- Litigation
- United States
- Type
- Report- Scientific
- Subject
- Health effects
- Mental health
- Smoker psychology
Document Images
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TABLE 4
Percentage and Number of Status Inconsistent
Smokers withiin the Six
Combined Inconsi,stent Classes
No. of
Class N Smokers % Smokers
Income High 1,044 ~ 680
(plus Inc. Hi - 0cc. Lo 1119 82
and Inc. Hi - Ed. Lo) 99 69
Total 1,262 831 65.8
Educati on Hi'gh 331 204
(plus Ed. Hi - 0cc. Lo 27 17
and Ed. Hi - Inc. Lo) 11 5
Tota1 369 226 61.2
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Occupation High 96 71
(plus 0cc. Hi - Iinc. Lo, 4 2
and 0cc. Hi - Ed~. Lo 13 1 1
Total 113 84 74.3
Income Low 289 174
(plus 0cc. Hli - Inc. Lo 4 2
and Ed. Hi - Inc. Lo) 11 5
Total 304 181 59.6
Education Low 595 365
(plus 0cc. H,i - Ed. Lo 13 11
and Inc. Hi - Ed. Lo 99 69
Total 707 445 62.9
Occupation Low 708 426
(plus Ed'. Hi - 0cc. Lo 27 17
and Inc. Hi - 0cc. Lo 119 82
Total 854 525 61.5
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As a general rule these status inconsistent subgroups
have a higher percentage of smokers than do the top four
(status consistent) occupation classes of Table 2. The
greatest proportion of smokers in any status consistent or
inconsistent group is in the status inconsistent group with
higher occupations than their Income or education would
predict, a whopping 74.3%.
Comparing reported consumption of cigarettes, where
status consistent smokers averaged 25.7 cigarettes a day,
the status inconsistent smokers averaged 26.8 cigarettes a
day, over a cigarette more. The greatest reported daily
consumption among any of the status consistent or status
inconsistent subgroups was among those with low education.
The five groups with h1ghest consumption rates were all
.status inconsistent:
Rank Number
Cig,ts./Day
Education Low 1 29.1
Income High, Education Low 2 27.5
Income High 3 26.9
Education High, Occupation Low 4 26.6
Income Low 5 26.4
In Table 5, where c1garette type data are shown for each
of the status inconsistency subgroups we see that there are few
differences in type preferences between groups. Imgeneral all
the status inconsistent groups had preferences for nonfilter
and' health filters which more cl!osely resembled the two lower ~
status consistent groups than the hiqher status consistent ~
O
groups. No other differences are apparent. O
. ~
GD
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TABLE 5
Percentage of Status Inconsistent Smokers
(Six Typ)es)--Who Smoke Different
Product Types
85 mm
70 mm 85 mm 100 mm 85 mm Health
Class Nonfilter Reg: Filter Ref. Filter Menthol Filter
Income High 20.5 29.0 6.1 14.8 12.4
Education H'igh 17.3 25.7 11.9 15.5 11.1
Occupation High (21.4) (28.6) (6.0) (13.1) (4.8)
Income Low 17.1 35.9 8.8 14.4 7.2
Education Low 21.3 27.0 7.6 15.1 13.9
Occupation Low 14.9 31.8 7.0 16.6 13.0
Total 18.6 29.6 7.5 15.3 12.2
NOTE: Parenthesized entrfes are based on a small N.
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It is not clear why the status inconsistent* shoul'd
smoke sol much like the status consistent lower classes: They
may be under greater stress; they may have similar personalities;
they may have lower class origins; their inconsistency of status
may affect their social contacts; their social mobility may be
involved. Age may be a factor. We can only speculate.
The number of male panelists from age 25 to 59 is shown in
Table 6 for each 5-year age grouping and six occupational
classes, ranging from low to high. For conventence we will
describe these six groups as Lower Low, Upper Low, Lower Medium,
Upper Medium!, Lower High, and Upper High.
The continued inflation of incomes during the late '60's
and early '70's had its effects on our panelists and on the
criteria we had employed to define status consistency and incon-
sistency in '68.
We were unable to: send test products to some panelists
between 1968 and 1972, notably to nonsmokers and non-filter
smokers. Because of this fact, combined with the lack of a
continuous recruitment program, the anti-smokinig crusade, the
boredom of some panelists who received a number of cigarette
tests but nothing else, and the inability of the post office
to track people who had moved, many of our '68 panelists did
not respond to our '72 repolling.**
*It must be noted that the income measures are famil incomes.
When husband and wife both work, this will tenTto produce a
status inconsistent cl'assification with income high. Since
workiing wives are more common among the lower classes, some
of our status inconsistent smokers would have been classiffed
as status consistent lower class men if only their own incomes
were taken into account. This gives riise to an interesting
hypothesis: men with workiinq wi ves are more likely to smoke.
**The panel has subsequently been supplemented, and'~a continuous
recruitment proaram initiated.

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TABLE 6
Some Representative Occupations
% of
% of POL Panel Occupation
U.S. Pop. Over 25 Group Scores
Occupations
5.4 16.0 Upper 90-99 Architect, Lawyer, Chemist,
Hi~gh Manager of Department Store,
Professor
7.7 20.9 Lower 80-89 Draftsman, Social Worker,
High Mortician, Postmaster,
Secretary, Teacher
11.1 25.3 Upper 70-79 Policeman, Typesetter, Bank.
Medium Teller, Manager of Auto
Repair Service, Nurse, Tool
and Diemaker
13.7 13.2 Lower 60-69 Electrician, Construction
Medium, Foreman, Bus Driver, Plumber,
Machinist
35.0 1'3.3 Upper 35-59 Brick Mason, Carpenter, Auto
Low Mechanic, House Painter,
Operatives in Steel Mill or
Brewery, Barber, Waiter
27.1' 11.2 Lower 1-34 Shoemaker, Sawyer, Coal
Low Miner, Operative in Tobacco
Industry, Laundress, Truck
Driver's Helper, Fisherman,
Sexton
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Among the reduced panel, there were (a) a higher percentage
of smokers in 1972 than in 1968, 62.0% compared with 57.7%; and
(b) relatively more status inconsistent panelists, 4:7.0% compared
with 38.7%;
~
smokers
90
80
70
60
5 &
40:
.--------------~
consistent low
status inconsistent
consistent medium low
consistent medium
consistent medi'um high
consistent htgh
68 72
pane-Y panel
~
Fig. 1 - Changes in percentage smokers among the '68 and
'72 panels.
Fig. 1 shows that these trends are alike from group to group.
They are not to be interpreted as an indication of increased'
incidence in smoking in the general population over this period.
We attribute the i'ncreased incidence to the differential attrition
among smokers and nonsmokers.
Look.ing at the proportion of the panel in the different
status consistency groups (Table 7), we can see that most of
the fncrease in the proportion of the panel which is status
Inconsistent has come from decreases in the proportion of
panelists who are status consistent in the two lower classes.
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TABLE 7
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Percent of Panel in Each Group in '68 and '72
.. J..,4Y~+ .
1968 1972 Change
Consistent High 17.9 18.7 + .8
Consistent High Medium 9.4 8.0 -1.4
Consistent Medium 11.0 12.3 +1.3
Consistent Medium Low 13.2 8.3 -4.9
Consistent Low 9.7 5.7 -4.0
Inconsistent 38.8 47.0 8.2
We expected therefore, to find an increase in the propor-
tion of smokers who were status inconsistent with income high,
for they would have come principally from the two lower classes.
Actually the proportion of smokers was an identical 65.8% among
the income high panelists in '68 and '72.
DISCUSSION
To illustrate the i'mportance of social class, let us
conduct an imaginary research project In which we compare the
intel'ligence test scores of smokers and nonsmokers in a hypo-
thettcal population of 100 people. Let there be no within-
class d1fferences in test sc res, but let there be between
class differences in both test scores and proportion of smokers.
Then we might find the following:
No. of Intelligence No. of No. of
Social Class PeopIe Test Score Nonsmokers Smokers
Upper 10 11120 8 2
Middle 30 105 21' 9
Lower 60 95 20 40
Total 100 49 51
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The average test score of the 100 people is 100.5.
Ignoring Social Class, the average test score of nonsmokers
is 103.4, and the average test score of smokers is 97.7*.
The naive experimenter who ignores social class and measures
only intelligence test scores of the 51 smokers and' the 49
nonsmokers will therefore conlude "that smokers have lower
intelligence test scores than nonsmokers." This is true, but
it is a nonsense statement. It implies that smoking is some-
how related to intelligence test score. Within each social
class however each smoker has exactly the same score as each
nonsmoker. What the naive researcher is seei'ng is the
confounding effects of different soci'al class intelligence
scores and different proportions of smokers.
As a second hypothetical example, suppose that some
_index of poor health is related to social cliass in such a
way that the well-paid, well-edlucated white collar workers
enjoy better healthithan poorly paid, poorly educated'i laborers.
Then, because the incidence of smoking differs between the
social classes, we would find our research literature filled
with observations suggesting that smoking is related to poor
health. The literature does show this, and it may be wrong.
At least part of the reported statistical relationships
between health variables and iincidence of smoking can probably
be accounted for fin this fashiion.
The smoking and health relationships may be at
part due to social class differences rather than to
It must be cautioned that this observati,on does
smoking is independent of health problems. Consider
lieast i n
smoking per se $
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O
not mean 0
for example, ~
C
*103.4 =
[(8x120)
+ (21x105) + (2'0x95)]/49 D
97.7 =
[(2x120)
+ (9x105) + (40x95)]/51 m
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again using intelli'gence test scores as our example,
what the tabled data would'' look like if there were a two-
point difference in hypothetical intelligence test scores
for all smokers and nonsmokers in a given social cl!ass of
a population:
Social Class
No. of
Peopl.e
Intelligence
Test-Score
Nonsmokers
Smokers
Upper 10 121 8
119 2
Mi dd'1 e 30 106 21
104 9
Lower 60 96 20
94 40
100 49 51
104.3 96.7
Now the average nonsmoker has a test score of 104.3 and the
average smoker a score of 96.7,* a dAfference of 7.6 points
compared to the 5.7-point difference calculated earliier.
In practice, whenever there is an observed difference
reported in scores for "'smokers" and "nonsmokers" we can't
tell whether the difference is real unless we take out the
contributory effects of social class, or of variables related
to social class.
Incidental Note
We do have some evidence that, in the population as a
whole, there are IQ, differences related to social class. We
can combine this information with the data iin Tables 2 and the
census figures to come up with some hypothetical data for our
-$
panel: O
O
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*104.3 = [(8x121) + (21x106) + (20x96)]/49
C1~
96.7 = [(2xll9) + (9x104) + (40x94)]/51 Cb
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1 Number in
% of Our Est. % Non- 1,000 Panelists
1 Population Class _ID Smokers Smokers Nonsmokers Smokers
' 29.2 Professional 120 56.6 43.4 165 127
~ 15.3 Manager 110 49.0 51.0 75 78
18.0 Clerical Sales 105 4,3.1 56.9 78 102
21.6 Foremen,Craftsmen 105 41.8 58.2 90 126
~ 15.9 Operatives, labor 92 30.9 69.1 49 110
457 543
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We'd expect a random~1,000 people selected from the panel to
have 457 nonsmokers and 543' smokers, distributed as shown,
which would yield estimated IQ scores of 111.5 for nonsmokers
and 108.3* for smokers if social class were ignored. Again
within each social class, there are truly no differences in IQ
related to smoking,and nonsmoking.
It must also be noted that social class differences can
serve to mask differences between smokers. Consider a popula-
tion divided into three groups, in each of which smokers score
two points hi'gher than nonsmokers, with a 5-poinit difference
between groups.
No. of Intelligence No. of No. of
Social Class People Test Score Nonsmokers Smokers
Upper 10 104 8
106 2
Middle 30 99 21
101 9
Lower 60 94 20
96 40
100 49 51
97.8 97.3
*111.5 = [(165x120) + (75x110) + (78x105) + (90x1.05) + (49x102')]/457
108.3 = [(127x120) + (78xllO) + (102'x105) + (126x105) + (110x92)]/543
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